Journal articles: 'General Union of Eritrean Workers'

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Towne, Bill. "Union Screening Scores for Tannery Workers." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 2, no. 3 (November 1992): 40–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ns2.3.j.

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Repullo Junior, Rodolpho, and Jorge da Rocha Gomes. "Brazilian union actions for workers' health protection." Sao Paulo Medical Journal 123, no. 1 (January 2005): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1516-31802005000100006.

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CONTEXT: Many authors have emphasized the importance of worker strength through unionized organizations, in relation to the improvement of working procedures, and have reported on the decisiveness of labor movement actions in achieving modifications within the field of work and health. OBJECTIVE: To describe the ways in which Brazilian unions have tried to intervene in health-illness and work processes, identifying the existence of commonality in union actions in this field. TYPE OF STUDY: Qualitative study. SETTING: Postgraduate Program, Environmental Health Department, Faculdade de Saúde Pública, Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil. METHODS: Union health advisers and directors were interviewed. Documents relating to union action towards protecting workers' health were collected and analyzed. RESULTS: Unions articulate actions regarding workers' health of a technical and political nature that involve many aspects and high complexity. These have been divided into thematic categories for better analysis. DISCUSSION: Union actions regarding workers' health in Brazil are restricted to some unions, located mainly in the southern, southeastern and northeastern regions of the country. Nonetheless, the unions undertaking such actions represent many professions of great economic and political importance. CONCLUSIONS: The recent changes in health and safety at work regulations, recognition of professional diseases, creation of workers' health services and programs within the unified health system, and operational improvements in companies' specialized safety and occupational medicine services, all basically result from union action. There is commonality of union action in this field in its seeking of technical and political strengthening for all workers and their general and local representation. This has the objective of benefiting collective bargaining between employers and workers. Inter-institutional action on behalf of workers' rights guarantees and amplifies the improvement of health and working conditions.

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Dekker, Inez, Liane Greenberg, and Julian Barling. "Predicting union attitudes in student part-time workers." Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science/Revue canadienne des Sciences du comportement 30, no. 1 (1998): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/h0087057.

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Hartmann, Heinz, and Jörg Horstmann. "A Trade Union Information Strategy - The Case Of The German Metal Workers Union." British Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 3 (November 1987): 371–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.1987.tb00725.x.

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Tamara, KORTUKOVA. "PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF UKRAINIAN LABOR MIGRANTS IN EUROPE." Foreign trade: economics, finance, law 117, no. 4 (September 10, 2021): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31617/zt.knute.2021(117)05.

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Background. Citizens of Ukraine are one of the largest groups of seasonal workers in the European Union. At the same time, Ukrainian migrant workers often suffer violations of their rights abroad. In this aspect, Ukraine has an urgent task to protect the rights of Ukrainian seasonal migrant workers abroad. For European Union, despite the economic crisis that has led to higher unemployment, there is an urgent need for seasonal workers in the EU Member States, due to the fact that seasonal work is generally not attractive for the EU labor market. The aim of the article is to determine the features of protection of the rights of Ukrainian seasonal migrant workers in the European Union. Materials and methods. The research is carried out on the basis of general and special research methods, in particular, such as: discourse and content analysis, system analysis method, induction and deduction method, historical-legal method, formal-legal method, comparative-legal method, and others. Results. Seasonal work is one of the types of temporary employment, which is limited to a certain period of time. In the European Union, seasonal work is not attractive to citizens of the European Union. In this regard, it should be noted that the Member States of the European Union have a long practice of attracting seasonal migrant workers to their labor market, which was especially intensified in the post-war period, characterized by labor shortages on the European continent, which led to this policy development. Today, with the onset of the global pandemic COVID-19 and the starting of lockdown, the European Union still needs seasonal migrant workers, especially in the agricultural sector, to perform seasonal work. In this area, the EU has developed supranational legislation, which was analyzed in the article. Conclusion. Given that Ukrainians are one of the largest groups of seasonal workers in the European Union, it is important for Ukraine to protect its citizens abroad, which, in particular, can be strengthened by signing bilateral agreements with EU Member States on employment and social protection of Ukrainian citizens; agreements on mutual employment of employees; agreementson employment and cooperation in the field of labor migration, etc. Keywords: labor migration; seasonal migration; the right to equal treatment; Seasonal Workers Directive; bilateral agreements on labor migration.

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Kelly, Michael P., and Graeme Martin. "The Local Trade Union Organisation of White‐Collar Workers." Management Research News 11, no. 1/2 (January 1988): 49–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb027963.

