Relevant bibliographies by topics / Genoese Merchants

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Genoese Merchants'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Genoese Merchants"

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Court, Russell Ives. "Merchants in Spite of Themselves: The Incidental Building of a Genoese Merchant Network, 1514-1557." Viator 33 (January 2002): 355–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.300550.

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Shpirko, Sergey. "To Count the Absent (or the Problem of the Total Number of Genoese Merchants in Byzantium)." Историческая информатика, no. 2 (February 2021): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2585-7797.2021.2.36061.

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The author develops a mathematical-statistical approach to the problem of estimating the size of Genoese medieval population in Byzantium. The data source is notarial acts covering commercial partnerships, freightage, wills, purchase and sale of houses, goods and people drawn up in the Genoese colony of Constantinople at the end of the 13th century. The will form has a fairly uniform structure. In addition to the mandatory record of names of the contracting parties and witnesses of the transaction, it may also register names of the third parties. Thus, these data on the clientele of Genoese notaries represent a dataset which may indirectly indicate the size of the entire trading Genoese community of Byzantium. This approach is based on a constructed formalized model that describes the behavior of merchants when visiting and concluding a transaction attested by a notary. This makes it possible to pass in a natural way from the initial to the statistical problem of estimating the size of a finite aggregate and use this mathematical theory for its calculation. In this case, the author applies the approach associated with the use of the maximum likelihood function that is a novelty. The resulting formula allows (with a certain degree of probability) one to estimate the required size of the Genoese population. It is interesting that this estimate, on the whole, coincides with the result of A.L. Ponomarev obtained earlier for the same problem using Zipf's empirical law.
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Coureas, Nicholas. "Crossing Cultural Boundaries in Merchants’ Wills from 14th-Century Cyprus." Perspektywy Kultury 30, no. 3 (2020): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2020.3003.05.

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The Western merchants operating in Famagusta, Cyprus—including Geno­ese, Venetians, Catalans, Pisans, Provençals, other nationalities, and Cypriot merchants based in this port city—drew up wills with Genoese and Vene­tian notaries, a number of which are extant. These wills impart information on the bequests these merchants made to family members and friends as well as to institutions, particularly churches, monasteries, and mendicant orders. Furthermore, they record the credits and debts of these merchants to various parties, decree the manumission of slaves owned by the merchants—some of whom also received bequests—and on occasion list material objects such as clothing, silverware, or sums of currency in their possession. We can glean from these types of information that merchants had commercial and personal relations with members of nationalities or Christian denominations different to their own, had slaves of various ethnic backgrounds, and had in their pos­session currencies other than that of the Lusignan kingdom of Cyprus, as well as objects originating from elsewhere. These are phenomena that testify to their geographical mobility and their willingness to cross physical, financial, as well as cultural boundaries. On occasion, they even bequeathed sums of money to individuals and churches of non-Latin rites. In this paper, I intend to examine and assess the importance and utility of such wills, explaining that through their contents one can discover how, why and the extent to which merchants crossed national, ethnic and religious boundaries in both their commercial and their personal dealings. In addition, the limitations of the information such wills offer and the reasons why these limitations exist will also be discussed.
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HANKE, STEPHANIE. "The splendour of bankers and merchants: Genoese garden grottoes of the sixteenth century." Urban History 37, no. 3 (2010): 399–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000532.

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ABSTRACT:The article analyses the diffusion of artificial grottoes in Genoa during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in terms of their role in the construction of the ruling oligarchy's social identity. No other artistic genre offered a more effective means for bankers and merchants to flaunt their wealth and their network of international contacts. Grottoes comprising expensive corals and exotic shells functioned as a strategic marketing device whose cost and splendour satisfied not only the discerning humanist but also made a profound impression upon non-expert guests who were, first and foremost, potential future business clients.
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Petri, Rolf. "Céline Dauverd, Imperial Ambition in the Early Modern Mediterranean: Genoese Merchants and the Spanish Crown." European History Quarterly 47, no. 4 (2017): 730–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417729639m.

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Hautala, Roman. "The Loss and Reacquisition of Caffa: The Status of the Geno­ese Entrepôt within the Borders of the Golden Horde." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 2 (2021): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-2.247-263.

