Academic literature on the topic 'Geopolitical metamorphosis'

The paper basically aims to critically examine and analyze the relationship that dwells between India and the South East Asian nations in the globalized inter connected world. The paper specifically tries to cater to look into the matter with respect to the inception of the process of globalization and how that has evolved with the process of time there by leading to a complete metamorphosis of South East Asian region as a whole. The traditional aspects, concerns of economic nationalism, the region emerging as a powerful geopolitical entity, issues of cultural homogeneity are the points of focus, however major emphasis has also seen laid to study the evolution of the individual as a potent agent in the process of globalization studies since it tries to look beyond the institutional approach so that the same can be looked from a new angle.

Swedish-Sámi filmmaker and artist Liselotte Wajstedt and her experimental road movie documentary Sámi Nieida Jojk (Sámi Daughter Yoik, 2007) provides a unique insight into displaced Indigenous identity. To explore her mother's repressed Sámi ancestry, Wajstedt uses an eclectic mix of techniques, including animation, collage illustrations, photographs, and superimposition. Throughout the film, Wajstedt uses her body as a physical canvas, projecting images of her autobiographical journey onto herself. These methods contribute to a sense of metamorphosis, where the filmmaker plays with and challenges conventional Sámi representations through film form. I propose that somatechnics, a concept that describes a reciprocal relationship between the body and technology, provides a helpful way of understanding Wajstedt's work. I argue that cinema can work as a somatechnic tool that can help unpack the Indigenous body as a symbol of cultural, geopolitical, and ethnic identity politics. I also explore Sámi Daughter Yoik as a nomadic film, arguing that the somatechnic potential of cinema is most evident when themes of space, transition, and the body converge to create a more fluid understanding of Sámi identity onscreen.

AbstractEuropeans have long justified a right to something or other by invoking ‘prescription’ (that is, the creation of a legal entitlement by the passage of time). Yet for all the importance of prescription in the creation of international geopolitical order, no genealogy of the idea has emerged from historical or legal scholarship. This article will explore the relationship between prescription and empire within private, public, corporate, and ecclesiastical legal contexts. The idea of prescription is then considered within the specific ideological context of European imperialism between 1580 and 1640, when a series of diplomatic disputes and intellectual debates were had in Europe principally regarding maritime navigation and foreign dominion by ‘donation’. The metamorphosis of prescription in legal and political thought from Justinian (483–565) to Hugo Grotius (1583–1645) is therefore explored. Additional colour is given to this intellectual history by contrasting how corporate interests in North America attempted to justify their foreign land holdings in forts, ports, and hinterland by invoking ‘prescription’ during the early stages of colonial expansion. The case will be made for historians of early modern imperialism and international law to take closer notice of the opportunism of those prepared to justify prescription in theory and practice.