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Protano, Carmela, Maria Luisa Astolfi, Elisabetta Marconi, Arianna Antonucci, Silvia Canepari, Daniel Piamonti, Marco Brunori, and Matteo Vitali. "Occupational Exposure Assessment of Major and Trace Elements in Human Scalp Hair Among a Group of Eritrean Workers." Biological Trace Element Research 197, no. 1 (December 2, 2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12011-019-01988-w.

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Robinson, A. K. L., and E. Variava. "The National Education, Health and Allied Workers’ Union (NEHAWU) strikes." South African Medical Journal 108, no. 11 (October 26, 2018): 886. http://dx.doi.org/10.7196/samj.2018.v108i11.13687.

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Brown, Garrett. "Immigrant Workers are Our Allies, Not Our Enemies." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 16, no. 1 (May 2006): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/6qbw-nnh2-0g0p-je3h.

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The cold, hard reality of the global “savage capitalism” will be the greatest recruiter for unions offering real protections for workers. Health and safety issues have long been recognized as key to organizing workers. There is a positive “union effect” on workplace health and safety when informed and active workers are part of a member-controlled union on site. Solidarity among all working people in the global economy is essential. It will be a challenge in the U.S. because of recent efforts to scapegoat immigrant workers. But it is crucial that we overcome that corporation-absolving approach. Our future depends on us seeing Mexican or Chinese workers—in the U.S. or in their own countries—as “fellow workers” with the same problems and goals as us.

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Jódar, Pere, Ramon Alós, and Sergi Vidal. "Why do workers leave unions? Group differences between workers in CCOO-Catalonia." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 17, no. 4 (November 2011): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258911419758.

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This article analyses the characteristics of members leaving trade unions in Spain – specifically the Catalonia branch of Workers' Commissions (CCOO-Catalonia) – alongside their reasons for leaving, using a variety of data sources. Our findings indicate higher union attrition among members in more precarious employment situations (i.e. temporary employment, low seniority). In general, union leavers confirm that their job situation is an important reason for leaving the union. We therefore conclude that efforts made by unions to support members in vulnerable labour market positions are also important in order to reduce rates of union attrition. Cet article analyse les caractéristiques des membres qui quittent les syndicats en Espagne – plus particulièrement la branche catalane des Commissions ouvrières (CCOO-Catalonia) – ainsi que les motifs de leur départ, en utilisant des données provenant d’un large éventail de sources. Il montre que la désyndicalisation concerne davantage les membres qui connaissent une situation d’emploi plus précaire (par ex. emploi temporaire, ancienneté limitée). En général, ceux qui quittent le syndicat confirment que leur situation professionnelle est un motif important d'abandon du syndicat. Nous concluons dès lors que les efforts consentis par les syndicats pour soutenir les membres qui se trouvent dans des positions vulnérables sur le marché du travail sont également importants pour réduire le taux de désyndicalisation. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Merkmale von Gewerkschaftsmitgliedern, in diesem Fall Mitgliedern des katalanischen Gebietsverbandes der CC.OO, die aus der Gewerkschaft ausgetreten sind, sowie die Gründe, die sie dazu veranlasst haben. Die Analyse von Daten aus unterschiedlichen Quellen zeigt, dass vor allem Gewerkschaftsmitglieder in prekären Beschäftigungsverhältnissen (das heißt mit zeitlich befristen Arbeitsverträgen oder kurzer Betriebszugehörigkeit) aus der Gewerkschaft austreten. Im Allgemeinen geben die Betroffenen an, dass ihre berufliche Situation ein wichtiger Grund für den Austritt aus der Gewerkschaft war. Um die Zahl der Abgänge zur verringern, ist es daher wichtig, dass die Gewerkschaften auch Anstrengungen unternehmen, um Mitglieder mit einer unsicheren Stellung auf dem Arbeitsmarkt zu unterstützen.

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Gereluk, Winston, and Lucien Royer. "Sustainable Development: A Trade Union Perspective." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 13, no. 1 (May 2003): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/061v-r7bk-gmw4-n3j1.

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Sustainable development has become an important issue for trade unions around the world, but progress on sustainable development has been slow. Agenda 21, which came out of the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, called on workers and trade unions to assume an active role. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the Trade Union Advisory Committee (TUAC) to the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) became influential players who represent more than 155 million members in 148 countries and territories. The implementation of Agenda 21 has been hampered by bureaucratic gridlock—a situation that trade unions propose to overcome through innovative strategies on workplaces and workers. They realize that sustainable development cannot take place without radical changes in production and consumption. Globalization is creating opulence on the one hand and grinding poverty on the other. ICFTU and TUAC propose a new “world order” that includes democratic decision-making, popular accountability, transparency, and local control. They have proposed priorities, outlined in this article, for an international approach to sustainable development.

