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1
Van, Der Rede Lauren. "The post-genocidal condition: Ghosts of genocide, genocidal violence, and representation." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6598.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD<br>As a literary intervention, The Post-Genocidal Condition: Ghosts of Genocide, Genocidal
Violence, and Representation is situated at the intersection of genocide studies,
psychoanalysis, and literature so as to enable a critical engagement with the question of
genocide and an attempt to think beyond its formulation as phenomenon. As the dominant
framework for thinking genocide within international jurisprudence, and operating as the
guiding terrain for interventions by scholars such as Mamood Mamdani, Linda Melvern, and
William Schabas, the presumption that genocide may be reduced to a marked beginning and
end, etched out by the limits of its bloodiness, is, I argue, incomplete and thus a misdiagnosis
of the problem, to various effects. Moreover, I contend that it is this misdiagnosis that has led
to what I name as the post-genocidal condition: a deferred return to the latent violences of
genocide; enabled often through various mechanisms of transitional justice. This intervention is not a denial that under the rubric of the crime of genocide, as an attempt
to destroy in whole or in part what Raphael Lemkin referred to as an “enemy group”, millions
of people have died. Rather what I posit is that the physical violence of genocide is a false
limit – that the bloodiness of genocide has been mistaken for the thing-in-itself. Thus this
intervention is an attempt to offer another way of thinking the question of genocide by
reading it as concept, enabling a consideration of its more latent violences, its ghosts. As
such, I argue that genocide is first an attack on the minds of the persons who form the
targeted people or group, through the destruction of cultural apparatuses, such as books,
works of art, and the language of a people, to name but a few; and is lastly an attempt to
physically exterminate a people. Thus this intervention invites a return to Lemkin’s formulation of the term in Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of
Government, Proposals for Redress (1944); that the word genocide is meant to “signify”, and
as such offers a reading of the question of genocide as signifier, understood, I suggest, in the
Lacanian sense. Thus, I posit that genocide, as signifier, operates on both the levels of
metaphor and metonym, and as such both condenses and displaces its violence(s). The
metaphor for genocide as signifier is, furthermore, rather than the signifying chain as Lacan
would have it, the network. As such genocide is marked as text, rather than work; its
perpetrators not authors, as Lemkin and various pieces of legislation have described them, but
writers; and those who engage with the question of genocide, to whatever degree, as readers
rather than critics. Consequently, this intervention stages the question of the reach of
impunity and complicity, beyond the limit of judicial guilt and innocence. Metonymically,
the relational displacement at work within the network of genocide allows for a reading of the
various constitutive examples of the violence(s) that, in combinations and as collective,
produce a new signification, other than that of the definitional referent.
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Hubbard, Jessica Alison. "Breaking the Silence: Women's Experiences With Sexual Violence During the 1994 Rwandan Genocide." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/31946.
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In times of war, women are subjected to sexual abuse that is largely ignored by military organizations, media outlets, and international courts. Existing literature has illustrated how wartime rape was accepted or dismissed in the past, and how today, while this practice continues, international courts are beginning to identify the harm being done to women, making explicit how rape is used as a tool of genocide. In this thesis I argue that wartime rape serves as a means of genocide, a way to eliminate a group of individuals and their culture. A recent example of how rape worked as genocide is seen in the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Rape was used as a systematic policy to destroy a group of people, the Tutsi, through torture and the spreading of AIDS. The purpose of this research is to examine genocidal rape from the perspectives of women who were raped in Rwanda during the genocide. The focus is on gaining insight to wartime rape as a form of genocide and the aftermath of rape on the women and the culture within which it occurred. Qualitative, feminist analysis was used to answer the following research questions: How do women raped in the Rwandan genocide describe and explain their experiences with rape and its aftermath? How did the intersection of gender and ethnicity contribute to violence against women during the genocide? What are the implications of rape for the women who experienced it and for their families, communities, and their cultural group?<br>Master of Science
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Romero, Fanny Longa. "Corpo, sangue e território em Wounmaikat (nossa mãe terra) : uma etnografia sobre violência e mediações de alteridades e sonhos entre os wayuu na Colômbia e na Venezuela." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/25533.
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Os wayuu são um povo indígena de família lingüística arawak [arahuaca] que habitam na Península da Guajira, localizada sobre o mar do Caribe no extremo nordeste da Colômbia e na porção norte do extremo ocidental da Venezuela. Esta é uma tese que trata das dinâmicas coletivas e individuais dos wayuu. Eles estão culturalmente informados face à violência de genocídio no marco referencial do conflito interno armado na Colômbia. Sua dinâmica histórica e social tem sido perpassada pelo desdobramento da violência desde o período do contato colonial europeu, até os dias de hoje. Embora essa violência possa entender-se como um programa sistemático e racional de aniquilar as existências subjetivas e sociais do outro, pretendo ampliar essa perspectiva tomando em consideração uma dinâmica móbil e conflitiva de regimes de historicidade que aposta na agência social dos wayuu como sujeitos históricos. Os wayuu constroem, experimentam e significam dinâmicas culturais atreladas à violência de genocídio, mas que são ressemantizadas por eles através do protagonismo de entidades espirituais ativas que perpassam, tanto a vida como a morte enquanto planos contíguos, embora diferenciados, de existência social. Meu argumento é que wounmaikat (a mãe terra) dos wayuu é uma territorialidade física e social que tem como significante o espaço feminino no qual se vinculam as práticas sociais desse povo indígena. As mulheres wayuu constroem e mobilizam simbolicamente os sentidos da violência narrando e ressemantizando seus desdobramentos nos seus corpos e suas ações no palco das suas vidas cotidianas e no espaço público. Nessas ações elas reclamam pela reivindicação de direitos e travam embates com as estruturas políticas do Estado e do Para-estado. Nessa perspectiva são relevantes algumas questões: quais são os horizontes de sentido que mediam a ressignificação do genocídio no contexto social dos wayuu? Como as pessoas compreendem suas experiências individuais e coletivas na (e através) das relações sociais com seres existentes que potencializam também reivindicações por direitos dos wayuu? O que podemos dizer sobre a agência feminina wayuu e de uma etnopolítica em que as mulheres são tão visíveis e tão relevantes em seu protagonismo? Qual é o entendimento da territorialidade significada por eles como wounmaikat (a mãe terra)? Como se constroem as agências etnopolíticas dos movimentos indígenas, no espaço fronteiriço entre a Colômbia e a Venezuela? Para responder a essas questões, essa tese buscou uma aproximação com as lógicas na prática. O trabalho se sustenta em pesquisa etnográfica que tem como suporte metodológico a observação participante, em termos de uma relação de sentido com meus interlocutores wayuu.<br>The wayuu are an indigenous group of the Arawak linguistic family, and they inhabit the Guajira Peninsula, in northeast Colombia, on the Caribbean Sea, and the Western border of Venezuela. This thesis is about the wayuu´s collective and individual dynamics. They are culturally informed in the face of the genocidal violence contextualized by Colombia´s armed conflict. Their historical and social dynamics has been imbued by the violence that derived from the first contact with the European colonization, all through the present time. In spite of the fact that such violence could be understood as a systematic attempt to destroy the other´s subjective and social existence, I hereby intend to widen this perspective by taking into account a mobile and conflictive dynamics of historicity regimes that relies on the wayuu´s social agency as historical subjects. The wayuu build experience and signify their cultural dynamics related to genocidal violence. They confer such dynamics new meanings through the interference of active spiritual entities that impinge both on life and death as two continuous, though separate, realms of social life. I defend that wounmaikat (mother earth) is a physical and social place whose significant is the feminine space in which their social practices interlink. The wayuu women symbolically construct and mobilize the significance of violence by narrating and resignifying this violence, in the context of their daily lives and in the public sphere. In doing so, they claim for their rights and engage in political struggles against the State and the Para-State. In such context, some questions become relevant: what are the horizons of significance that mediate the resignification of genocide in their social life? How do these people understand their collective and individual experiences in the (and through) their social relations with existing beings that also enhance the wayuu´s claims for rights? What could be said about the wayuu´s feminine agency and about the ethnopolitics in which women are so relevant and visible? How do they understand territoriality, signified by them as wounmaikat? How are the ethnopolitics agency of the indigenous movements constructed in the border region of Colombia and Venezuela? In order to answer these questions, I have tried, in this thesis, an approach with the logics of practice. This paper is based on the ethnographic research, with participant observation as a technique, in the search of a relation of significance with my wayuu interlocutors.
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Regueiro, Antonella. "Redefining safety: An analysis of cultural and international safe havens in the context of genocidal violence." Diss., NSUWorks, 2017. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/98.
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The international community has shied away from instituting safe havens in conflict zones since the fall of Srebreniça in 1995. However, a look at the roles of safe havens in genocidal violence provides a deeper understanding of the need for these spaces to be established in a timely fashion. The strategic use of cultural safe havens as places for mass violence, necessitates the establishment of international safe havens for the protection of the targeted population, yet an analysis of the relationship between cultural safe havens and international safe havens has not been done before. As such, this research seeks to shed light on the relationship between the use of cultural safe havens, their inherent danger in cases of genocide, and the need for better models for international safe havens in times of violence. It is the researcher’s argument that to achieve this, the very perception of safety must be reimagined. Using content analysis methodology in the form of case studies, along with historical sociology, this research analyzes accounts of genocidal campaigns – Armenia, Rwanda and Bosnia – to explain the relationship between the dangers of cultural safe havens and the subsequent need for international safe havens that are established in time to save the victimized populations.
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Maddox, Kelly. "The strong devour the weak : tracing the genocidal dynamics of violence in the Japanese Empire, 1937-1945." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2016. http://eprints.lancs.ac.uk/81690/.
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The Japanese Empire, like other empires, had a potential for extreme group-destructive violence. This potential was unleashed at times between 1937 and 1945 as the Japanese military, engaged in wars fought, ostensibly, for the liberation and reconstruction of an ‘Asia for the Asiatics’, embraced measures which paradoxically allowed for the elimination of substantial parts, and sometimes the whole, of Asian population groups in specific areas. Despite the genocidal undercurrents of this violence, Imperial Japan has not typically been included within genocide and mass violence scholarship. Furthermore, because the emergence of extreme violence in the Empire was a turbulent and chaotic process, as opposed to a pre-meditated master-plan for the annihilation of a race, as popular understandings of genocide would suggest it should be, area specialists have eschewed involvement with this conceptual field. I address this neglect in this thesis. Using a methodological approach derived from consideration of more recent scholarship which has explored genocide and mass violence in European empires, I aim to trace the genocidal characteristics of violence in the Japanese Empire. In particular, I analyse this violence as part of a dynamic process of radicalisation and escalation. I show that, while Imperial Japan does not neatly conform to models of genocide based on conceptualisations which place it as essentially synonymous with the Nazi’s ‘final solution’, the insights of genocide scholarship are useful to understanding how, in the absence of an overarching intention to destroy Asian peoples, genocidal violence became an option in the Japanese Empire.