Recognition of regional features, outlining of the contours of regions, tendency to regionalize ethnic, economic, cultural and state-administrative space, and strengthening the ideology of regionalism in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, that is Serbia and Montenegro, appear as a practical and political but also as a theoretical problem which includes and combines several scientific disciplines. The phenomenon of regionalism is not contradictory although it is primarily expressed through the numerous conflicts of interests rivalry and antagonisms of political subjects. The problematic side of the phenomenon of regionalism includes the result of an extremely negative and existentially tragic experience of the several years-long disintegration of the complex Yugoslav state. During the partition and disintegration of the second Yugoslavia, there also happened the disintegration of the Serbian ethnic area Growth, support and instigation of regional tendencies occurred in the historical circumstances of secession and did not stop in the post-secession period. Particularization and segmentation of political area, as well as the disintegration of the former state, did not occur in accordance with the norms of internal and international law. Legality was late and was achieved within the transformation of power reflected in the changed territorial policy of the dominant alliance of great powers. The entire past decade was characterized by an extraordinary metamorphosis of political space. Secession trend had the territorial features which included the change of borders and had been long in the focus of the global geopolitical attention. Territories were divided and made smaller. Intensive territorial dynamics within the external silhouette of the de-stated SFR of Yugoslavia resulted in the creation of several state and quasi-state political formations. Former republics became semi-sovereign states. Dispersed and displaced Serbian ethnos was configured in the three territories: in the Republic of Serbia - from which Kosovo and Metohia were amputated and placed under the UN protectorate - in the entire Republic of Montenegro and in the Republic Srpska, located in one part of the former Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demopolitical result of the geopolitical destruction of the Serbian ethnos was a great movement of the Serbian population from the west to the east, and its concentration in the territory of the Republic of Serbia this implied that the Serbs were expelled from their millennia-long abodes in Croatia, parts of Bosnia and from Kosmet. The geo-economic result of the same process was the devastation of the national economic strength west of the Drina and in the southern province. Economic regression occurred also in the national parent-land state. Balkan re-arrangement of the spheres of interest in the post-bipolar period was in 1995. fixed by the interest arrangement of the great powers known under the name Dayton Peace Agreement. Redistribution of the territories from the destroyed state occurred in the post-communist period with the expansion of west-civilization structures to the European east Westernization of the eastern part of Europe, or entire Europe as the other pole of the global West, could be characterized as a dual mega-regionality. Namely, the west is composed of Europe and America; on the other side, there is the global East or its hybrid variation Eurasia. With the disappearance of their common state and its framework, south Slavs found themselves in the seemingly independent, and actually client states. Western delimitation of the south Slavic area moved from the Yugoslav borders towards a wider Balkan demarcation. One could say that the revitalized notion of the Balkans became a new, in many aspects obligatory framework for regional thinking. The Balkan macroregion is further determined by the intentions to expand the European Union. One of the Euro-centric concepts, which is being experimentally employed precisely in the Balkans, is the establishment of the so-called Europe of regions in the peripheral areas. On the other hand, even though the process of the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation appears to be irreversible, the superordinate Euro-American factor does not give up the possibility of the mezzo-regional initiatives, cooperations, associations and integrations. This "middle" level of dealing with the specificities of the Yugoslav region is related to the states and nations from the former Yugoslavia, or the so-called West Balkans. Naturally, it is not the tendency to revive the silhouette of the previous state, but certainly there is a noticeable intention to achieve a regional linking of the related, now semi-sovereign territories which sometimes belonged to the same state framework. The fourth level deals with microregionalism, that is the relation between the different areas in the newly-created states. It is interesting that the regionalist discourse is mostly cherished exactly in the ethno-heterogeneous Serbian area, although other Yugoslav states also have or had regional tradition and mixed population, like, for example, Slovenia and Croatia Nevertheless, these former Yugo-republics are structured as mono-national states, so the regional policy and ideology of regionalism are still not in the first plane. Regionalism within the newly-formed states could be supplemented with the micron level implying specific sub-regionalism of the highest degree, within the larger regions in the same state. This could be illustrated with Backa, Banat and Srem inside Vojvodina, understood as the northern Serbian region, or Kosovo and Metohia in the south of Serbia, in the province with the same name. In the part of Serbia outside the provinces, similar things could be said for Belgrade with its surroundings, Macva, Podrinje, Sumadija, Raska District etc. Thus, when it comes to the present FR of Yugoslavia, all five levels of regional dynamics have a principled, but insufficiently studied significance. Mega-regional level is related to the mark denoting the global belonging to the West. Macroregional level deals with the European loyalty, that is inclusion of the FR of Yugoslavia into the continental European trends. This trans-continental and continental direction of inclusion implies a historical teleology of the relative eastern belonging to the absolute West, that is Euro-America, and the entrance into the full structure of the European Union. All the mentioned problems of recognition and characterization of the regional phenomenology in the political topography of the world are motivated by the tendency to achieve as clear as possible spatial-temporal national and state orientation The direction is related to the so-called safety dilemma of the nation and the country faced with the change of size and essence of one's own state, with the different geopolitical position and redefined foreign-policy priorities. It is also the case of the changed alliance policy, and the innovated strategy of integration into the old and new global and regional political structures. On the basis of the indicated components of geopolitical context, one could say that the phenomenon of regions and their cognate correlates {regionally regionalization and regionalism) should not be understood exclusively through the legal categories of international law and the so-called constitutional solutions, that is administrative division of the state territory. Actually in the analysis of regions and regionalism in Serbia and the FR of Yugoslavia it is necessary first to discuss the pre-normative or meta-le-gal factors in the creation of the regional issue within the national and state issue, which have the form of the unsolved political problem. Meta-legality is located within the domain of the international relations and geopolitic. Meta-legal or pre-normative factors of the formation or recognition of regions and regionalisms deal with the possibility of the political constitution of the Serbian, that is Serbian / Montenegrin (still Yugoslav) society. Since the unique state area was destroyed in the four-year secession wars and there occurred significant demopolitical changes, war migrations, forceful displacements and expulsion of the population - the ethnic character of many areas was also drastically changed. At the same time, the post-secession existence of the FR of Yugoslavia could be also viewed through the optics of the state residuum. The remaining Serbia or Serbia (temporarily) without Kosovo is certainly not an equivalent for the Serbian ethnic space, nor for the entire Serbian lands. It is not even the FR of Yugoslavia, as a dual con federation of the Serbian / Montenegrin nation. Geopolitical reduction of the SFR of Yugoslavia to a residual creation of the FR of Yugoslavia was not deduced from the legality sui generis, but resulted from a conflict, the defeat of integralism and the victory of separatism, as well as from a new triumphal configuration of power. The impulse implying the statism of the collective rights from the former complex federal necessarily-multinational level was transferred to a lower mononational level. Therefore, the regionalist ideology in the post-secession reality of the residual state almost inevitably, as a tendency, nears the separatory particularism. Even the lost national state and the state entirety are openly denied within the requests for the territorization of the collective rights of various minorities. Naturally these requests do not carry the primary features of the development of democracy. On the contrary, in the majority of cases this implies the rise of parish and tribal consciousness prone to narrow-minded separation. Thus the post-secession requests for the regionalization are often just a slight rhetorical mask for real separatism. For example, they are expressed through the pseudo-national separation of Vojvodina from Serbia, as well as Montenegro from Serbia, or through the establishment of state-like entities in the territorial tissue of Serbia Alleged arguments are found in the unfinished disintegration of the SFR of Yugoslavia on the one hand, and in the prevention of the creation of the so-called Greater Serbia, even within the diminished Serbia That way, even in the post-secession, reduced Serbia one could easily recognize the tendencies of federalization and confederalization, even the amputation of its remaining state space. Additional arguments for the crawling secession and prolonged territorial destruction are found in the ideology of globalization and world trends of relativizing territorial integrity and state sovereignty. On the other hand, the idea about the principled insignificance of borders in Europe without borders, as well as Europe of regions, is emphasized. Thus, it is obvious that the new state and regional delimitations and demarcations are in contradiction with the vision of the trans-statal and trans-national integrity of the European continent. In Serbia itself, me problem of the restructuring of regions is determined by the inherited and unchanged triple division of its territory into the central part and two autonomous provinces in the north and south. Thus every idea for regionalization (expert, party, leader's, NGO and the like) faces the inherited, too narrow constitutional framework and easily slides to the federalization or confederalization of the Republic, and in extreme cases to the independence and sovereignty of ethnic, religious, linguistic and other minorities. Roughly put, the tendencies for territorial separation from the Republic of Serbia still exist in several neuralgic and unstable areas or regions. In Vojvodina, the presented tendencies have the character of a meaningless internal - Serbian autonomy, autonomism, latent separatism. Authentic Serbian autonomy lost its original character long ago and deteriorated into an internal national re-statism. On the other hand, in the furthest south of Serbia, in Kosmet, the UN protectorate is established, but the region is actually occupied and thus the status of the Province is "frozen". In the three municipalities in the south of Serbia, with the relative Albanian majority, Albanian separatism smolders within the platform of the so-called east Kosovo. In the Raska region (Sandzak) there are also strong tendencies for separateness on the religious-ecclesiastical, so-called Bosniac platform, with religious solidarity, and ethnic and territorial unity of all Bosniacs. In the meta-legal or pre-normative situation - which most often denotes political and geopolitical context implying interests, power and force - the inclinations for territorial design are faced with the conflicting ideology of regionalism. Therefore, the constitutional-legal solutions of the former, present and future regions, generated within the self-created legality which does not respect meta-legal, political and geopolitical impulses regardless of how aestheticized and "humanized" they may be - at the end face the practical impossibility of realization.