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Ambedkar, Pindiga, and Vijay Prashad. "India’s Liberalisation Project and the Future of Trade Unions." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.164980.

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India’s ruling class, since the liberalisation period that began in 1991, has attempted to fragment and weaken India’s trade union movement. The main instrument for this weakening is to be the imf-drive ‘labour market reform’ agenda. However, the Indian working class has struggled against the structural process of being integrated into the global value chain, a process that has put pressure on the trade union movement even as trade union laws remain in place. Drawing upon a survey we have conducted amongst garment workers in the Delhi region, we describe the nature of the class struggle faced by Indian workers, and we introduce the reader to the character of the resistance offered by the workers and the unions.

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Pulignano, Valeria, Luis Ortíz Gervasi, and Fabio de Franceschi. "Union responses to precarious workers: Italy and Spain compared." European Journal of Industrial Relations 22, no. 1 (December 27, 2015): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680115621410.

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Topham, Tony. "The Early Years of the Transport and General Workers' Union: The Waterways' Group and the Canal Workers." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, no. 27-28 (April 2009): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2009.27-28.8.

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Crinis, Vicki. "Innovations in Trade Union Approaches in Malaysia's Garment Industry." Economic and Labour Relations Review 14, no. 1 (June 2003): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460301400107.

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Women workers employed in the export-oriented manufacturing sector in Malaysia have traditionally had poor access to representation by trade unions for two reasons. Firstly, government rules and regulations have prevented sectoral trade unions from representing large sections of the workforce, and secondly, unions themselves have not considered women their primary constituency. As a result, non-governmental organisations (NGO), rather than trade unions, have played an important role in educating women workers about their rights since the 1980s. In the garment industry in recent years, NGO activism has precipitated a change in the trade unions' focus towards women workers in general, and towards female overseas migrant workers in particular. Where once unions viewed migrant workers as undermining the wages and conditions of Malaysian workers, they now assert their right to equality in the workplace. This paper explores the context in which NGOs became involved in union-like activities and unions' responses to that involvement.

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Turner, Thomas, Lorraine Ryan, and Michelle O’Sullivan. "Does union membership matter? Political participation, attachment to democracy and generational change." European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 3 (April 23, 2019): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119844926.

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We examine whether trade union membership enhances political activism and beliefs in the democratic system, and argue that trade unions and union membership are more likely to develop workers’ capacities to participate as citizens in the democratic process. Union members are more likely to engage in political activities and hold more positive attitudes towards democracy than non-union respondents across 11 stable European democracies with varying levels of union density and collective bargaining coverage. A notable trend is the decline over generations of the positive gap in political participation levels between union and non-union workers. It appears that the effects of union membership for political participation and attitudes to democracy, though still significant, are less salient for the 1980s generation.

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Van Rie, Tim, Ive Marx, and Jeroen Horemans. "Ghent revisited: Unemployment insurance and union membership in Belgium and the Nordic countries." European Journal of Industrial Relations 17, no. 2 (June 2011): 125–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680111400895.

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The exceptionally high union density rates in Denmark, Finland and Sweden are attributed to a particular form of voluntary unemployment insurance, known as the Ghent system. Heavily subsidized by the state and administered by union funds, it strongly motivates workers to become union members. Belgium has a partial Ghent system: while unemployment insurance is compulsory, trade unions retain an important role in the provision of benefits. Belgian union density is at an intermediate level; but as in other Ghent countries, its level is currently higher than in the 1970s. This article argues that the Belgian institutional set-up provides stronger incentives for manual workers in industry with lower educational attainment and a past unemployment record. In Denmark, Finland and Sweden, the Ghent system recruits workers across different occupations and educational levels. However, its appeal seems to have lessened over recent years, particularly among younger workers.

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Johnson, W. Roy, and Gloria Jones Johnson. "A Model of Union Participation Among U.S. Blue-Collar Workers." Journal of Psychology 131, no. 6 (November 1997): 661–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223989709603848.

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Carmel, Emma, Kate Hamblin, and Theo Papadopoulos. "Governing the activation of older workers in the European Union." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 27, no. 9/10 (September 11, 2007): 387–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330710822084.