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Lönnberg, Linnea. "At the Endpoint of Violence : A comparative study between the genocide in Bosnia Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgian Abkhazia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341433.
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In an attempt to bridge the gap between theories of violent escalation and those of genocide, this paper theorizes genocide to be a strategic choice by leaders in response to a situation which they perceive to lack alternatives. This situation is expected to evolve out of a violent escalation, more precisely civil war. The empirical test consists of a structured focused comparison of one positive and one negative case; namely the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the conflict in Georgia over the region Abkhazia. The finding gives some evidence to the theory, however a more adequate theory needs to also involve a theorization of the ability to perpetrate genocide and not only of a lack of other alternatives. The study builds on previous research on the relationship between violent escalation and genocide, and findings are in line with existing research.
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Weiss, Nicole Marie. "The Invisible Genocide: Framing Violence Against Native Peoples in America." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1588843548526721.
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Sitkin, Rachel. "To Destroy a People: Sexual Violence as Genocide during Conflict." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/96.
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Sexuality is one of the most central elements of human existence. Throughout history, attacks on women have been common during armed conflict. Frequently military forces have viewed sexual violence as a spoil of war, a punishment to defeated populations, or as the deviance of rogue soldiers. However, there are conflicts in which sexual violence is used as a weapon. In these conflicts, sexual violence evolves from a facet of conflict to genocide. When a military force’s command utilizes systematic and widespread sexual violence as a weapon of war, in both intent and effect, it fulfills every condition of the Geneva Convention standards of genocide.
Three cases are analyzed within this thesis: Chile under the Pinochet dictatorship, Rwanda during its genocide, and Bosnia during the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. Motivations for each of the conflicts varied. However, the constant in all three conflicts was the intended elimination of a specific group and the implementation of a policy of sexual violence in order to do so.
In order for crimes to be considered genocide they must fulfill one of the following conditions, as stated in Article 2 of the Geneva Conventions, any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such: A. Killing members of the group; B. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; C. Deliberately inflicting on the group the conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; D. Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; E. Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. Egregious acts of sexual violence and torture were utilized by all three respective commands in order to murder, incur grievous mental and physical harms, destroy the group’s ability to procreate in the future and impose measures upon the group intended to bring about its end. This work demonstrates that irrespective of the cause of a conflict, when systematic and widespread sexual violence is used as a weapon of war, it is genocide.
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Rogall, Thorsten. "The Economics of Genocide and War." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutet för internationell ekonomi, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-116793.
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Preparing for Genocide: Community Work in Rwanda How do political elites prepare the civilian population for participation in violent conflict? We empirically investigate this question using village-level data from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. Every Saturday before 1994, Rwandan villagers had to meet to work on community infrastructure, a practice called Umuganda. This practice was highly politicized and, before the genocide, regularly used by the local political elites for spreading propaganda. To establish causality, we exploit cross-sectional variation in meeting intensity induced by exogenous weather fluctuations. We find that a one standard-deviation increase in the number of rainy Saturdays resulted in a 20 percent lower civilian participation rate in genocide violence. Mobilizing the Masses for Genocide Do political elites use armed groups to foster civilian participation in violence or are civilian killers driven by unstoppable ancient hatred? If armed groups matter, are they allocated strategically to maximize civilian participation? How do they mobilize civilians? I empirically investigate these three questions using village-level data from the Rwandan Genocide. To establish causality, I exploit cross-sectional variation in armed groups' transport costs induced by exogenous weather fluctuations: the shortest distance of each village to the main road interacted with rainfall along the dirt tracks between the main road and the village. Guided by a simple model, I come up with the following answers to the three central questions: (1) one additional armed-group member resulted in 7.3 more civilian perpetrators, (2) armed-group leaders responded rationally to exogenous transport costs and dispatched their men strategically to maximize civilian participation and (3) for the majority of villages, armed-group members acted as role models and civilians followed orders, but in villages with high levels of cross-ethnic marriage, civilians had to be forced to join in. Finally, a back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that a military intervention targeting the various armed groups could have stopped the Rwandan Genocide. The Legacy of Political Mass Killings: Evidence from the Rwandan Genocide We study how political mass killings affect later economic performance, using data from the Rwandan Genocide. Our results show that households in villages that experienced higher levels of violence have higher living standards six years after the genocide. They enjoy higher levels of consumption, own more assets and agricultural output per capita is higher. These results are consistent with the Malthusian hypothesis that mass killings can raise living standards by reducing the population size and redistributing assets from the deceased to the survivors. However, we also find that the violence affected the age distribution in villages, raised fertility rates among female survivors and reduced cognitive skills of children. Ethnic Income Inequality and Conflict in Africa This paper shows that income inequality between ethnic groups increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict in Africa. To establish causality, we exploit variation in rainfall over each ethnic group’s homeland. One standard-deviation increase in ethnic inequality increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict by about 66 percent. Our results have important policy implications to the extent that global climate change might affect different regions differently and thus increase inequality and conflict.
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Pitts, Teresa Ann. "Politics as Violence: A Girardian Analysis of Pre-Genocide Rwandan Politics." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32533.
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In 1994 genocide occurred in the tiny, crowded country of Rwanda in the Great Lakes region of Africa. What was unique to that genocide was its efficiency and use of low technology weapons: somewhere around 800,000 to one million persons were killed, mainly by machetes and bullets, and often by neighbors, former friends, or relatives that they knew by name. The killers had been well-prepared for their roles via myth-building and reinforcement of old fears against the victims. There was little to no international intervention, although Rwanda had close political ties with France and a colonial history with Germany and Belgium. Although dozens of books and articles have been written seeking to understand, in both practical and theoretical ways, the motivations of the killers, this research looks to add to that body of knowledge by considering the ideas of a theorist outside traditional political theory â René Girard â and how they may shed some light on the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Girardâ s conception of mimetic rivalry and his theorization of scapegoating illuminate society-based characteristics of political competition between well-established factions of Rwandan society. These characteristics, if subjected to various manipulations of social positioning and control, can serve to precipitate brutal acts of believed conciliatory violence against a perceived causal group. Without examining the origin of violence in society, an understanding of the 1994 genocide is incomplete, and policies designed to prevent such genocides from recurring may not be effective.<br>Master of Arts
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Sirik, Savina. "Everyday Experiences of Genocide Survivors in Landscapes of Violence in Cambodia." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1445868865.
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González, Belén. "The dynamics of state violence : repression and genocide in armed conflict." Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702726.
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Genocide is the most devastating form of state violence. Yet, the prevalence of genocide is not reflected in our understanding of its causes: Key questions such as the relationship between governments and citizens, the effect of civil war on genocide occurrence, the incentives for the escalation of state violence, or the causes of selective violence remain largely unexplored. This dissertation aims to answer these questions and to advance our understanding of the determinants of state violence in general, and genocide in particular. Using comprehensive data on state violence, I analyse how political opportunity structures and actors char- acteristics pose incentives for governments to escalate violence. This dissertation consists of three core chapters. The first chapter of my dissertation examines the escalation of state-led violence. It focuses on the political opportunity structures and the types of dissident groups that oppose the government. Drawing on a sample of countries with records of physical repression, the study finds that state violence spirals into genocide and mass killings when the government confronts violent dissent in situations of civil war. The second chapter offers a cross-national study of the conditions under which civil war fosters genocide. It examines the characteristics of the rebel groups and their association with the civilian popula- tion. Analysing cases of civil war, it shows that governments resor~_ to genocide during periods of intense armed dispute when rebels have close ties to the civilian population. Finally, the third chapter offers the first systematic analysis of the variation in the timing and severity of genocide. Considering cases of genocide in civil war, this study finds that goveruments resort to genocide at different conflict stages in relation to the source of the dispute, the rebel groups' strength, and their civilian support base. The study also finds that genocide severity is affected by the government's perception of threat and the size of the excluded population. Overall, the three studies 011 which this thesis is based significantly improve our understanding of the determinants of state violence and its escalation. The disser- tation greatly contributes to scholarly research on political violence and suggests several promising directions for future research.
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Rieder, Heide [Verfasser]. "Legacies of the 1994 Rwandan genocide : Organized violence, family violence, mental health and post-conflict related attitudes examined among families of genocide survivors and former prisoners / Heide Rieder." Konstanz : Bibliothek der Universität Konstanz, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1080243135/34.
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Peltola, Larissa. "Rape and Sexual Violence Used as a Weapon of War and Genocide." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1965.
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Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been used against civilian populations since the advent of armed conflict. However, recent scholarship within the last few decades proves that rape is not a byproduct of war or a result of transgressions by a few “bad apples,” rather, rape and sexual violence are used as strategic, systematic, and calculated tools of war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Rape has also been used as a means of preventing future generations of children of “undesirable” groups from being born. Rape and sexual violence are also used with the purpose of intimidating women and their communities, destroying the social fabric and cohesion of specific groups, and even as a final act of humiliation before killing the victim. In each conflict that is examined in this thesis, sexual violence is used against civilian populations for the specific purpose of genocide.
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Arnold, Richard A. "From Graffiti To Genocide: Why Are There Different Forms of Ethnic Violence?" The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1244224599.
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McDoom, Omar Shahabudin. "The micro-politics of mass violence : authority, security, and opportunity in Rwanda's genocide." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529310.
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Zraly, Maggie. "BEARING: RESILIENCE AMONG GENOCIDE-RAPE SURVIVORS IN RWANDA." online version, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=case1189191843.
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Ahmed, Nafeez Mosaddeq. "The violence of the Empire : the logic and dynamic of strategies of violence and genocide in historical and contemporary imperial systems." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.506828.
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EDELMAN, CAROL FAYE STERN. "Attitudes toward violence: the subculture of violence revisited ; Conflict and control functions of sexual humor ; Resistance to genocide : victim response during the holocaust." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184232.