The author analyzes the post-Cold War international arena thoroughly, be delineating one by one Us different systemic, geopolitical, hegemonic, and strategic metamorphoses. The emergence of a fragmented transnational subsystem — the social component of the international System — has made this era fertile ground for third-wave conflicts, i.e. cultural conflicts or shocks between civilizations. The lack of any recognized leadership and the collective exercise of the system's governability may lead one to observe that armed violence is being waged by means other than those of major inter-state wars. In such a context, one may deduce that emphasis on the concept of collective security is working to the detriment of defence-minded thinking and to the benefit of strategies for active and very early conflict prevention. The entire realm of strategy is thus open to a wide-ranging, Worldwide arena. The main consequences have been an end to the old custodial arrangements of geopolitics, thereby transforming NATO in Europe, and a renewed activism in Asia, where the trend is towards creation of a specific security subsystem. These transformations of the international System have brought about metamorphoses in the notions of enemy, boundary, conflict, and power. Such changes also highlight the « rationality deficit » now affecting the System and the proliferation of the notion of « meaning », which is everywhere lacking in consistency. The shifting of the security dilemma to the subnational, internal level has accordingly resulted from the breakup of nations and the decolonization of empires. The author concludes that it may prove useful, even valuable, to try and identify the normative elements of the post-Cold War international System and to outline, however imperfectly, the new distribution of international power. The reader will also find afresh look at the doctrinal debate about international System theory and about the epistemology of the discipline that deals with it.