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20

Skedinger, Per. "Employment effects of union-bargained minimum wages." International Journal of Manpower 36, no. 5 (August 3, 2015): 694–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-02-2013-0037.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of collectively agreed increases in minimum wages for manual workers on employment transitions and hours. Design/methodology/approach – The econometric approach relies on the identification of workers affected by minimum wage changes, depending on their position in the wage distribution and contrasts outcomes for these workers to those for unaffected workers, with slightly higher wages. Findings – The analysis suggests that separations increase as minimum wages increase and that substitution between worker groups in response to changes in minimum wages is important in retail. In general, though, hours do not change much as minimum wages increase. Research limitations/implications – Analyses that deal with employment consequences of increasing minimum wages but disregard hours may exaggerate the overall decline in employment to the extent that job losses are concentrated among low-paid, part-time workers. Practical implications – With union-bargained minimum wages, unions and employers need to carefully consider the effects of increasing rates on employment. Social implications – The findings that there is a trade-off between higher wages among the low-paid and employment loss and that employment to some extent is reshuffled between individuals should be important from a welfare perspective. Originality/value – The literature on employment effects of minimum wages is large, but very few studies are concerned with union-bargained minimum wages. The assumptions of the econometric model are tested in a novel way by imposing fictitious minimum wages on lower-level non-manuals in the same industry, with turnover characteristics similar to those of manuals but covered by a different collective agreement with non-binding actual minimum wages.

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Mason, Michael, and Nigel Morter. "Trade unions as environmental actors: The UK transport and general workers' union∗." Capitalism Nature Socialism 9, no. 2 (June 1998): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455759809358791.

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Hardy, Kate, and Katie Cruz. "Affective Organizing: Collectivizing Informal Sex Workers in an Intimate Union." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 2 (August 22, 2018): 244–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218794795.

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Jarley, Paul, and Jack Fiorito. "Associate Membership: Unionism or Consumerism?" ILR Review 43, no. 2 (January 1990): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399004300203.

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Analyzing data from the Union Image Survey (a 1984 Harris poll examining workers' attitudes toward various forms of employee organization), the authors compare the motives and characteristics of workers who expressed a desire to join an associate membership program with those of workers who indicated a readiness to vote for traditional union representation. The results confirm the hypothesis that workers' interest in the types of consumer benefits offered by associate membership programs was strongly related to their interest in joining such programs but not to their readiness to vote for a union. On the other hand, general attitudes toward unions significantly affected both choices.

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Sheil, Christopher. "The Origins of Unions: Some Miscellaneous Sydney Workers in 1910." Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 3 (September 1991): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300301.

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In considering the causes and possible corrections for the current decline in Australian trade union membership, it may help to reflect on the origins of the movement. This article presents evidence and an argument about one aspect of the origins of the Federated Miscellaneous Workers Union (FMWU). The evidence concerns the social history of watchmen, caretakers and cleaners, who formed the original core of the union's membership. The argument is that these workers amounted to such an improbable basis for a union that the simple fact of their organization represents a substantial challenge to the common assumption in labour history that it is the cohesion of an occupational group that empowers it. To the extent that the origins of the union are typical, it can be suggested that the period of tremendous Australian trade union formation and growth between 1907 and 1913 owed much more to general political and, by extertsion, social conditions than it did to the specific circumstances of any particular section of workers.

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Forrester, Keith, and Kevin Ward. "Trade Union Services for the Unemployed: The Unemployed Workers' Centres." British Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 3 (November 1990): 387–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.1990.tb01002.x.

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Dalton, Glenn. "The Glass Wall." Compensation & Benefits Review 30, no. 6 (November 1998): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088636879803000607.

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Even though the nature of work has changed dra-matically in recent years, you would never know it by looking at the reward systems for America's 16 million unionized workers. While there has been much talk about using alternative rewards to motivate unionized workers, the action has failed to penetrate the glass walls that exist around organized workforces. Across all indus-tries, the narrow, highly focused and predictable jobs wrought by the Industrial Revolution largely have disappeared. To be effective, employees now have to do more than just show up and follow instructions. Like their nonunion counterparts, union workers must work in groups or teams that do not follow a predictable routine, and they increasingly find their jobs require problem solv-ing and participation in and understanding of the organizations they work for. It follows that com-panies should reward these union employees for the higher levels of performance required to excel in this environment. Here is where the misalign-ment is occurring. Finding it a challenge, but not an insurmountable one, companies are learning to use alternative rewards to focus and motivate unionized workers and invigorate union-man-agement relationships.