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I. According to the subculture of violence theory (Wolfgang, 1957), people engage in interpersonal violence because they have internalized values that encourage this form of behavior. Data from the 1984 NORC General Social Survey were examined for correlations between the demographic variables specified in the theory and six items eliciting attitudes about interpersonal violence. The findings generally did not uncover the value differences between those social groups with low and high rates of involvement in violent crime as predicted by the subcultural explanation of violent behavior. Contrary to the theory, the relation of the demographic variables to approval of violence varied inconsistently across the items. Also, middle and upper class whites were more pro-violence than lower class blacks. II. This paper involves a functional analysis of sexual humor using a sample of jokes obtained from students in lower division Sociology of Human Sexuality classes. It was found that while the jokes provided some information about standards of sexual activity, they also communicated information consistent with traditional gender stereotypes. Both men and women were caricatured in a way that portrayed women as less important and lower in status than men. Sexual humor has much in common with racial and ethnic humor; all of these forms of humor distinguish dominant from subordinant groups, exaggerating the weaknesses of the out-group and the strengths of the in-group. III. This paper involves a critical evaluation of the current psychologically-based research on the Holocaust. The argument is made that the Nazi devastation occurred on two levels, the individual and the social. While the destruction of lives has been thoroughly discussed by Holocaust scholars, the social disorganization experienced by Jews while under Nazi rule has yet to be considered as a factor in the literature. We will discuss the destruction of the Jewish pre-war community infrastructure, examining how this destruction affected the outcome of Jewish armed revolt and how it led to the creation of a body of literature stimulating a sense of group cohesion and pride in group membership.
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Leader, Maynard Jonathan. "Ideologies and mass violence : the justificatory mechanics of deadly atrocities." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:069038eb-ffbe-4d31-8f17-8dc2dc67539e.
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This thesis seeks to provide an account of the role played by ideologies in acts of mass violence against civilians, such as genocides, murderous state repression, war crimes, and other ‘atrocities’. Mass violence of this kind has already received extensive study, with scholars frequently emphasising their belief that ideology is important. Until now, however, discussions of ideology have been held back by a lack of conceptual and theoretical development, leading to narrow portrayals of ideology’s role, vagueness over its relevance, and dubious assumptions about its theoretical implications. This thesis addresses these problems by building a more focused and integrative theoretical framework for analysing the ideological dynamics of atrocities. I engage in an extensive conceptual and methodological discussion, to establish the best way of defining and utilising the concept of ideology. In doing so, I emphasise how ideology can be important even for that majority of atrocity perpetrators who do not meet classic but misleading stereotypes of fanatical killers driven by burning hatred. I then detail my actual account of the ideological dynamics of deadly atrocities, which centres around the identification of six ‘justificatory mechanisms’: dehumanisation, guilt-attribution, threat-construction, deagentification, virtuetalk, and future-bias. These justificatory mechanisms describe sets of ideological processes that recur across different cases of violence against civilians, and which make that violence look permissible or even desirable to those who, in a variety of roles, carry it out. I then substantiate this account through three case studies: of Nazi atrocities, Stalinist oppression, and Allied area bombing in World War II. These cases demonstrate the cross-case applicability of the six justificatory mechanisms, and illustrate how the framework I offer allows us to construct more causally explicit, psychologically plausible, and comprehensive pictures of the way key ideologies feed in to the most destructive campaigns of violence against civilians.
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Campbell, Jason J. "On the Concept of Evil: An Analysis of Genocide and State Sovereignty." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003027.
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Earley, Jack. "Breaking a Violent Cycle: Human Rights and Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1229.
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This paper explores the apparent contradiction between Rwanda’s impressive and internationally-recognized development in physical, economic and social conditions largely driven by the Kagame’s administration policies and the pervasive human rights violations also resulting from government policy. The author asks the question whether the nation – two decades removed from the 1994 genocide which resulted in the death of 800,000 people in 100 days – is ready and capable of transitioning to a political system and set of policies that value human rights and economic development equally, and whether that transition would reduce the risk of future unrest and violence.
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Begley, Larissa R. "'Resolved to fight the ideology of genocide and all of its manifestations' : the Rwandan Patriotic Front, violence and ethnic marginalisation in post-genocide Rwanda and Eastern Congo." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7431/.
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Using ethnographic data and James Scott's (1990) concepts of public and hidden transcripts, this thesis examines fow the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) government's public transcript has been institutionalised through the use of 'genocide ideology' laws. It is concerned with understanding how the RPF's use of ‘genocide ideology' is a mechanism to facilitate a continuum of violence, which I argue has led to ‘ethnic' marginalisation. ‘Genocide ideology' is a legally abstract term that refers to discourses that contest – consciously or unconsciously - the government narrative regarding the 1994 genocide. As focusing strictly om the public transcript does not tell the whole storry about power relations between the RPF government and Hutu, it also explores hidden transcript. This is necessary as the Rwandan government employs the category of ‘genocide ideology' to silence dissent and to justify arbitrary arrest. For example, since taking power, the RPF government has strived to eliminate the Hutu/Tutsi identities, replacing the divisive identities with ‘Rwandan.' Those who use Hutu/Tutsi identities outside the context of the genocide are considered génocidaire sympathisers and legally guilty of ‘genocide ideology'. I argue that within the public RPF transcript on the genocide, the victim/perpetrator dichotomy has become intertwined with Tutsi/Hutu identities, creating a hierarchy of victimhood. I concluded by arguing that the violence, fear and marginalisation experienced by participants through the government's use of the public transcript in conjunction with ‘genocide ideology' laws is causing resentment, which could lead to further conflict.
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Hamel, Marie-Eve. "Mediated voices : nation/state-building, NGOs and survivors of sexual violence in postconflict Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23509.
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Mass ethnic violence, including genocide and ethnic cleansing, can take a variety of forms, but sexual violence often remains a key and defining feature. In the Bosnian war of 1992-1995 following the break-up of Yugoslavia, it is estimated that between 20,000 and 60,000 rapes were committed; and estimates are that between 250,000 and 500,000 rapes were committed during the Rwandan genocide in 1994. And yet the experiences and needs of these survivors of sexual violence can often remain marginalised through post-conflict reconstruction processes and beyond. Drawing on ethnographic and multi-method research, this dissertation explores and contrasts the post-conflict experiences of women who suffered from wartime sexual violence in Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina and the programmes offered by key NGOs that continue to work with them. Focusing on policies and experiences of re-integration and the creation of a sense of social belonging, I show that these women represent a distinct category of civilian victims of war, whose postconflict needs and experiences are often marginalized by both their states and their communities. The thesis’ empirical core draws on ethnographic fieldwork, which included participant observation of ten key NGOs, four focus groups with HIV-infected individuals and women survivors of sexual violence, semi-structured and unstructured interviews with 17 survivors, 23 NGO staff and a Rwandan government representative, as well as informal conversations with all of these actors and members of the local communities. This ethnographic data was complemented and contextualized with official statistics, as well as government and NGO documents, and with interviews conducted at UN Women and the UN Trust Fund. The main substantive findings of this dissertation are that following the end of the ethnic violence in Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina, the two states embarked on very different post-conflict reconstruction efforts. Rwanda has been characterized by an important process of nation-building, with the state outlawing ethnicity in favour of national unity, and implementing gender-sensitive policies to promote women’s rights. In contrast, the Bosnian-Herzegovinian state implemented policies mostly geared towards state-building, based on the rationale that the institutionalisation of ethnicity could only truly be accommodated through strong state institutions. The dominance of ethnic politics however overshadows other political agendas, such as gender policies, policies that have still not lead to transformative changes at the local level. These macro-policies importantly influence post-conflict experiences, most especially those of women who had survived sexual violence. My findings are suggestive of the complexity of the post-conflict experiences of the women I met, mostly in terms of social reintegration, where the macro-policies of post-conflict reconstruction continue to powerfully shape both their everyday lives and the work done by the NGOs. In Rwanda today, the women I interviewed mostly wish to be fully socially accepted and treated as part of their communities, with the NGOs offering them holistic support. But in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the women I interviewed today mostly demand legal recognition by the state, with the NGOs actively lobbying for this on their behalf. And yet, due to a shared experience of continuing everyday marginalization within both societies, as civilian victims of war, in both places the women often rely on NGOs to negotiate their social position within their states, nations and communities. This mediation role is structurally complicated by the NGOs’ relationships to donors and to the pressures of the state in which they operate. The impact of this is that through their mediation role NGOs reconstruct the women’s experiences in order to align with the priorities of the international donors and states in which they operate. Consequently, the contrasts between the work done by NGOs in each country are clearly visible, despite the similarity of the war crimes experienced: Rwandan NGOs actively seek to increase women’s empowerment within their social community, while the Bosnian NGOs actively aim to increase the women’s voices within more explicit political agendas. The thesis’s key theoretical or intellectual contribution, therefore, concerns its relevance to intersectional scholarly work on post-conflict and gender studies. More specifically, my findings suggest that a shift occurred immediately following the end of the armed conflicts, where the women who had experienced wartime sexual violence and who were socially located outside the scope of justice of their ethnic enemies, suddenly found themselves outside the scope of justice of their own ethnic or national communities. Extending Mann’s (2004) and Opotow et al’s (2005) typologies of ethnic violence and moral exclusion, I then develop a specific framework for understanding the underlying moral shifts experienced by the survivors of sexual violence. In doing this, I seek to capture this gendered moral and social relocation and its consequences on the everyday lives of the women and the NGOs that work with them. This forms the basis for my theoretical contribution that the women moved from ethnic women to moral outcasts in the aftermath of the ethnic violence, and that this exclusion is contextually shaped since the priorities for social reintegration are different in Rwanda to BiH. Addressing these priorities then requires different forms of post-conflict inclusion.
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Rich, Samantha. "State actions and response following instances of politicide." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5624.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 12, 2008) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Awele, Emmanuel Chukwudi. "Globalization and slow violence : slow genocide at the periphery in Jeannette Armstrong’s Whispering in shadows and Kaine Agary’s Yellow-Yellow." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/6850.
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Abstract : The work that follows analyses the environmental, cultural, economic and rhetorical methods of conceptualizing violence affecting traditional Niger-Deltan and pan-Indigenous peoples. Whispering in Shadows by Jeanette Armstrong and Yellow-Yellow by Kaine Agary represent how Okanagan and other pan-Indigenous peoples of the Americas and Niger Deltans experience contemporary forms of slow genocide as a result of environmental pollution and various forms of displacement from ancestral spaces. This analysis of both texts brings to the fore the Indigenous sense of life, well-being, and progress that is grounded in a holistic view of communal life on traditional lands, and places it in contrast with the non-traditional use of traditional lands, as well as the exploitation of Okanagan and Nigerian Indigenous peoples produced by the dominant socio-economic realities controlled by the forces of globalization.