The author explains and proves that in epochal changes at the crossroads of centuries and millennia, there are two similar, but in many ways different processes: transit and transition. Transit means the passage of some parts of the state through a complex and unique state in the direction of international independence. From an empirical perspective, transit proceeds in two ways: peacefully or in a conflict or. Transit is, in fact, another name for separation or secession. Transit secession in one state shapes several independent states. In that sense, transit is the exteriorization of national politics, its internationalization and geopoliticization. Although it manifests dramatically, tragically and catastrophically in the secession conflict, in the theoretical discourse of social, national and state changes, transit is covered by the process of transition. Therefore, the author recognizes three approaches to the relationship between transit and transition: transit that is partially differentiated from transition; transit that is fully differentiated from transition and transit equated to transition. The author advocates a clear and principled distinction between the phenomenon of transit and the phenomenon of transition. Finally, the paper emphasizes the chronopolitical moment of geopolitical metamorphoses in which transit precedes and in many ways determines the later transition. Transition as a socio-economic process, i.e. the political-economic structural transformation of the socialist into the capitalist society cannot be sufficiently understood without understanding the previous events of transit. It is precisely the Yugoslav case of the disintegration of a complex state that could be instructive for the current EU integration, and also certain multinational and mononational states that face the danger of extreme regionalism, autonomy and separatism.