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Gorodzeisky, Anastasia, and Andrew Richards. "Union members’ attitudes towards immigrant workers: A 14-country study." European Journal of Industrial Relations 22, no. 1 (June 17, 2015): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680115589490.

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Grenier, Gilles, and Akbar Tavakoli. "Globalization and Wage Inequality in the Canadian Manufacturing Sector: A Time Series Analysis." Global Economy Journal 6, no. 2 (May 2006): 1850085. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1042.

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The deteriorating economic position of low-skilled workers relative to high-skilled workers appears to be one harmful effect of the economic globalization that took place during the 1980s and 1990s. In the present paper, we perform a time series investigation for Canada using as the dependent variable the relative wages of production and non-production workers in the manufacturing sector between 1970 and 2001. The independent variables include R&D, union density, immigration, imports from non-OECD countries, foreign direct investment, capital labor ratio, and number of workers in each group. The results show that the R&D expenditures and union density are two important variables in the explanation of the widening wage gap. The effects of immigration, imports, and FDI on wage inequality are found to be moderate.

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Prieto-Gonzalez, Mayelin. "ADA: Isolated Bouts of Depression Do Not Qualify as a Disability." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 31, no. 1 (2003): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2003.tb00073.x.

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In Ogborn v. United Food & Commercial Workers Union, Local No. 881, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit held that while major depression can constitute a disability under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), isolated bouts of depression do not. Furthermore, the court held that an employee's firing after taking medical leave for depression does not violate the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA), where evidence shows that the employee would have been fired for poor performance even if he had not taken the leave.Alleging that he was fired in violation of the ADA and the FMLA, Jerry Ogborn sued his former employer, Local 881 of the United Food and Commercial Workers Union, as well as the union's vice president. Beginning in 1980, Ogborn worked as a business agent for the union, which represents members employed primarily in the retail grocery industry. Ogborn's duties consisted of visiting retail grocery stores employing workers represented by the union, meeting with members about working conditions, and filing and processing members’ grievances.

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Devine, Francis. "The Irish Transport and General Workers' Union and Labour Unrest in Ireland, 1911." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, no. 33 (September 2012): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2012.33.10.

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Topham, Tony. "A Difficult Childhood: The Formative Years of the Transport and General Workers’ Union." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 37 (September 2016): 237–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2016.37.12.

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Bluen, Stephen D., and Caroline van Zwam. "Trade Union Membership and Job Satisfaction." South African Journal of Psychology 17, no. 4 (December 1987): 160–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124638701700407.

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The relationship between union membership and job satisfaction, and the moderating role of race and sex is considered in this study. Results show that both race and sex interact with union membership in predicting job satisfaction. A significant 2 × 2 × 2 (union membership × race × sex) interaction showed that white, non-unionized females were less satisfied with their work than black, non-unionized females. In addition, sex moderated the relationship between union membership and co-worker satisfaction: Whereas unionized males were more satisfied with their co-workers than unionized females, the opposite was true for the non-unionized subjects. Finally, union members and non-members differed regarding promotion opportunities: Union members were more satisfied with their promotion opportunities than non-union members. On the basis of the findings, implications and future research priorities are discussed.

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Chen, Feng, and Xuehui Yang. "Movement-oriented labour NGOs in South China: Exit with voice and displaced unionism." China Information 31, no. 2 (March 20, 2017): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x17698447.

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Movement-oriented labour NGOs in China are groups committed to the advancement of workers’ collective interests in a way very similar to that of trade unions in other countries. As the gap between workers’ demands for collective bargaining and their lack of union representation widens, the role of movement-oriented labour NGOs has increased. These NGOs are led and driven by former workers who have a strong consciousness of workers’ rights and who fought in the workplace for their fellow workers’ interests as well as their own. The leadership shown by former workers significantly accounts for the behavioural patterns and strategic choices of movement-oriented labour NGOs. The study reported in this article uses two descriptive concepts to characterize the emergence and role of movement-oriented labour NGOs: exit with voice and displaced unionism. The former refers to the social process by which former workers become activists of movement-oriented labour NGOs, while the latter points to a grass-roots labour movement facilitated from outside the factory gates. This article argues that, while having performed a trade union-like role and promoted worker-led collective bargaining, movement-oriented labour NGOs embody a fundamental predicament of the Chinese labour movement, which is that organized labour activism in the Chinese workplace is largely prohibited.