Indigenous environmentalism reflected by Armstrong’s and Agary’s novels views human relationships with the land in terms of an interconnected familial dependence, and not within extreme notions of romanticized abstinence from dependence on land or of capitalist exploitative use of land. In the light of the environmental criticism of Yellow-Yellow and Whispering in Shadows, I propose that both texts may be read as eco-literature. However the ecocritical work of both novels is based, not on Western-identified notions of ecocriticism that often prioritize the non-human through what Graham Huggan and Helen Tiffin describe as “anti-human” environmentalism. Rather, the novels adopt an Indigenous view of humans and non-humans not as competing subjects, but as interdependent and interrelated parts of one entity: the land. Agary’s and Armstrong’s renderings of displacement disrupt dominant utilitarian perceptions of the land by showing that it carries meaning and identity that encompasses culture, social, personal and communal existence. I suggest that a reaffirmation of culturally-grounded relations with the land, a reconnection to land and rebuilding of localized networks between Individuals in eco-devastated communities and between such communities in a form of globalization-from-below provides a strong base for healing, for cultural preservation, and for creative collaborative responses and solutions to globalization. Global minority collaboration and cultural affirmation ultimately has potentials of destabilizing and resisting globalization in sustainable ways. They insulate communities from the hegemony of the dominant Western socio-cultural models.
The close familial ties between Indigenous peoples and the land, coupled with historic, cultural and economic meaning of land to such communities suggest that the loss of traditional land under systems of globalization is a traumatizing and devastating experience for traditional peoples. I argue that such cultural and physical dislocation normalizes a trend of infighting and social instability, which becomes a self-reproducing violence that exacerbates the process of slow genocide: “the emotional and physical harm done to survivors of violence over time that leads to extreme hardship and premature death for many” (Cottam, Huseby, and Lutze 2).
At the heart of Armstrong’s and Agary’s texts are critiques of both environmental and social injustices that emanate from industrial activities on Indigenous traditional lands. The environmental representations of Armstrong and Agary portray Indigenous perspectives that link environmentalism to the cultural, economic and social facets of sustainability. The pan-Indigenous and African environmentalisms represented in Whispering in Shadows and in Yellow-Yellow respectively do not define “environmental concerns” and issues of justice in terms of separate issues that need linking. Rather, they represent the issues of equity, justice, and environmental, spiritual and cultural stability as a one and the same interrelated issue of sustainability.<br>Résumé : Ce qui suit analyse des dispositifs environnementaux, culturels, économiques et rhétoriques qui engendrent le déplacement chez les peuples traditionnels autochtones et du Delta de Niger. Whispering in Shadows de Jeannette Armstrong et Yellow-Yellow de Kaine Agary représentent, de manière similaire, la façon dont les peuples traditionnels autochtones et ceux du Delta de Niger expérimentent les formes contemporaines du génocide lent sous forme de pollution environnementale, ainsi que des déplacements spatiaux. Cette analyse porte un regard particulier sur le sens de la vie, du bien-être et du progrès selon les cultures traditionnelles autochtones qui se basent sur une vision globale de la vie commune sur la Terre ancestrale. Cette cosmologie est mise en contraste avec la culture mondialisée qui encourage notamment l’utilisation non-traditionnelle des terrains et l'exploitation des peuples traditionnels autochtones.
L'environnementalisme autochtone reflété dans les romans d'Armstrong et d’Agary considère les relations des humains avec la Terre comme étant une dépendance familiale interconnectée. Cette relation ne se définit pas sur base des notions extrêmes d'abstinence romancée ou de non-dépendance sur la Terre. Elle n’est pas définie non plus par des notions de l'exploitation écocidaire capitaliste de la Terre. À la lumière de la critique environnementale de Whispering in Shadows et de Yellow-Yellow, je propose que les deux textes soient lus comme des éco-littératures. Cependant, le travail des deux romans écocritiques est fondé non sur les notions occidentales de l’écocritique qui privilégient souvent les non-humains dans un environnementalisme que Graham Huggan et Helen Tiffin (2010) décrivent comme étant « antihumain », mais plutôt sur celles qui considèrent les humains et les non-humains non pas comme des sujets en concurrence, mais comme les parties interdépendantes et intimement liées au sein d’une seule entité: la Terre. La conception de la question du déplacement selon Agary et Armstrong déstabilise la perception dominante matérialiste de la Terre en montrant que la Terre est porteuse d’un sens et d'une identité qui peuvent sembler arbitraires, mais qui englobent au fait la culture, la vie sociale, personnelle et communautaire. Je propose qu’une base solide pour gagner la guérison spirituelle, la préservation des cultures marginalisées et la lutte contre la mondialisation se trouve dans la réaffirmation des relations culturellement fondées avec la terre, la reconnexion à la terre et la construction de réseaux localisées entre les individus dans les communautés éco-dévasté, ainsi qu’entre ces communautés, dans une forme de « mondialisation d’en bas. » La collaboration entre les minorités et l'affirmation culturelle ont de la potentielle à déstabiliser et résister la mondialisation de manière durable. Cette globalisation d’en bas isole aussi les communautés de l'hégémonie des modèles socio-culturels dominants venant souvent de l’occident.
Les liens familiaux étroits que partagent les peuples autochtones et leur Terre, ainsi que les significations historiques, culturels et économiques de la Terre pour ces communautés autochtones, suggèrent que la perte des espaces terrestres traditionnelles sous les systèmes de la mondialisation est vécue comme une véritable expérience traumatisante et dévastatrice. Cette injustice normalise par la suite une tendance de la violence latérale et de l'instabilité sociale qui devient une violence autoreproductrice et qui maintient le processus historique du génocide lent: «le préjudice émotionnel et physique subi par les victimes de la violence au fil du temps qui mène à la pauvreté extrême et à la mort prématurée pour beaucoup» (ma traduction : Cottam, Huseby, et Lutze 2).
Au cœur des textes d'Armstrong et d’Agary se trouvent des critiques contre les injustices sociales et environnementales émanant des activités industrielles dans les espaces traditionnelles autochtones. L’environnementalisme d'Armstrong et d’Agary décrit des cosmologies autochtones qui interagissent entre l'écologie et les aspects culturelles, économiques et sociaux du développement durable. L’environnementalisme autochtone d’Armstrong et l’environnementalisme africain d’Agary, en fonction de leurs cosmologies traditionnelles respectives, ne conceptualisent pas des «préoccupations environnementales» et les questions de justice dans le contexte des questions distinctes qui devraient être liées comme la culture dominante occidentale les conçoivent. Pour eux, les questions de l'équité, de la justice, de la stabilité environnementale, spirituelle et culturelle ne sont qu’une et la même question du développement durable.
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Lewis, Alexandria. "What's In a Name? Genocide Early Warning Model for Humanitarian Intervention." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4035.
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There is much debate among genocide scholars as to the causes and even accurate definitions of genocide. Early warning developed to address the increasing need for humanitarian intervention in violent conflicts around the world. As a subset of genocide studies, early warning seeks to go beyond explaining the causes of genocide. The early warning model created here uses six indicator variables - government, leaders/elites, followers, non-followers/bystanders, outsider group, and environment - to detect the likelihood of genocide within a given case study. Four cases were chosen - Kenya, Nigeria, Yemen, and Ethiopia - and analyzed using the indicator variables to determine if these violent conflicts may already be or may become genocides. Preliminary findings show that the civilian outsider group is a vital component when determining whether or not a conflict is or may become a "limited-genocide" and that genocides are a function of the interaction of the six indicator variables and not just their presence. Other implications for sovereignty and humanitarian intervention are discussed.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science MA
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Jabiel-Córdova, Sally-Melanie. "La construcción de memoria y la sentencia a Alberto Fujimori por los crímenes de La Cantuta en la prensa peruana." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad de Lima, 2016. http://repositorio.ulima.edu.pe/handle/ulima/3013.
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La sentencia a Alberto Fujimori por los crímenes de nueve estudiantes y un profesor de la Universidad de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle - La Cantuta no solo puso por primera vez en el banquillo de los acusados a un expresidente latinoamericano por delitos de lesa humanidad, sino que reconoció las memorias, en plural y en lucha, que disputan la representación del pasado de horror y violencia en Perú. A diferencia del fujimorato, cuando la mayoría de medios de comunicación se coludieron con este, en el 2009 los diarios más influyentes del país hicieron un amplio despliegue del proceso judicial. El presente artículo ofrece una mirada interpretativa a dicha cobertura y su contribución a la construcción de memoria. Analiza la calidad de las noticias publicadas, así como los juicios y atribuciones reflejados en los editoriales de El Comercio y La República. Recoge los testimonios de algunos familiares de las víctimas, de políticos, periodistas y miembros de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (CVR), y contrasta ?ausencias? y ?presencias? en las narrativas de ambos diarios que revelan cómo, desde sus particulares líneas editoriales, contribuyeron a lo que Salomón Lerner Febres llama una "memoria previa", una selección de acontecimientos recuperados y conservados que, si bien difundidos de manera fidedigna, estuvieron encaminados a una ?memoria de reconciliación? necesaria para dignificar a las víctimas, fortalecer la democracia y consolidar la paz en el país.<br>Trabajos de investigación
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ALVES, FERNANDA BARRETO. "FROM BODY POLITIC TO BODY-POLITICS: SEXUAL VIOLENCE AS A PRACTICE OF EXCLUSION OF DIFFERENCE IN THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE OF 1994." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19505@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR<br>PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO<br>A presente dissertação apresenta a relação entre o processo de formação
das identidades, as dinâmicas de gênero e as práticas de marginalização da
diferença no genocídio ruandês de 1994. Mais especificamente, o objetivo
principal é avaliar de que maneira a produção da diferença – em particular, a
diferença de gênero – atua constitutivamente no imaginário local, permitindo a
adoção da violência sexual fomentada pelo Estado ruandês. Nesse âmbito,
demonstramos a interconexão entre o corpo político do Estado e a política do
corpo, possibilitando a construção da identidade nacional baseada no gênero e
inscrita no corpo físico do indivíduo. A pesquisa evidencia a violência sexual
como uma prática política, informada por uma construção social calcada no
gênero, na qual o corpo das mulheres Tutsis se torna objeto de intervenção estatal.
O arcabouço teórico que fundamenta as análises parte das contribuições das
perspectivas pós-estruturalistas de gênero, fundamentais para examinar como
identidades móveis e plurais são combinadas e construídas social e culturalmente
de modo a estabelecer uma interseção que delineia o perfil do grupo-alvo,
informando os tipos de violência a serem perpetrados na tentativa de construção
de uma comunidade homogênea e pura.<br>The dissertation presents the relationship between the process of identity
formation, gender dynamics and practices of marginalization of difference in the
Rwandan genocide of 1994. More specifically, the main purpose is to assess how
the production of difference - in particular, gender difference – acts constitutively
in the local imaginary, allowing the adoption of sexual violence fostered by the
Rwandan state. In this context, the research highlights the interconnection
between the body politic and body-politics, allowing the construction of national
identity based on gender and entered in the individual s physical body. Therefore,
it is argued that sexual violence is a political practice, informed by a gendered
social construction, in which Tutsi women s bodies becomes the object of state
intervention. The theoretical framework underlying the analysis is based on the
contributions of gender poststructuralist perspectives, contemplating the dynamic
in which plural and mobile identities are combined and socially constructed in
order to establish an intersection that outlines the profile of the target group,
specifying the type of violence being perpetrated in an attempt to build a pure
and homogenous community.