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Research objectives: To analyze both the circumstances of the armed conflict of Genoese Caffa with the troops of the Golden Horde ruler, Toqta Khan, in 1307–1308, which ended with the temporary expulsion of Italian merchants from the Jöchid territory, and their return to Caffa under Toqta’s nephew and successor, Özbeg Khan. Research materials: The information on the conflict between the Genoese and Toqta Khan is contained in an anonymous continuation of the chronicle of the Genoese Archbishop, Jacopo da Varagine, dating to the middle of the fourteenth century; in the chronicles of the Mamluk authors, Baybars al-Mansuri and al-Nuwayri; and in a local Greek source, namely the Sugdeian Synaxarion. In turn, sources that provide information about the circumstances and conditions of the return of the Genoese are much more diverse. Of course, the most important details are contained in the official documents of Genoa and Caffa. Valuable details are also contained in the missionary sources of the Franciscans preaching the gospel within the Golden Horde. For its part, the Franciscan information is useful to compare with that found in Rus’ian sources regarding the relations of Catholic and Orthodox prelates with the Khan of the Golden Horde. Research novelty: This study highlights that the use of Franciscan sources appears to be extremely useful to complement the analysis of the relationship of the Genoese entrepôt of Caffa with the local authorities. Research results: An analysis of the conflict between the Genoese and the local authorities, along with the conditions of their return negotiated with the new Khan of the Golden Horde, reveals the obvious fact that Caffa, having undoubtedly grown in the Golden Horde period due to the activities of the Genoese immigrants, had to recognize its submission to the Jöchid rulers from its very foundation. The Genoese administration likewise recognized this dependence during the restoration of Caffa in the first years of Özbeg Khan’s reign.
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Necipoğlu, Nevra. "Byzantines and Italians in Fifteenth-Century Constantinople: Commercial Cooperation and Conflict." New Perspectives on Turkey 12 (1995): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001187.

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During the final centuries of Byzantine rule, the city of Constantinople, unable to recover completely from the effects of the Fourth Crusade (1204) and continuously challenged from two directions by the western world and the Ottomans, could no longer live up to its former glory and reputation as the magnificent capital of a powerful empire. Yet, surprisingly, the critical circumstances of the late Byzantine period that negatively affected almost every aspect of life in the city did not affect its commercial function to the same extent. Hence, despite persistent political, social, economic, and demographic problems during the last fifty years preceding the Ottoman conquest, Constantinople still continued to function as a lively commercial center where Byzantine merchants operated side by side with foreigners, including Italians, Catalans, Ragusans, Ottomans, and others. But the most active group of foreign merchants operating in Constantinople were the Italians, particularly the Venetians and the Genoese, who had established more or less autonomous trade colonies in the city and enjoyed commercial privileges (most importantly exemptions from customs duties) since the eleventh-twelfth centuries. Amplified and made more extensive during the Palaiologan period (1261-1453), these privileges pushed the native merchants of the Byzantine capital into a clearly disadvantaged position vis-à-vis their foreign competitors.
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Tazzara, Corey. "Imperial ambition in the early modern Mediterranean. Genoese merchants and the Spanish Crown, by Céline Dauverd." Mediterranean Historical Review 31, no. 1 (2016): 97–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2016.1173838.

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Abulafia, David. "Imperial Ambition in the Early Modern Mediterranean: Genoese Merchants and the Spanish Crown, by Céline Dauverd." English Historical Review 130, no. 545 (2015): 979–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cev161.

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Hershenzon, Daniel. "Imperial Ambition in the Early Modern Mediterranean: Genoese Merchants and the Spanish Crown, written by Céline Dauverd." Journal of Early Modern History 20, no. 2 (2016): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-00200002-01.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Genoese Merchants"

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Dauverd, Céline. "Mediterranean symbiotic empire the Genoese trade diaspora of Spanish Naples, 1460-1640 /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1417805071&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Mack, Merav. "The merchant of Genoa : the Crusades, the Genoese and the Latin East, 1187-1220s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/236169.