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Morrison, Claudio, Devi Sacchetto, and Richard Croucher. "Migration, Ethnicity and Solidarity: ‘Multinational Workers’ in the Former Soviet Union." British Journal of Industrial Relations 58, no. 4 (January 10, 2020): 761–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bjir.12518.

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Kaminski, Michelle, Jeffrey S. Kaufman, Robin Graubarth, and Thomas G. Robins. "How do people become empowered? A case study of union activists." Human Relations 53, no. 10 (October 1, 2000): 1357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a014108.

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Many organizations are interested in empowerment, believing that empowered workers will be more effective in reaching their goals. What does it mean to be empowered, and how do people achieve this state? Using qualitative data, we applied the developmental model proposed by Kieffer to a sample of 14 worker-trainers. We found that Kieffer's model worked well with this sample, with some modification. One is that workers did not have to feel personally threatened in order to become activists, as did Kieffer's original sample. A second is that not all workers followed the four stages in the order proposed. Our data also suggested that worker-trainers who had reached a more advanced stage of empowerment were more successful at their task. Finally, based on the model, we also highlight ways to design interventions to help people further develop their stage of empowerment.

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Marino, Stefania, Magdalena Bernaciak, Adam Mrozowicki, and Valeria Pulignano. "Unions for whom? Union democracy and precarious workers in Poland and Italy." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780330.

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Focusing on the cases of Italy and Poland, this article examines the link between union organizational democracy and the economic and political inclusion of precarious workers. It argues that union membership of vulnerable groups is not a necessary condition for the representation of their voice and economic interests by labour organizations; rather, these two forms of inclusion are shaped primarily by the institutional contexts in which unions operate as well as by their identities and structural characteristics. In both examined countries the economic inclusion of precarious workers has been more advanced, while the degree of their political inclusion has lagged behind and varied across major union confederations in line with two distinct models of unionism: a solidaristic and a diversity-oriented one.

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Mosimann, Nadja, Line Rennwald, and Adrian Zimmermann. "The radical right, the labour movement and the competition for the workers’ vote." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780317.

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This article analyses the capacity of radical right parties to attract support from union members in recent elections in Western Europe. It is argued that unionized voters resist the appeals of the radical right better than non-union members. Using data from the European Social Survey 2010–2016, the article shows that union members are overall less likely to vote for the radical right than non-union members. Even though it is found that unionized working-class and middle-class voters are less likely to vote radical right than their non-unionized peers in the pooled sample, it is also observed that these subgroups of unionized voters and especially unionized working-class voters are not immune to radical right voting in all the countries analysed. The article thus indicates a growing capacity of the radical right to attract unionized working-class segments of the electorate in some countries and to directly compete with left parties for these voters.

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Fernando Ramalho Martins, Daniel Wintersberger, and Aline Suelen Pires. "YOUNG WORKERS IN FLEXIBLE CAPITALISM." REVISTA DE CIÊNCIAS SOCIAIS - POLÍTICA & TRABALHO, no. 53 (March 23, 2021): 162–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.1517-5901.2020v1n53.53539.

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In this article, we analyse the use of young workers to promote new patterns of work utilisation, illustrating the discussion with an example from Brazilian civil aviation. Data were collected in Brazil during a PhD research. Here we are going to focus on the qualitative element of the study, which draws on 52 interviews with airline and airport workers from a legacy airline (TAM), three low fares companies (GOL, Azul and Webjet) and agencies that provide ground handling services (Swissport and Aero-Park), complemented by three focus groups with a total of 16 workers from low-cost airlines (GOL, Azul, Webjet, Trip). Participants were sampled through local trade union representatives at major airports in São Paulo (Guarulhos and Campinas) and Rio de Janeiro (Galeão and Santos Dumont). Our data shed light on a very dynamic sector that has been making intensive use of a young labour force during a moment of renovation of its competitors, including the low-cost airlines. Thus, our results dwell on the importance of young workers in the implementation of new patterns of labour utilization.

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Kornelakis, Andreas, and Horen Voskeritsian. "Getting together or breaking apart? Trade union strategies, restructuring and contingent workers in Southern Europe." Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 2 (February 29, 2016): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15627500.

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The article considers the strategies of trade unions towards the representation of call centre workers. Using a comparative case study, it examines the divergent union responses to the growth of contingent labour by looking at the telecommunications industries in Italy and Greece. Although the trade unions in Italy pursued inclusive strategies embracing the call centre workers and negotiating the restructuring of the whole sector, the unions in Greece followed a policy of exclusion leaving call centre workers outside representation and negotiating their internal restructuring. The article argues that the different union identities, and the diverse power resources and internal organizational politics help explain the variation in the trade unions’ strategic responses.