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CAMPOS, PAULA DRUMOND RANGEL. "GENDER RELATIONS AND THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITIES IN DARFUR." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=16716@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR<br>A dissertação discute a relação entre as identidades, a construção social de
gênero e a perpetração da violência no contexto dos genocídios. O objetivo central
é apontar como ocorre a inserção das violências contra o gênero nessas dinâmicas,
tendo como foco os crimes atualmente perpetrados em Darfur (Sudão).
Argumenta-se que a construção social de gênero atua constitutivamente nos
padrões de atuação do perpetrador durante os genocídios, informando suas
percepções e condutas. A pesquisa evidencia, portanto, como os genocidas
constroem a imagem do inimigo, que se soma aos papéis e expectativas baseados
em construções de gênero, para autorizar diferentes padrões de perpetração como
a violência sexual e os massacres seletivos. Nesse sentido, são relevantes as
contribuições da literatura de gênero e genocídio de autores como Adam Jones e
Charli Carpenter. Ao apontar como o genocídio depende da construção de uma
alteridade radical, o trabalho também utiliza o arcabouço teórico proporcionado
pelos trabalhos de Lene Hansen e David Campbell para contemplar a mudança
nas identidades e a autorização da violência de acordo com o contexto político. A
partir disso, é analisado como as identidades de gênero se articulam com a
identidade do outro durante os genocídios. Em suma, a pesquisa destaca a
necessidade de analisar o uso da violência contra o gênero nas dinâmicas de
genocídio de maneira mais abrangente do que a realizada pela(s) teoria(s)
feminista(s), revelando como o gênero pode representar um fator de insegurança
tanto para mulheres quanto para homens nesses cenários.<br>The dissertation discusses the relationship between identities, the social
construction of gender and the perpetration of violence in cases of genocides. The
main purpose is to comprehend how gender-based violence (GBV) occurs in these
dynamics, focusing on the crimes currently perpetrated in Darfur (Sudan). It is
argued that the social construction of gender interacts with the perpetrator’s
perception and actions by constituting different patterns of violence in genocidal
warfare. Therefore, the research shows how different patterns of GBV (such as
sexual violence and sex-selective massacres) are authorized as a result of the
interaction between the image of groups considered as enemies and the existing
gendered roles and expectations. In that sense, the academic contributions of the
literature on gender and genocide developed by authors such as Adam Jones and
Charli Carpenter are crucial for this work. Since the occurrence of genocide is
based on the construction of a radical alterity, the research also benefits from the
theoretical work of Lene Hansen and David Campbell. These contributions allow
us to contemplate the change in identities and the authorization of violence in
specific political contexts. Based on the above-mentioned theoretical reflections,
this dissertation will analyze how gendered identities are articulated with the
identity of the other during episodes of genocide. In sum, the present work
emphasizes the need to assess the occurrence of GBV by overcoming the blind
spots in feminist theories in order to acknowledge how gender constructions can
represent a threat to both women and men in these scenarios.
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Becker, Lior. "The Devils of History : Understanding Mass-violence Through the Thinking of Horkheimer and Adorno – The Case of Cambodia 1975-1979." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-299886.
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Why does mass-violence happen at all? This paper takes the first steps to establish a model to answer this question and explain extreme mass-violence as a phenomenon. This paper seeks to fill a gap in the field of research, in which models exist to explain the phenomenon of violence, with cases of genocide being seen as problems or exceptions, and as such researched as individual cases rather than as part of a wider phenomenon. This paper uses a selected part of the writings of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer to establish the basis for a model to explain extreme-cases of mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model includes 5 social elements - (1) Culture Industry (2) Mass-Media (3) Propaganda (4) Dehumanization (5) Ideological Awareness. When these pillars all reach a high enough level of severity, conditions enable elites to use scapegoating - to divert revolutionary attention to a specific puppet group, resulting in extreme mass-violence. The Five-Pillar Model is then used to analyze an empirical case - Cambodia 1975-1979 and shows how these pillars all existed in an extreme form in that case. This paper presents scapegoating as a possible explanation for the Cambodian case.
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Langley, Brandy Marie. "The Black Experience in the United States: An Examination of Lynching and Segregation as Instruments of Genocide." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5057.
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Abstract
This thesis analyzes lynching and segregation in the American South between the years 1877 and 1951. It argues that these crimes of physical and social violence constitute genocide against black Americans, according to the definitions of genocide proposed by Raphael Lemkin and then the later legal definition adopted by the United Nations. American law and prevailing white American social beliefs sanctioned these crimes. Lynching and segregation were used as tools of persecution intended to keep black people in their designated places in a racial hierarchy in the United States at this time period. These crimes were two of many coordinated actions designed to physically and mentally harm a group of people defined and targeted on grounds of race. These actions of mentally and physically harming members of the group do constitute genocide under both Lemkin's original concept of genocide and the United Nations' legal genocide definition. Studies of the black experience, although starting to gain some research popularity, are virtually absent from genocide historiography. This thesis aims to fill part of that void and contribute to the emerging studies of one of America's "hidden genocides."*
* "Hidden genocides" is a term that Alexander Laban Hinton, Thomas La Pointe, and Douglas Irvin-Erickson have used to describe intentional destruction of groups in human history (genocide) that are often denied, dismissed or neglected in popular and scholarly discussions about genocide. [Alexander Laban Hinton, Thomas La Pointe, and Douglas Irvin-Erickson. Hidden Genocides: Power, Knowledge, Memory. New Brunswick, NJ.: Rutgers University Press, 2014).
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Nicolaisen, Viktoria. "The systematic use of sexual violence in genocide : Understanding why women are being targeted using the cases of Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-394662.
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When describing sexual violence as a ’weapon of war’ or as systematic in the setting of a conflict, many times there is no distinction between how it is used during different types of conflicts. Moreover, they are often discussed as either a crime against the ”enemy” or a crime against women. This research seeks to describe sexual violence during the genocides of Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia and to find whether there is an underlying genocidal intent. It also aims to emphasize the intersectional nature of such crimes — the targeting of a woman on the basis of both gender and group belonging. With the use of books, journal and research articles, reports and interview transcripts — this paper is based on a qualitative research method aiming to describe the underlying intent of the strategic use of sexual violence targeting women in genocide. It is the interpretation of the gathered material and theories which enables the discussion to take form. The genocidal intent behind rapes and sexual violence is not only to use women as reproductive vessels, prevent births within a group and inflict such injuries that would make a woman suffer and become less worthy in her community — but also to humiliate a group through sexual violence in a way that fragments it into elimination. By acknowledging the heightened effect sexual violence and its genocidal intent has on the intersection of group belonging and gender, women’s suffering is not overshadowed by the atrocity of genocide. Women are often discriminated against on either the basis of ethnicity or gender; however, when one emphasizes both elements as reasons for women being targets of genocidal sexual violence, perhaps the crimes could be properly dealt with and responded to by the international community. The research concludes that the systematic use of forced impregnation, mutilation, sexual humiliation and targeting of female identity carries a genocidal intent — resulting in the fragmentation of cultures and communities and furthers female subordination. The crime of genocidal sexual violence is a crime against the individual woman and the group of which she belongs.
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Kamashazi, Donnah. "Dealing with rape as a human rights violation under Gacaca justice system." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1034.
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"Much work has been done on the 1994 Rwandan genocide both under ICTR and the Rwandan justice system. Among the crimes committed during genocide in Rwanda was the crime of rape. However, considering the rate of mass rape committed, there are few cases of rape prosecuted so far compared to other crimes of the same gravity, and nothing has been said about the causes of the low rate reporting of this crime by the victims. A Gacaca court, which is a traditional justice system, is also involved in prosecuting the crime of genocide and other crimes against humanity. This is a traditional justice system/community system, which is also a tool of reconciliation through revealing information about the crimes committed during genocide. This applies to rape victims who will be required to recount their experiences before the community court. On the other hand, the perpetrator may recount the crime he committed for the sake of sentence commutation. Whichever way, the rape victims will either face Gacaca courts through this procedure or go without accessing justice. Given the small number of individuals who have formally sought legal redress, one can safely assume that most survivors in Rwanda have not come forward, and live with trauma alone, and in silence. This paper has highlighted the gaps in the Rwandan justice system in relation to rape victims. Further still, the researcher has laboured to establish the causes of the low rate of rape cases brought before courts in Rwanda. The impact of the Gacaca justice system in relation to rape reporting has also been discussed. International human rights instruments relating to rights of both the accused and the victim have been considered and where loopholes appear, an alternative legal approach, which may provide security and confidentiatlity for the victims to achieve justice, has been proposed." -- Chapter 1.<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Doles, Alexandra. "The name of the game a framing analysis of media reporting on the 2007 Kenyan post-election violence /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1250166136.
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Edrosa, Martine. "L’inhumanité de l’humain : psychogenèse de la violence du tueur en série." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20084.