The work opens the thematic issue «Digitalization and Novus Ordo Seclorum: International Relations and Geopolitics in Digital». The purpose of the article is to determine the features of the most fundamental phenomenon rooted in the digital metamorphosis of political regimes, sovereignty and geopolitics - the algorithmicization of power. As the main methodological optics, the principles of discourse analysis of scientific literature (including the works of the thematic issue) and the techniques of scriptwriters are used. The work emphasizes that algorithms are becoming a carrier of «structural violence» (an invisible, but real threat of sanctions against those who disagree with the current rules of digital communication). The power of algorithms is revealed in the fact that they begin to determine to the citizen what is best for him and what is not, including in the political sphere. At the same time, the one who owns the management algorithms that build communication processes and determine the interface, communication functionality, he has algorithmic power. Such accompanying phenomena of the algorithmicization of power as sociotechnical reality, predictive analytics, network policy, political interface, filtering bubbles and affordances are considered. It has been determined that in the new socio-technical reality (the phygital world), algorithms occupy the most important place, since it is they that fasten the Social with the Technical. The conclusions emphasize that digital sovereignty presupposes several components - the regime has its own network policy (communication arenas) and a political interface (software serving these communication arenas). The theoretical significance of the article is seen in the author's thesis, according to which algorithms, being constituent elements of software, bring the policy of ensuring digital sovereignty closer to different technologies of political legitimation of the regime - internal and external, top-down and bottom-up. In addition, the paper proposes scenarios for the evolution of algorithmic power. In addition, the practical significance of the study is seen in the fact that the work proposes scenarios for the evolution of algorithmic power.

Abstract The prevalent geopolitical prognosis during Brundtland’s Commission conceptualisation of sustainable development has metamorphosed, even though the basic core values serve as the conceptual basis and guidelines for understanding the SDG goals. Evolving socio-political behaviours have exposed new social complications. Ideological extremism, global warming, insurgency, poverty, food crisis, social inequality and humanitarian crisis have all challenged the suitability and applicability of the conceptual framework for global development. This paper attempts to analyse qualitatively, the underexplored areas of the concept of sustainable development, vis-à-vis its strengths, weakness and limitations by synthesizing an ideal working definition with regards to existing realities, for developmental theorist. It also reviews how environmentalism and human intelligence can symbiotically drive sustainability of biotic and abiotic factors in the planetary system, by advocating an enfranchising bottom-up, frontier-wide and exhaustively deliberated methodologies that amplifies the voice of all social formations in conceptualising new transformational theories or policies for human development.

Notre travail comprend trois parties. La première analyse et présente les constructions géopolitiques remarquables qui ponctuent la dynamique des métamorphoses géopolitiques de l’Europe à partir de 1945 sous leurs aspects socio-géopolitiques. Du TCECA au Traité de Lisbonne en passant par le TCEE et le TUE, l’UE ne parvient pas toujours à se hisser au niveau d’une politie européenne intégrale. Les barrières mythiques ne ce cessent de gangréner son cheminement.Avec la seconde partie nous établissons la courbe infinitésimale représentative des nouvelles mutations géopolitiques de l’Europe qui montre jusqu’où les barrières mythiques empêchent l’UE à bondir au-delà de l’asymptote de paix perpétuelle. Avec les catastrophes élémentaires, de la collision des attracteurs géopolitiques et des réseaux sociaux, il ressort que le flux de l’âme européenne qui, une fois, bien structurée pourrait apporter à L’Europe beaucoup plus de cohésion et de cohérence nécessaires pour franchir les barrières mythiques.Dans la troisième partie, avec l’échelle des puissances géopolitiques internationales, nous trouvons que l’UE ne constitue qu’une puissance M+. Partant, nous proposons les attributs nécessaires pour faire muer l’UE, d’une puissance M+, en une politie européenne intégrale, puissance géopolitique internationale intelligente et positive
Our work falls into three parts. The first part analyzes and presents the remarkable geopolitical constructions which punctuate the dynamic of European geopolitical metamorphosis since 1945. Since T ESCS to the Treaty of Lisbon via the TEEC and the TEU, the EU doesn’t always manage to heave up level of a European integral politie. It is situated somewhere between the trans-politie and the politie. The mythic fences do not stop to gangrene it path. With the second part, we establish the representative infinitesimal curb of that new process of European geopolitical mutations which demonstrate how far the mythic fences stop the EU to bond beyond the asymptote of perpetual peace. With the elementary catastrophes, since the collision of geopolitical attractors and social networks, it emerge the flux of European soul which once well structured should bring to Europe much more coherence and cohesion necessary to cross the mythic barriers.In the third part, with the scale of international geopolitical powers, we see the EU as only an M+ power. Consequently, we propose the necessary attributes so that EU can change from M+ into an integral European politie as an international geopolitical power, clever and positive