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Aguirre, Michael D. "Identities, Quandaries, and Emotions." Southern California Quarterly 102, no. 3 (2020): 222–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/scq.2020.102.3.222.

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The issue of transborder mobility posed a dilemma for U.S. labor organizations and for border communities that embraced workers, customers, and family connections from Mexico. Labor leaders including Ernesto Galarza of the National Farm Labor Union (NFLU) and César Chávez of the United Farm Workers (UFW) had to find ways of protecting U.S. citizen workers and yet humanely addressing the plight of resident aliens, permitted commuters, and undocumented workers from Mexico. Their strategies involved knowledge production and had to accommodate emotions. The article focuses on the Imperial-Mexicali borderlands, 1950s–1970s.

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Trafford, Zara, Alison Swartz, and Christopher J. Colvin. "“Contract to Volunteer”: South African Community Health Worker Mobilization for Better Labor Protection." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 27, no. 4 (November 20, 2017): 648–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291117739529.

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In this paper, we explore the increasing activity around labor rights for South African community health workers (CHWs). Contextualizing this activity within broader policy and legal developments, we track the emergence of sporadic mobilizations for decent work (supported by local health activist organizations) and subsequently, the formation of a CHW union. The National Union of Care Workers of South Africa (NUCWOSA) was inaugurated in 2016, hoping to secure formal and secure employment through government and the consequent labor and occupational health protections. Various tensions were observed during fieldwork in the run up to NUCWOSA's formation and raise important questions about representation, legitimacy, and hierarchies of power. We close by offering suggestions for future research in this developing space.

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CARMICHAEL, FIONA, and MARCO G. ERCOLANI. "Age-training gaps in the European Union." Ageing and Society 34, no. 1 (August 15, 2012): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x12000852.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines the relationship between age and training in the 15 European Union countries (EU-15) that were member states prior to the 2004 enlargement. The analysis is carried out using European Union Labour Force Survey data. We report cross-country comparisons of the training undertaken by older people (aged 50–64) and younger people (aged 20–49). We extend previous research by adding an analysis of the training undertaken by non-workers as well as that of workers. We also consider whether training is work-related, whether it is undertaken during normal work-hours and the time spent in training. Our results show that across the EU-15 not only are older people less likely to participate in training in general but, more importantly, they are less likely to participate in work-related training. Our evidence suggests that there is considerable scope for raising the training rates of older people and particularly older people who are out of work.

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Mahan, Bruce, Reggie Maclin, Ruth Ruttenberg, Keith Mundy, Tom Frazee, Randy Schwartzkopf, and John Morawetz. "Labor-Management Cooperation in Illinois: How a Joint Union Company Team Is Improving Facility Safety." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 28, no. 2 (February 21, 2018): 227–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291118759303.

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This study of Afton Chemical Corporation’s Sauget facility and its International Chemical Workers Union Council (ICWUC) Local 871C demonstrates how significant safety improvements can be made when committed leadership from both management and union work together, build trust, train the entire work force in U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration 10-hour classes, and communicate with their work force, both salaried and hourly. A key finding is that listening to the workers closest to production can lead to solutions, many of them more cost-efficient than top-down decision-making. Another is that making safety and health an authentic value is hard work, requiring time, money, and commitment. Third, union and management must both have leadership willing to take chances and learn to trust one another. Fourth, training must be for everyone and ongoing. Finally, health and safety improvements require dedicated funding. The result was resolution of more than one hundred safety concerns and an ongoing institutionalized process for continuing improvement.

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Elayassa, Wajih. "Workers’ Education in Palestine." Notes from the Field 48, no. 3 (January 29, 2014): 597–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021922ar.

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Due to the political context and the restrictions placed on general freedoms and trade union activities, workers’ education in Palestine remained informal and largely reliant on oral memory until the early 1990s. For decades, it was an integral part of political education. Workers’ education only became a stand-alone field after the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, when the change of circumstances enabled the Democracy and Workers’ Rights Centre in Palestine to focus on developing training materials and curricula specifically aimed at strengthening the Palestinian labour movement. First inspired and modelled on materials and courses taught internationally, the Centre’s labour education program has grown to encompass many locally produced materials and seeks to address specific challenges that face unions in Palestine.