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The Merchant of Genoa is a study of the Genoese engagement in the affairs of the eastern Mediterranean during the late Middle Ages. In particular, the dissertation examinesGenoa's involvement in three crusades following the fall of the first kingdom ofJerusalem as well as the role played by Genoese in commerce and in the re-establishmentof the Latin society in the crusader states. The research focuses on the people of Genoa,merchants and travellers who explored the Mediterranean Sea, crusaders and theGenoese who settled in the crusader states, far away from Genoa. What these peoplehad in common, apart from being Genoese, is that they left records of their activitiesin the form of notarial documents. This is probably the earliest time in the history ofEurope in which such documents were not only recorded but also preserved forposterity. The existence of this collection of documents from the time of the crusades,many of which are as yet unpublished, is therefore an opportunity for a freshexamination of the events from the perspective of individual merchants and exploringthe economic interests of the commune. This dissertation addresses questions about the connection between crusade andcommerce. What motivated the Genoese to help the crusaders in 1187-1192? Why didthey not provide ships for the participants of the Fourth Crusade? How did the crusadeaffect Genoa's web of commerce? Special attention is given to individual and families ofGenoese who settled in the Latin East. The case of the aristocratic Genoese family of theEmbriaco is particularly interesting because of that family's integration into thearistocracy in the kingdom of Jerusalem. Issues concerning the loyalties and identities ofGenoese settlers in the crusader states are addressed and examined in parallel with theexamination of the activities of other Genoese, merchants and travellers, who wereinvolved in commerce in Muslim centres in the same period.
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Mackenzie, Robert James. "Social organisation and state control in two Genoese merchant colonies, Tunis and Famagusta, in the late thirteenth century." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252112.

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Miralles, Martínez Pedro. "Seda, trabajo y sociedad en la Murcia del siglo XVII." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10767.

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En esta tesis se analiza la sociedad de Murcia en el siglo XVII a través de los procesos de producción, manufactura, comercialización y detracción fiscal de la seda, con las finalidades de explicar la movilidad y la reproducción social de las elites surgidas del comercio sedero, así como indagar en las circunstancias que posibilitaron o no la formación de una grupo social burgués. La seda contribuyó a la caracterización de la sociedad murciana como una formación económica y social que tiene como principio fundamental la perpetuación y la reproducción social. Sin embargo, en esta estructura social existían algunas posibilidades de mejorar la condición que se ocupaba en la misma. Los actores sociales actúan para mejorar y garantizar su posición en la sociedad, ésta es más importante que la posesión de bienes materiales; no obstante, la riqueza y las relaciones sociales son imprescindibles para la lucha individual y familiar por el honor.
The essential thesis is to analyse the Murcian society in the seventeenth century through the process of production, manufacture, commercialization and fiscal taxation of the silk. In the same way it has the purpose of explaining the social mobility and social reproduction of the elite which arose out of the silk trade, and doing research in the circumstances which made possible or did not the formation of a social middle class group, the bourgeoisie. The silk contributed to the characterization of the society of the seventeenth century as an economical and social formation that has the perpetuation and the social reproduction as fundamental principle. The social protagonists acts in order to improve and guarantee their position in the society, this one is more important than the possession of goods; nevertheless, the wealth and the social relations are essential for the individual and family fight to get the honour.
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Books on the topic "Genoese Merchants"

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Musi, Aurelio. Mercanti genovesi nel Regno di Napoli. Edizioni scientifiche italiane, 1996.

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Nazione genovese: Consoli e colonia nella Napoli moderna. Guida, 2001.

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Campodonico, Pierangelo. La marineria genovese dal medioevo all'unità d'Italia. Fabbri, 1991.

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Balbi, Giovanna Petti. Mercanti e nationes nelle Fiandre: I genovesi in età bassomedievale. GISEM, 1996.

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Society, Bristol Record, ed. Robert Sturmy's commercial expedition to the Mediterranean (1457/8): With editions of the trial of the Genoese before King and Council, and of other sources. Bristol Record Society, 2006.

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Bueno, Ildefonso Pulido. La familia genovesa Centurión: (mercaderes diplomáticos y hombres de armas), al servicio de España, 1.380-1.680 : una contribución a la defensa de la civilización occidental. [s.n.], 2004.

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Imperial Ambition in the Early Modern Mediterranean: Genoese Merchants and the Spanish Crown. Cambridge University Press, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Genoese Merchants"

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Lo Basso, Luca. "Traffici globali. Corallo, diamanti e tele di cotone negli affari commerciali dei Genovesi in Oriente." In Atti delle «Settimane di Studi» e altri Convegni. Firenze University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-857-0.28.