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Comment comprendre qu’un bébé naissant doté de vitalité et de potentialités à l’humanité, devienne un jour tueur en série ? Cette thèse propose une étude de la psychogenèse de la violence du tueur en série, à travers les cinq périodes qui structurent le développement humain : archaïque, infantile, latence, adolescence, adulte. Elle s’appuie sur un cas clinique et sur du matériel expertal. Ma réflexion s’ouvre par un parallèle avec la clinique du génocide, qui conduit à définir la criminalité des tueurs en série comme un crime contre l’Humain, invitant dès lors à reconstruire les différentes étapes de la déstructuration de leur processus d’humanisation. Le contexte d’émergence de cette criminalité est situé dans la rencontre avec un environnement parental impitoyable qui a désorganisé doublement, chez le bébé, l’appropriation de l’identité humaine héritée génétiquement mais aussi la construction de l’identité subjective construite au fil de l’enfance. La criminalité du tueur en série est envisagée comme une « organisation défensive » dirigée contre une « agonie primitive » spécifique (ou « angoisse impensable ») qui a « offensé » le potentiel à l’humanité du bébé, dans la lignée des théories de D. W. Winnicott. La violence du tueur en série est étudiée grâce à une construction théorico-clinique créée sur mesure, mais elle est aussi resituée dans le cadre plus large de l’inhumanité de l’humain. Surtout, cette thèse a le souci constant de proposer une réflexion accessible au lecteur néophyte en quête de réponses (victimes, familles de victimes, professionnels de terrain peu habitués à la terminologie psychanalytique)<br>How shall we understand that a new born baby full of life and ready to embrace humanity might become one day a serial killer ? The purpose of this thesis is to study the psychogenesis of the serial killer violence through the analysis of the five key stages which are structuring human devel-opment : archaic stage, childish stage, latency stage, teenage & adult stages. This work is based on a clinical case and experts’ documents.My work is starting with a comparison with the clinical analysis of a genocide, which is de-fining serial killers’ criminality as a crime against humankind, and therefore leading us to rebuilding the different steps of their humanity breakdown process. The context, in which this criminality is emerging, lays in the confluence with a ruthless parental environment which has disorganized both the baby’s ownership of the genetically inherited human identity and the construction of a subjective identity. The serial killer criminality is considered as a “defense organization” aimed at protecting against a specific “primitive agony” (or “unthinkable anxiety”) which has “offended” the baby’s potential to humanity – in line with D.W. Winnicott’s theories.The serial killer’s violence is studied using a custom made theoretical and clinical construction, but it is also considered in the wider scope of human inhumanity. More importantly, this thesis aims at providing analysis and understanding which are accessible to neophyte readers looking for answers (victims and their families, field experts not used to psychoanalytic terminology)
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Tie, Tra Bi Irie Fabrice Raoul. "Famille et Violence dans la littérature francophone : le génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018CLFAL014/document.
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La présente thèse questionne la famille en lien avec des tueries de masse : le génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda. Le sujet a été développé sur deux grands axes. Un point d’histoire a présenté les déterminants socio-historiques qui ont favorisé l’extermination des Tutsi rwandais. Puis une analyse littéraire a établi une corrélation entre l’idée de famille et cette violence extrême, à travers un corpus d’écrivains francophones et de rescapés de cet événement. Ce qui a décloisonné l’étude du génocide contre les Tutsi au Rwanda du seul point de vue historique pour en faire un sujet littéraire. Dans ce travail de recherche, notre propos a insisté sur la situation des familles qui ont résisté et sur celles qui ont été décimées face au génocide ambiant. Et a informé sur une tragédie qui a fragilisé les liens de filiation au sein des membres d’un même ménage et rompue les alliances, la fraternité entre familles voisines. Cette étude a également souligné les configurations possibles de l’institution familiale après le génocide. Elle a montré qu’avec les massacres qui ont déstructuré les ménages, rompu les liens de filiations, les survivants pour amorcer une résilience, recomposent de nouvelles fratries, de nouvelles familles<br>This thesis question the notion of family in connection with mass Killing : the genocide of the Tutsi of Rwanda. It was developed on two main axes. A point of history presented the socio-historical determinants which favorised the extermination of the Rwandan Tutsi. Then a literary analysis established a correlation between the idea of family and this extreme violence, through a corpus of French-speaking writers and survivors of this event. What opened up the study of the Tutsi génocide from the only historic point of view to make a literary subject. In this research work, our subject insisted on the situation of the families which resisted and on those who were decimated in front of ambient genocide. And informed about a tragedy which weakened the links of filiation within the members of the same household and broke the relationship, the brotherhood between nearby families. This study also presented the possible configurations of the family institution after the genocide. It showed that with the massacres which deconstructed the household the survivors to begin an impact strength, recompose of new sibships, new families
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Narváez, Bruneau Nathalie. "La violence extrême à l’épreuve du genre : les voix des auteures du Rwanda et du Guatemala." Thesis, Brest, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BRES0037.
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Cette recherche prend comme point de départ la lecture de textes émanant de deux aires socio-culturelles différentes : le Rwanda et le Guatemala. Issus de narrations de femmes, publiés à partir des années 1980, ils font acte de témoignage d’un événement : le génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda et les violences de masse au Guatemala.Les récits sont mis à l’épreuve du genre littéraire et du genre comme construction socio-culturelle.Le volume aborde, pour commencer, les aspects historico-esthétiques de la représentation littéraire des violences du XXe siècle en Europe et aux Amériques. Il reconstitue l’histoire et les enjeux de la problématique contemporaine du témoignage. Mais encore, à travers l’analyse des différentes éditions des témoignages de Rigoberta Menchú et de Yolande Mukagasana, les dualités communes vrai/faux, fiction/réalité sont questionnées au sein du régime discursif du témoignage.Prenant appui sur la conception dynamique de la lectureécriture 1 pour appréhender l’objet discursif – paratexte, texte et leurs instances symboliques – l’étude s’attache à dévoiler les mécanismes propres aux processus de signification au travers de possibles interprétations.1 Milagros Ezquerro, Leerescribir., México; Paris, Rilma 2!: ADEHL, 2008<br>This study takes as its starting point the close reading of texts from two different socio-cultural areas: Rwanda and Guatemala. These female narratives published from the 1980s onwards bear witness to particular events: the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda and mass violence in Guatemala.Stories are examined through the prism of the literary genres of testimonio and témoignage, as well as through an understanding of gender as a socio-cultural construction.This research deals firstly with the historic and aesthetic aspects of literary representations of violence during the 20th century in Europe and the Americas. Itinvestigates the history of and contemporary concerns about ‘eye witness accounts’* ‘testimony’. Further, through the study and analysis of various editions of the testimonies of Rigoberta Menchú and Yolande Mukagasana, it questions the common dualities of true/false, fiction/reality in the discursive regime of the testimony. Based on the dynamic conception of readingwriting1 to comprehend the discursive object – paratext, text and their symbolic representations – this research aims to unveil the mechanisms at work in the signification process through various interpretations.1 Milagros Ezquerro, Leerescribir., México; Paris, Rilma 2: ADEHL, 2008
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Awitor, Etsè. "Dissonance, malaise et violence, post-indépendance dans la littérature africaine anglophone : du désenchantement à la déchéance ?" Thesis, Tours, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOUR2005/document.
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À travers l’analyse de la vie des protagonistes, le malaise et le dysfonctionnement socio-politique, économique et culturel des post-indépendances, cette étude met en exergue les différentes formes de violences dans les romans suivants : The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, Fragments d’Ayi Kwei Armah, Kill Me Quick, Going Down River Road, The Cockroach Dance et The Big Chiefs de Meja Mwangi et Dangerous Love de Ben Okri. La thématique de la désillusion s’incruste comme un leitmotiv dans tous ces romans. L’omniprésence de la désillusion permet de montrer le caractère violent de la perte des illusions. L’émergence des régimes dictatoriaux après l’indépendance dans plusieurs pays africains où la corruption, le clientélisme et l’affairisme sont érigés en mode de gouvernement entraînent une dissonance profonde et un malaise sans précédent. Si ces violences puisent, d’une part, leur origine dans la déstructuration de la vie sociopolitique, économique et culturelle causée par la colonisation, elles sont dues, d’autre part, aux dysfonctionnements de la société post-indépendante. Ces violences, ces dissonances et la tyrannie du pouvoir atteignent leur sommet dans un pays imaginaire, vraisemmblablement le Rwanda, où la cruauté des massacres et l'absurdité de l'idéologie de l'Hutu Power appelant au génocide des Tutsi dépassent l'entendement humain<br>Through the analysis of the daily life of the protagonists, the socio-political, economic and cultural post-independence dissonance and malaise, this study spotlights the different forms of violence as portrayed in Ayi Kwei Armah’s The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born, Fragments, Meja Mwangi’s Kill Me Quick, Going Down River Road, The Cockroach Dance, The Big Chiefs and Ben Okris’ Dangerous Love. The theme of post-independence disillusionment is pervasive in all these novels. The omnipresence of this disenchantment enables to point out the violence which is inherent in the loss of illusion. The dictatorial regimes which emerge in many African states, after independence, lead to a great and deep dissonance and unprecedented malaise: corruption, embezzlement and nepotism become the norms of ruling. If this violence finds its roots, on the one hand, in the violent socio-political, economic and cultural disorganisation of traditional African society by colonisation, it is also, on the other hand, due to post-independence disjuncture and bitterness. Tyranny of power, dissonance and violence have plunged an imaginary country, probably Rwanda , into an extreme violence where the cruelty of the massacres and the absurdity of Hutu Power's ideology exhorting Hutu people to exterminate the Tutsi are beyond all understanding
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Kaliski, Aurélia. "Pour une histoire culturelle du testimonial. De la notion de "témoignage" à celle de "création testimoniale"." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030179.
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Le statut du témoignage au sein du savoir est devenu un objet de questionnements, occasionnant des affrontements entre différentes disciplines à travers l’usage de paradigmes distincts. À partir du constat de l’«émergence» récente de la catégorie de «témoignage» dans le champ littéraire, cette thèse essaie de décrire son expansion et son extension au sein de plusieurs disciplines (droit, histoire, philosophie, critique et théorie littéraires) et d’examiner l’hypothèse selon laquelle son développement dans le champ des sciences humaines et sociales correspondrait en réalité à sa profonde mise en crise. Pour définir la notion de «témoignage» en littérature au XXe siècle, elle entreprend de poser les jalons d’une «histoire culturelle» des gestes testimoniaux et des notions de «témoignage», en vue de définir un objet théorique pertinent pour la théorie et la critique littéraires. Son but est de comprendre la manière dont le «témoignage» est devenu une catégorie à la fois nébuleuse et centrale de la vie culturelle en Occident, et de mettre en évidence la spécificité des formes testimoniales au XXe siècle. En introduisant les notions de «littérature testimoniale», d’«œuvre testimoniale» et de «création testimoniale» elle veut préciser la notion de «témoignage» et lui rendre sa complexité. Il s’agit donc de retrouver l’intelligence historique de la notion, afin d’en faire une catégorie pleinement opératoire pour le discours critique et de construire les fondements d’une «histoire culturelle du testimonial» qui retrace la rencontre entre l’art et le témoignage et explique l’émergence, au sein de la littérature, de cette forme nouvelle appelée «création testimoniale»<br>The status of testimony in knowledge has become a subject of questions, causing clashes between different disciplines through the use of distinct paradigms. From the observation of the recent "emergence" of the category of "testimony" in the literary field, this thesis attempts to describe its expansion and extension in several disciplines (law, history, philosophy, and critical literary theory), and examines the hypothesis that the progressive flooding of this concept in humanities and social sciences corresponds to a deep "crisis of witnessing". In an attempt to define the concept of "testimony" in literature as it appears during the twentieth century, this work aims at laying the foundations for a "cultural history" of testimonial gestures and notions of "testimony" in order to define an appropriate category for literary theory and criticism. Its goal is to understand how "testimony" became both a nebulous and central category in cultural life in the West, and highlights the specificity of testimonial forms in the twentieth century in the aftermath of the Holocaust, which must ultimately help clarify the concept of "testimony" and re-establish its complexity by introducing the notions of "testimonial literature", "testimonial work of art" and "testimonial creation". This thesis aims therefore primarily to recover the historical understanding of the concept, in order to make a fully operational category out of it for critical discourse, and to build the foundations of a "cultural history of testimonial gestures" which traces the encounter between art and testimony and explains the emergence, in literature, of a new form called "testimonial creation"
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Franks, Carl. "From the Destruction of Memory to the Destruction of People : Social Movements and their Impact on Memory, Legitimacy and Mass Violence - A Comparative Study of the West German Student Movement and the Serbian "Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution"." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324321.