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Chawla, Ginni, Tripti Singh, and Rupali Singh. "Operationalizing the antecedents and outcomes of union participation in the Indian context." Journal of Indian Business Research 12, no. 4 (April 11, 2020): 481–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jibr-03-2019-0086.

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Purpose Unions and organizations interests are often seen to be in competition. However, union-voice hypothesis suggests that unions can provide a distinctive mechanism to lower organizational costs by reducing exit behavior, absence from work and conflict levels at work. This study aims to look at union participation as a form of voice which is affected by a number of antecedents and in turn has an effect upon the workers performance (i.e. worker behavior effectiveness [WBE]) in an organization. Design/methodology/approach The study draws on data from 340 permanent labors working in 19 manufacturing units across different regions of India to explore both the antecedents and outcomes of union participation. Hypotheses are tested using mediation analysis. Findings Results indicate statistically significant relationships between union participation, its antecedents and WBE, with union participation partially influencing the relationship between the constructs. Originality/value Uniqueness of the study lies in its findings which report positive relationship among union participation, its antecedents and behavior effectiveness. Contrary to the traditional belief that unions are detrimental to the health of any organization, the study suggests that workers decision to join and participate in unions should be viewed positively because only if a person is willing to stay with the organization, he/she seeks to resolve the issues/problems through collective mechanism of union participation and which in turn leads to enhanced performance, reduced absenteeism at the workplace.

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Filho, Ricardo Framil, Katiuscia Moreno Galhera, and Leonardo Mello e. Silva. "Cross-border Trade Union Networks in Transnational Corporation: A comparison between sectors." Tempo Social 33, no. 2 (August 16, 2021): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2021.184497.

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This article analyses cross-border trade union networks in Transnational Corporations (TNCs) in the metal and chemical, garment, retail, and commercial banking sectors in Brazil. Conceptualized as global union responses to the growing reach of TNCs, such networks have been established in different settings in the country and have engaged major corporations outside of traditional industrial relations frameworks, venturing into the controversial field of social dialogue, corporate responsibility, and private governance. From different research backgrounds, our findings suggest that union networks in TNCs can be used to rearrange union prerogatives across different levels but remain embedded in previous institutional structures. In this sense, such unions incorporate existing union boundaries, including the exclusion of relevant groups of workers, even as they can scale up the scope of trade union action.

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Gasparri, Stefano, Peter Ikeler, and Giovanna Fullin. "Trade union strategy in fashion retail in Italy and the USA: Converging divergence between institutions and mobilization?" European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118817681.

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We investigate trade union strategies in fashion retail, a sector with endemic low wages, precarity and a representation gap. Unions in Milan organized ‘zero-hours contract’ workers, while their counterparts in New York established an alternative channel of representation, the Retail Action Project. We argue, first, that the dynamics of both cases are counterintuitive, displaying institution-building in the USA and grassroots mobilization in Italy; second, union identity stands out as a key revitalizing factor, since only those unions with a broad working-class orientation could provide an effective representation for fashion retail workers.

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Shin, Young-Kyu, and Tuomas Ylä-Anttila. "New social risk groups, industrial relations regimes and union membership." Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 3 (December 10, 2017): 242–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717735054.

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The literature on new social risk (NSR) groups, such as single parents and temporary workers, has argued that they are less likely to join trade unions than other employees. It has been suggested that this is due to the unions’ incapacity or unwillingness to promote policies that mediate NSRs. We argue that there are differences in unionization between different NSR groups, and that country-level institutional structures, operationalized here as industrial relations (IR) regimes, have effects on how likely NSR groups are to unionize. Our multilevel logistic models using European Social Survey (ESS) data produce three main results: (1) family policy-related NSR groups (single parents, female employees with children and female caregivers) are more – not less – unionized than the average worker; (2) precarious workers (low-skilled service employees, temporary employees and part-timers) are, indeed, less unionized than average but (3) this result concerns mostly the liberal and transitional IR regimes.

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Thacker, James W., Lois E. Tetrick, Mitchell W. Fields, and Don Rempel. "Commitment to the union: A comparison of United States and Canadian workers." Journal of Organizational Behavior 12, no. 1 (January 1991): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/job.4030120106.

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Brelik, Agnieszka, Ireneusz Żuchowski, Tadeusz Olszewski, and Cezary Pilcicki. "Workers’ Free Movement and Competence Management in the European Union: A Case Study." EUROPEAN RESEARCH STUDIES JOURNAL XXII, Issue 3 (August 1, 2019): 370–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35808/ersj/1478.

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Journal articles on the topic 'General Union of Eritrean Workers'

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