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Genoese merchants, who certainly did not disappear after 1627, during the second half of the century were able to establish new global-scale commercial networks on a par with those of other merchant communities (those of the Jews for instance). In the 1660s and for a few decades, Genoese goods – paper and fabrics – sailed to the Indies with African slaves. On their way back, the same Genoese ships would carry tonnes of silver and a wealth of other colonial goods thereby increasing trade with the East. This commercial framework is the backdrop to the story of Nicolò and Pietro Francesco Fieschi, two brothers whose lives testify how between the second half of the seventeenth century and the early decades of the eighteenth century, merchants from Genoa certainly had not withdrawn from international commerce focusing only on financial profits. On the contrary they were able to find new commercial momentum in opportunities provided by the connections brought about by the ever-more globalised world.
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Piccinno, Luisa, and Andrea Zanini. "Genoa: Colonizing and Colonized City? The Port City as a Pole of Attraction for Foreign Merchants (16th-18th centuries)." In Atti delle «Settimane di Studi» e altri Convegni. Firenze University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-857-0.15.

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As Michel Balard pointed out with reference to the late Middle Ages and to the relations between Genoa and overseas cities, “Genoa, a colonizer in the East, is colonized by the Orientals”. The aim of this work is to verify whether and to what extent this concept is applicable also to the modern age and whether it involved a wider geographic area than the one examined by this French historian. In particular we outline the features of the presence of foreign merchants in Genoa between the 16th and 18th centuries as a phenomenon complementary to the better known “diaspora” of Genoese businessmen.
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Abulafia, David. "Serrata – Closing, 1291–1350." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0031.

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The fall of Acre in 1291 shocked western Europe, which had in fact done little to protect the city in its last decades. Plans to launch new expeditions abounded, and among the greatest enthusiasts was Charles II of Naples, after his release from his Catalan gaol. But this was all talk; he was far too preoccupied with trying to defeat the Aragonese to be able to launch a crusade, nor did he have the resources to do so. The Italian merchants diversified their interests to cope with the loss of access to eastern silks and spices through Acre. Venice gradually took the lead in Egypt, while the Genoese concentrated more on bulky goods from the Aegean and the Black Sea, following the establishment of a Genoese colony in Constantinople in 1261. But the Byzantine emperors were wary of the Genoese. They favoured the Venetians as well, though to a lesser degree, so that the Genoese would not assume they could do whatever they wished. Michael VIII and his son Andronikos II confined the Genoese to the high ground north of the Golden Horn, the area known as Pera, or Galata, where a massive Genoese tower still dominates the skyline of northern Istanbul, but they also granted them the right to self-government, and the Genoese colony grew so rapidly that it soon had to be extended. By the mid-fourteenth century the trade revenues of Genoese Pera dwarfed those of Greek Constantinople, by a ratio of about seven to one. These emperors effectively handed control of the Aegean and the Black Sea to the Genoese, and Michael’s navy, consisting of about eighty ships, was dismantled by his son. It was assumed that God would protect Constantinople as a reward for the rejection of all attempts at a union of the holy Orthodox Church with the unholy Catholic one. The Genoese generally tolerated a Venetian presence, for war damaged trade and ate up valuable resources. Occasionally, as in 1298, pirate attacks by one side caused a crisis, and the cities did go to war.
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DALTON, HEATHER. "‘Into speyne to selle for slavys’: English, Spanish, and Genoese Merchant Networks and their Involvement with the ‘Cost of Gwynea’ Trade before 1550." In Brokers of Change. British Academy, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265208.003.0005.

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In 1541, Roger Barlow, an English merchant who had traded with Spain's Atlantic settlements from Seville in the 1520s, presented Henry VIII with a cosmography containing his personal account of the Rio de la Plata, inserted into an English translation of the 1519 edition of the Suma de Geographia by Martin Fernandez de Enciso. Despite the fact that both men had been involved in the buying and selling of West African slaves, Barlow translated Enciso's short description of the slave markets in Guinea without comment. This chapter explores how the trading network of English, Spanish and Genoese merchants Barlow belonged to had traded in slaves and associated products, such as pearls and sugar, since the 1480s. In doing so, they were instrumental in linking the ‘Guinea of Cape Verde’ to the wider Atlantic world.
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Brilli, Catia. "Coping with Iberian monopolies: Genoese trade networks and formal institutions in Spain and Portugal during the second half of the eighteenth century." In Italian Merchants in the Early-Modern Spanish Monarchy. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315196206-6.