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Challenges to the legitimacy of established collective memory can prove so inflammatory that mass violence, ethnic cleansing and even genocide have followed in their wake. However, if few doubt that the ethno-nationalist memory wars during the 1980s collapse of Yugoslavia contributed to the real wars and ethnic cleansing witnessed in the 1990s, no previous research has been able to explain why this is so. This paper pinpoints the determinant variable and causal link between attacks on memory and subsequent mass violence (or a lack thereof). It uses a theoretical model that ties together memory, legitimacy and power to compare the cases of West Germany’s 1968 student movement and Serbia’s 1986-1989 anti-bureaucratic revolution before establishing that the level of prior state repression is one factor that determines whether memory challenges will turn violent. The paper recommends further theory building over the permeable boundary that separates state and civil society, particularly in terms of how accessible state functions are to those social movements that seek to challenge and delegitimise memory.
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Mallison, Laura. "La Tirania de la Invisibilidad: La Necesidad de Reconocer y Analizar la Violencia de Genero en la Argentina." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/462.
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This thesis examines gender violence in Argentina in the context of the historic continuum of gender inequality, with a more in-depth analysis of gender violence during the 1976-1983 dictatorship. I argue that gender violence is perpetuated and normalized by its lack of recognition as a political issue with ramifications extending to daily life. I use the construction of a collective memory of the Dictatorship as a framework for making the intricacies of gender violence more visible and provide a detailed analysis of two laws against gender violence to demonstrate its systematic nature. Ultimately, laws are not sufficient to address such a widespread issue, and society is responsible for creating a dialogue that presents gender violence in a context that adequately addresses its complexities.
Esta tesis examina la violencia de género en Argentina en el contexto del continuo histórico de la desigualdad entre los géneros, y en particular analiza la violencia de género de la Dictadura de 1976-1983 y de la actualidad. Propongo que la carencia de reconocer la violencia de género en un contexto político la perpetúa y la normaliza. Utilizo la construcción de la memoria colectiva de la Dictadura como un ejemplo de estrategias para visibilizar las complejidades de la violencia de género y analizo dos leyes contra tal violencia para demonstrar cuán sistemática es. Al fin, las leyes no son suficientes para abordar un problema tan generalizado y normalizado y la sociedad es responsable de desarrollar un diálogo sobre la violencia de género y sus complejidades.
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Hofreiter, Christian. "Reading herem texts as Christian scripture." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ee28f70-12fd-464a-a373-6f0f795f88ec.
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The thesis investigates the interpretation of some of the most problematic passages of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, i.e. passages involving the concept or practice of herem. The texts under consideration contain prima facie divine commands to commit genocide as well as descriptions of genocidal military campaigns commended by God. The thesis presents and analyses the solutions that Christian interpreters through the ages have proposed to the concomitant moral and hermeneutical challenges. A number of ways in which they have been used to justify violence and war are also addressed. For the patristic and early medieval eras the thesis aims to be as comprehensive as possible in identifying and analysing the various interpretative options, while for later periods the focus lies on new developments. In addition to offering the most comprehensive presentation of the Wirkungsgeschichte of herem texts to date, the thesis offers an analysis and critical evaluation of the theologico-hermeneutical assumptions underlying each of the several approaches, and their exegetical and practical consequences. The resulting analytical taxonomy and hermeneutical map is an original contribution to the history of exegesis and the study of the interplay between religion and violence. The cognitive dissonance herem texts cause for pious readers is introduced as an inconsistent set of five propositions: (1) God is good; (2) the bible is true; (3) genocide is atrocious; (4) according to the bible, God commanded and commended genocide; (5) a good being, let alone the supremely good Being, would never command or commend an atrocity. If proposition (4) is assumed, at least one of the deeply-held beliefs expressed in the other four must be modified or given up. The introduction is followed by four diachronic chapters in which the various exegetical approaches are set out: pre-critical (from the OT to the Apostolic Fathers), dissenting (Marcion and other ancient critics), figurative (from Origen to high medieval times), divine-command-ethics,(from Augustine to Calvin) and violent (from Ambrose to Puritan North America). A concluding chapter presents near contemporary re-iterations and variations of the historic approaches.
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Çelik, Adnan. "Temps et espaces de la violence interne : revisiter les conflits kurdes en Turquie à l’échelle locale (du XIXe siècle à la guerre des années 1990)." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH112.
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La présente thèse a pour objet les conflits intra-kurdes à travers le double prisme de l’échelle locale et de la longue durée. Elle part d’une interrogation sur la guerre entre le PKK et l’État turc durant laquelle certains habitants ont choisi de s’engager aux côtés de la guérilla, d’autres de collaborer avec l’État en devenant korucu, d’autres encore, très minoritaires, de s’engager dans l’organisation islamiste Hizbullah. Par l’étude comparatiste des localités de Lice, Kulp et Silvan (au nord-est de Diyarbakır) des années 1830 aux années 1990, elle vise à apporter un éclairage détaillé, situé, et ancré localement des phénomènes de déstructuration et restructuration qui ont affecté les Kurdes de Turquie. Son approche se situe à la croisée de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie, combinant l’étude des sources écrites et l’enquête ethnographique, notamment à travers la réalisation d’une centaine d’entretiens, effectués entre 2013 et 2017 principalement dans les villages et chefs-lieux des trois terrains étudiés. L’axe principal de la recherche vise à exposer comment les clivages et conflits intra-kurdes ont été influencés et déterminés à partir d’une série de facteurs (dynamiques locales, appartenances tribales, recompositions internes à certaines familles, effets de socialisation et de politisation etc.). Les nœuds et interactions entre les dynamiques conflictuelles internes aux sociétés kurdes et la manière dont les politiques du pouvoir central entrent en jeu dans ces configurations sont un des axes de réflexion privilégiés. La perspective mobilisée s’appuie largement sur les sources orales et s’efforce de produire une histoire commune ou connectée se démarquant des historiographies kurdo-centrées et/ou « sunno-centrées », en incluant les diverses communautés ethniques ou religieuses habitant ou ayant habité la région. Elle accorde une attention particulière aux histoires et mémoires « mineures », aux formes de résistance discrètes, ainsi qu’au au rôle de la construction et de la transmission de la mémoire dans la persistance ou dans la reconfiguration des conflictualités internes. Les résultats de cette recherche, attentifs aux phénomènes de temporalité et de subjectivité, permettent de mettre en lumière la variété des facteurs d’engagement et des loyautés impliquées dans les situations de violence opposant différents acteurs kurdes entre eux<br>This dissertation explores the internal conflicts in Kurdish society from local context and long term perspectives. It departs from an interrogation on the war between the PKK and the Turkish state, during which some residents took sides with the guerillas, others chose to collaborate with the state by becoming korucu, yet a small portion of others got involved in the Islamist organisation Hizbullah. Through a comparative examination of the three localities Lice, Kulp and Silvan (in the north-east of Diyarbakir) from 1830s to 1990s, the present research aims at providing a detailed, situated, and locally anchored account of the phenomena of destructuration and restructuration that have affected the Kurds of Turkey. The approach adopted in the study is at the intersection of history and anthropology, combining the examination of the written sources and ethnographic survey, particularly through a series of interviews realised between 2013 and 2017 in the villages and main localities of the field of this study. The principal dimension of the research tries to clarify how the intra-Kurdish cleavages and conflicts were influenced and determined by a series of factors (local dynamics, tribal affiliation, internal recomposition in some families, the impact of socialisation and politicisation, etc.). Of great importance in the study are the interactions between the conflicting dynamics internal to Kurdish societies and the manner in which the politics of the central power step in to influence these configurations. The perspective adopted in the study relies largely on oral sources and tries to produce a shared or connected history, thus detaching itself from Kurdish-centred and/or “sunnite-centred” historiographies, by including diverse ethnic and religious communities living or having lived in the region. Special attention is devoted to “minor” histories and memories, in the form of secret resistance, as well as to the role of constructing and transmitting the memory in the persistence or reconfiguration of internal conflicts. The results of this research, sensitive to the phenomena related to temporality and subjectivity, help to clearly see the variety of factors in the involvement and loyalties that are influential in situations of violence with different Kurdish actors opposing each other
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Ing, Phouséra. "Surlendemain de cendres : essai sur la nécessité et les limites de la représentation en art : bande dessinée, peinture et sculpture dans l’Histoire récente et tragique du Cambodge." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H318.
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L’objet de ma thèse est de dévoiler et d’analyser mon processus de création, aussi bien dans ma pratique plastique que dans celle des arts graphiques. Si mes peintures et mes bandes dessinées semblent avoir peu en commun, elles sont non seulement enchevêtrées, comme si de leur rencontre pouvait se révéler ce qui n’est jamais tout à fait dit ni dans les unes ni dans les autres, mais elles s’épanouissent d’autant dans leur métissage, dans leur complémentarité. J’aborde la bande dessinée sous le prisme de ses fonctions mémorielles et documentaires. Ma recherche trouve son origine dans le questionnement de l’histoire contemporaine du Cambodge, et plus particulièrement de ce temps privé d’images, de cette déchirure que constitue le génocide perpétré par les Khmers rouges. Génocide effacé, dont les conséquences post-traumatiques perdurent jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Malgré le travail de la justice, et la reconnaissance partielle obtenue récemment, le déni de sa réalité et de sa signification se prolonge. Ma démarche artistique et testimoniale traverse le champ et le hors-champ du traumatisme. Il est plus que jamais urgent de lutter contre l’abrasion de ce passé. J’ai engagé toute mon œuvre dans ce travail mémoriel, du fait de la relation intime que j’entretiens avec la tragédie cambodgienne. Si ma création s’inscrit dans les pratiques artistiques contemporaines de représentation, elle constitue également une contribution au livre ouvert de l’histoire du Cambodge. Pour l’Histoire, pour le peuple cambodgien, pour les générations futures. Elle est aussi un hommage à ceux qui ne sont plus là<br>My thesis aims at unveiling and analysing my creating process, whether it be in my visual artistic practice or in my graphic arts practice. Although my paintings and my graphic novels seem to have little in common, not only are they intertwined, as if from their encounter could be revealed what is never completely expressed neither in the former nor in the latter, but they are thriving all the more in their mixing and complementarity. My approach to graphic novel is considered through the lens of its memory and documentary functions. My research finds its origins in the questioning as regards the modern history of Cambodia, and more specifically this time deprived from images, this wrench caused by the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. This genocide has been erased, and its post-traumatic consequences have lingered to this day. Despite the work of justice, and the partial recognition obtained recently, the denial of its reality and meaning is persisting. My artistic and memory approach reaches within and outside the scope of trauma. It is urgent, now more than ever, to combat this erasing from the past. Through my artwork, I have entered into this memory work, given the intimate relationship I have with the Cambodian tragedy. My creation is not only part of the modern artistic representation practices, but it is also contributing to the open book of the history of Cambodia. For the sake of History, for Cambodian people, for future generations. My creation is also a homage to those who are no longer here
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Thach, Thida. "La représentation de la violence faite aux femmes dans 'Un dimanche à la piscine à Kigali' de Gil Courtemanche et 'Je m’appelle Bosnia' de Madeleine Gagnon." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31460.