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Ben Yessef Garfia, Yasmina Rocío. "A Genoese merchant and banker in the Kingdom of Naples: Ottavio Serra and his business network in the Spanish polycentric system, c.1590–1620." In Italian Merchants in the Early-Modern Spanish Monarchy. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315196206-3.

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"Legislating Borders in the Early Modern World: Naturalized Genoese and Sefaradi Merchants in the Ottoman Mediterranean." In 'His Pen and Ink Are a Powerful Mirror'. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004407541_003.

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Abulafia, David. "Ways across the Sea, 1160–1185." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0028.

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There are no diaries or log-books of sea captains from the twelfth century, but there are vivid accounts of crossing the Mediterranean written by Jewish and Muslim pilgrims journeying from Spain to the East. Benjamin of Tudela was a rabbi from a town in Navarre, and he set out on his travels around 1160. The aim of his diary was to describe the lands of the Mediterranean, large areas of Europe, and Asia as far as China, in Hebrew for a Jewish audience, and he carefully noted the number of Jews in each town he visited. His book reports genuine travels across the Mediterranean, through Constantinople and down the coast of Syria, though his descriptions of more remote areas beyond the Mediterranean are clearly based on report and rumour, which became more fantastic the further his imagination ventured. He evidently did go to Jerusalem, though, and expressed his wonderment at the supposed tomb of King David on Mount Zion. As Christian passions about the Holy Land became more intense, the attention of Jewish pilgrims was also directed there, under the influence of the crusaders whom they scorned. Benjamin’s route took him down from Navarre through the kingdom of Aragon and along the river Ebro to Tarragona, where the massive ancient fortifications built by ‘giants and Greeks’ impressed him. From there he moved to Barcelona, ‘a small city and beautiful’, full of wise rabbis and of merchants from every land, including Greece, Pisa, Genoa, Sicily, Alexandria, the Holy Land and Africa. Benjamin provides precious and precocious evidence that Barcelona was beginning to develop contacts across the Mediterranean. Another place that attracted merchants from all over the world, even, he says, from England, was Montpellier; ‘people of all nations are found there doing business through the medium of the Genoese and Pisans’. It took four days to reach Genoa by sea from Marseilles. Genoa, he wrote, ‘is surrounded by a wall, and the inhabitants are not governed by any king, but by judges whom they appoint at their pleasure’. He also insisted that ‘they have command of the sea’.
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Abulafia, David. "The Great Sea-change, 1000–1100." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0026.

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The rise of Pisa and Genoa is almost as mysterious as that of Amalfi, and the mystery is compounded by the startling success of these cities in clearing the western Mediterranean of pirates and in creating trade routes, sustained by colonies of merchants and settlers, as far east as the Holy Land, Egypt and Byzantium. Pisa and Genoa had strikingly different profiles. Genoa had been the seat of a Byzantine governor in the seventh century, but after that two or three hundred years of quiet descended, savagely interrupted by the sack of the city by Saracen raiders from North Africa in 934–5. It has no obvious resources; it perches by the side of the Ligurian Alps and is cut off from grain-producing plains. The favoured products of its coastline are wine, chestnuts, herbs and olive oil, and it was out of its herbs and oil that Genoa perfected the basil sauce known as pesto, a product that speaks for poverty rather than wealth. Its harbour became adequate by the end of the Middle Ages, after many centuries of improvements, but its ships were best protected from the weather by being beached along the sandy shores to east and west of Genoa itself, and it was there that most of them were put together. Genoa was not a centre of industry, with the exception of shipbuilding. The Genoese had to struggle to survive, and came to see their trading voyages as the key to the city’s survival. As their city grew, so did their dependence on outside supplies of wheat, salted meats and cheese. From these modest beginnings emerged one of the most ambitious trading networks in the pre-industrial world. Pisa looked quite different. The city stands astride the river Arno, several miles from the sea; the final muddy, marshy exit of the river into the sea deprived Pisa of a good port. Its obvious assets lay in the flat fields stretching down to the coast, sown with grain and, closer to the shoreline, inhabited by the sheep that supplied Pisa with wool, leather, meat and dairy products.
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"Honore et utile: The Approaches and Practice of Sixteenth-century Genoese Merchant Custom." In Understanding the Sources of Early Modern and Modern Commercial Law. Brill | Nijhoff, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004363144_005.

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