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La violence faite aux femmes est une réalité encore très présente, surtout dans les sociétés patriarcales, même après des décennies de lutte féministe. C’est aussi un thème privilégié en littérature. La présente thèse propose justement une analyse de ce thème à travers deux romans assez récents qui mettent tous deux de l’avant des aspects particuliers de la question : Un dimanche à la piscine à Kigali de Gil Courtemanche et Je m’appelle Bosnia de Madeleine Gagnon. Nous tenterons de cerner les différentes formes de violences à l’œuvre dans les deux narrations : la violence faite aux filles, celle faite aux femmes, et enfin la violence spécifique qu’engendrent les conflits armés avec le viol comme arme de guerre. Nous proposerons une analyse intersectionnelle de ces formes de violences afin de mesurer les représentations et les répercussions des notions de classe et de race eu égard aux toiles de fond différentes des deux romans : le génocide chez Courtemanche, le nettoyage ethnique chez Gagnon. Nous aborderons aussi les narrations sous l’angle de l’agentivité. Dans des sociétés fondamentalement patriarcales, quel pouvoir peuvent espérer avoir les personnages féminins sur leur destin personnel et collectif? Y a-t-il pour ces femmes fictives des stratégies possibles pour atteindre une liberté d’action, si mince soit-elle?
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Matignon, Emilie. "La justice en transition. Le cas du Burundi." Thesis, Pau, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PAUU2015.
Full textAbstract:
En réponse aux cycles de violences de masse et à la guerre civile qui ont jalonné son histoire douloureuse, le Burundi s’est engagé dans un processus de justice transitionnelle, officiellement depuis la signature des Accords de paix d’Arusha en 2000. Malgré la mobilisation des énergies internationales et l’omniprésence de la problématique au sein du débat public depuis douze ans, seules des consultations nationales destinées à recueillir l’avis de la population burundaise sur le sujet ont été organisées en 2009. Á l’aube de la mise en place d’une Commission Nationale de Vérité et de Réconciliation, à laquelle devrait être associé un tribunal spécial, le constat de la nature globale de la justice transitionnelle s’impose. Cette globalité s’exprime à travers le recours à des instruments à la fois judiciaires et extra-judiciaires mais également à des outils ayant vocation à s’appliquer de façon immédiate (ou conjoncturelle) et durable (ou structurelle). D’une part, dans une perspective normative et légaliste, le processus global de justice transitionnelle semble être cause d’inerties et de blocages comme peut a priori l’illustrer le cas du Burundi. D’autre part, à la lumière d’une approche systémique et inclusive, la globalité est au contraire source d’évolutions et d’émulations qui stimulent la créativité de la justice transitionnelle comme le démontre également le Burundi. Cette justice elle-même en transition est en réalité une justice réconciliatrice porteuse de doutes mais aussi d’espoirs. Elle est une justice complexe qui s’invente chaque jour, qui ne peut être efficace et efficiente qu’à condition d’être adaptée, légitime et appropriée par ceux à qui elle est destinée. Elle implique que soient trouvées des réponses satisfaisantes aux souffrances et aux besoins indissociables des victimes et des auteurs des violences de masse d’hier et des injustices sociales d’aujourd’hui. Elle a aussi pour ambition de prévenir la commission des crimes du futur en participant au renforcement de l’État de droit et, de façon plus globale, de rompre avec l’histoire de violences symboliques et actives subies et perpétrées au Burundi<br>As an answer to cycles of mass violence in Burundi, a transitional justice process has been opened. The Burundian case study presents some particularities among this kind of process. Whereas the Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement for Burundi in 2000 decided setting up two transitional justice instruments, a special court and a Truth Reconciliation Commission, the transitional justice process has not begun yet. Only National Consultations were organized in 2009. The negotiations and the mediation occurred during the ongoing war. There were no winners and no losers but just armed men who decided to discuss in order to conquer the power and then to keep it. That may explain why negotiations were so longer and staggered. A sort of consociativisme system was set up in Burundi as the model organization of power-sharing. Inside the politic game of power-sharing the peace-justice dilemma appears through instrumentalization of retributive justice which is assimilated to justice and the truth and pardon which claim referring to peace. Another particularity is found regarding numerous judicial and legal reforms relatively to children rights, lands conflict, electoral law or Criminal Code. On the eve of the implementation of the Truth Reconciliation Commission, the global nature of the transitional justice process is obvious. The Burundian context appears as an illustration of the extensive meaning of transitional justice which represents a justice in transition. The global nature of the matter is emerging through its temporal and disciplinary versatility. On one hand, transitional justice seems to be past justice, currently justice and future justice at the same time and on the other hand it may take several forms out of the official one, initially predicted. In a legalist and normative view, global nature of justice in transition might cause deadlock regarding the case of Burundi. In a systemic and multidisciplinary perspective, global nature of justice in transition reveals change capacities according to the case of Burundi. What really matter in such transitional justice process is relieving victims and perpetrators’sufferings which are undeniably linked and bringing answers to each protagonist of the crime as to the society with the permanent and ambitious aim of reconciliation
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Mazariegos, Juan Carlos. "A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-dbnq-d503.
Full textAbstract:
During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence.
Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war. Even less attention has received the affective and psychic dynamics between proper naming, state violence, and the symbolic formation of the Guatemalan state. This dissertation addresses that relationship and dynamic. Following a historical-anthropological perspective, I argue that, from the late nineteenth century to the 1960s decade, prior to the beginning of the civil war, the Guatemalan state took the form of a finca-state. The Guatemalan finca-state functioned by inscribing, in the form of proper names, lineages and inheritance of colonial and post-colonial origin that came to signify wealth, whiteness, renown, and surplus of pleasure or jouissance, in the form of White-European patronymics, by virtue of which, indigenous proper names were forced to occupy the position of loss. This form of inscription, I argue, produced the foreclosure of the indigenous other. For the indigenous pueblos, nonetheless, state enforced inscription established forms of interpellation that desubjectivized the conditions of their own institutions of proper naming by turning them into mere objects of identification. The politics of pseudonymity and anonymity that proliferated between 1979 and 1981, especially among indigenous people of the Guatemalan highlands, was a refusal of a form of state that excluded the possibility of their recognition beyond identification. In a deep sense, anonymity and pseudonymity enabled revolutionary militants to become truly others, a condition that disorganized previous forms of state identification. In their inability to respond to a sense of crisis under conditions of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity, the Guatemalan army responded with massive violence as an attempt at eliminating their sense of threat.
I pay particular attention to the Ixil region, where the UN sponsored Guatemalan truth commission concluded that the Guatemalan army perpetrated acts of genocide against indigenous communities of Ixil descent. This dissertation is based on extensive archival research conducted between the months of October 2014 and May 2015, extensive collective and individual interviews carried out between 2004 and 2007, and ethnographic observation in the Ixil region between May and October of 2015. Its methodology follows the routes of collaborative research, archival reading, and ethnographic participant observation.
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Mann, Carey Alysia Loren. "Racialized gendered violence : ‘domestic’ violence, black women and genocide in Brazil." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/27192.
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Although some analyses of genocide in Brazil consider the intersectionality of race, gender and class, few address the ways in which heteropatriarchy and sexism also impact women’s experiences with anti-black violence and terror. In order to better understand anti-black genocide in Brazil, we must take into account black women's multiple gendered and sexualized experiences with this violence. As a result, this thesis explores black women’s experiences with domestic violence as a form of anti-Black genocide. This contention, through an analysis of my fieldwork in Rio de Janeiro and Salvador in the summer of 2013 as well as my engagement with Black Brazilian feminist theory, argues that domestic violence against Black women occurs at both a macro and micro level. Essentially, State violence against Black women is domestic violence writ large. Micro-sites of domestic violence against black women, typified by inter-personal violence, are not isolated manifestations. Instead, they are extensions of macro-state processes of domestic violence. In other words, we must read inter-personal violence against black women as part of the continuum of the state’s racialized, gendered, sexualized violence against the broader black community.<br>text
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Gordon, Grant Michael. "Violence and Intervention." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D87944VP.
Full textAbstract:
In three complementary essays, this dissertation analyzes the causes of violent conflict and the impact of third-party interventions that seek to reduce violence and generate post-conflict political stability. In the first essay, I analyze how regimes in fragile states cultivate strong but loyal armies. Drawing on an original survey conducted with members of the Congolese army operating in North Kivu, the largest operational theater in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the epicenter of one of the most violent conflicts in Africa, I show that regime elites withhold payments in order to distinguish loyalty and evidence that this screening strategy drives high levels of civilian abuse. In the second essay, I assess the impact of ``Eyes on Darfur'', the first-ever satellite intervention implemented by Amnesty International USA amidst a brutal genocide with the objective of reducing violence. Using a high-frequency, sub-national dataset on genocidal violence, I show that this intervention resulted in pernicious and persistent effects: monitored areas experienced increases in violence during the program as well as in subsequent years, as did neighboring areas. In the third essay, and in collaboration with Lauren Young, we assess how peacekeepers cultivate cooperation with local populations in Haiti. Using a novel survey, we find that exposure to security and relief activities are associated with increases in cooperation whereas exposure to peacekeeper abuse undermines cooperative behavior. Together, these essays articulate a set of causes for violence against civilians rooted in the political economy of state institutions, analyze how human rights interventions are mediated by the underlying institutional dynamics in the countries in which they are launched, and examine how keeping the peace stems from altering the cooperative incentives local populations face.