Relevant bibliographies by topics / George's Union

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'George's Union'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "George's Union"

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Stuart, John F. "General Synod of the Scottish Episcopal Church." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 19, no. 01 (December 20, 2016): 80–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x16001575.

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The General Synod met at St Paul's and St George's Church in Edinburgh from 9 to 11 June 2016. In his charge to Synod, the Primus, the Most Revd David Chillingworth, reflected on the injunction of St Paul to ‘please God, who tests our hearts’. As the Synod prepared to consider canonical change in relation to marriage, he asked how the Church was to continue to express the love and unity to which it was called by God. During the preceding year, deep pain in relationships had been experienced both in the Anglican Communion and with the Church of Scotland and Church of England – and there was a need to explore whether the Scottish Episcopal Church itself might have contributed to that distress and to shape a response that ‘pleased God, who tests our hearts'. In the light of the (then) forthcoming referendum on the European Union, the Primus suggested that it was not the wish of many in Scotland to use national borders to protect economic privilege. If the referendum took the UK out of the European Union, it could have profound effects on the unfolding story of the new Scotland and of the UK as a whole.
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Barton, Stephen E. "“This Social Mother in Whose Household We All Live”: Berkeley Mayor J. Stitt Wilson's Early Twentieth-Century Socialist Feminism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 13, no. 4 (October 2014): 532–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781414000401.

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J. Stitt Wilson, mayor of Berkeley from 1911 to 1913, supported women's suffrage because he believed it would lead to a revaluation of the feminine and maternal values of cooperation and care and, along with the labor movement, provide the basis for creation of a socialist society that would embody the true values of Christianity. A rare example of a male activist and intellectual for whom women's equality was fundamental to his beliefs rather than auxiliary to them, Wilson drew his views from a mixture of Social Gospel; the labor movement; feminism; and socialism, particularly the maternalist socialism developed in parts of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and the settlement house movement. Perhaps his most intellectually creative moment came when he applied Henry George's analysis of urban land values to a socialist and feminist vision of the city as a “social mother.” His election and work as mayor illustrate the overlap between the urban socialist and progressive social reform programs, while his failure to win any further elections reflects the divisions between them over the nature of capitalism.
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HUPPERT, HERBERT E. "GEORGE KEITH BATCHELOR 8 March 1920–30 March 2000 Founding Editor, Journal of Fluid Mechanics, 1956." Journal of Fluid Mechanics 421 (October 25, 2000): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022112000001968.

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George Batchelor was one of the giants of fluid mechanics in the second half of the twentieth century. He had a passion for physical and quantitative understanding of fluid flows and a single-minded determination that fluid mechanics should be pursued as a subject in its own right. He once wrote that he ‘spent a lifetime happily within its boundaries’. Six feet tall, thin and youthful in appearance, George's unchanging attire and demeanour contrasted with his ever-evolving scientific insights and contributions. His strongly held and carefully articulated opinions, coupled with his forthright objectivity, shone through everything he undertook.George's pervasive influence sprang from a number of factors. First, he conducted imaginative, ground-breaking research, which was always based on clear physical thinking. Second, he founded a school of fluid mechanics, inspired by his mentor G. I. Taylor, that became part of the world renowned Department of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics (DAMTP) of which he was the Head from its inception in 1959 until he retired from his Professorship in 1983. Third, he established this Journal in 1956 and actively oversaw all its activities for more than forty years, until he relinquished his editorship at the end of 1998. Fourth, he wrote the monumental textbook An Introduction to Fluid Dynamics, which first appeared in 1967, has been translated into four languages and has been relaunched this year, the year of his death. This book, which describes the fundamentals of the subject and discusses many applications, has been closely studied and frequently cited by generations of students and research workers. It has already sold over 45 000 copies. And fifth, but not finally, he helped initiate a number of international organizations (often European), such as the European Mechanics Committee (now Society) and the biennial Polish Fluid Mechanics Meetings, and contributed extensively to the running of IUTAM, the International Union of Theoretical and Applied Mechanics. The aim of all of these associations is to foster fluid (and to some extent solid) mechanics and to encourage the development of the subject.
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Neal, David K. "Average lengths for the two-player Name Game." Mathematical Gazette 91, no. 520 (March 2007): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025557200180957.

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In the Name Game, letters of the alphabet are drawn at random, and a player marks off all occurrences of the letter in his name as it is called. The winner is the player whose name is deleted first; but a tie can occur when players' names have letters in common. For the two-player game, the probability of a player winning depends not only on the length of his own name but on how many letters occur only in the other player's name. (See [1] for probabilities involving more players.) For example, if Stephanie plays against Georges, then there are 11 letters in the union, 2 in the intersection, 3 that are in Georges but not Stephanie, and 6 that are in Stephanie but not Georges. In this case, the probability of a tie is 2/11, the probability of Stephanie winning is 3/11, and the probability of Georges winning is 6/11. These probabilities are easily derived by considering the 11! permutations of the letters in the union.
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Simard, Justin. "Slavery's Legalism: Lawyers and the Commercial Routine of Slavery." Law and History Review 37, no. 2 (May 2019): 571–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000300.

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Eugenius Aristides Nisbet played a critical role in Georgia's secession from the United States. Elected as a delegate to Georgia's 1861 secession convention, Nisbet introduced a resolution in favor of severing ties with the Union, and he led the committee that drafted his state's secession ordinance. Nisbet was a trained lawyer who had served on the Georgia Supreme Court, and his legal training shaped the way that he viewed secession. He believed that the Constitution did not give states the right to dissolve the Union; instead, this power rested solely in the people, and he framed the resolution and ordinance accordingly. Thanks in part to Nisbet, it was the “people of the State of Georgia” who “repealed, rescinded and abrogated” their ratification of the Constitution in 1788.
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Bieliszczuk, Bartosz, and Joanna Bieliszczuk. "„Długi telegram” George’a Kennana." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.2.08.

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The Long Telegram by George Kennan was a turning point in the career of the American diplomat, and his theses contributed to the formulation of the Truman Doctrine, which involved fighting the growing influence of the USSR in the world. In the above-mentioned analysis sent in February 1946 to the headquarters of the State Department, Kennan included his observations and beliefs about the nature of the Soviet system and its impact on the foreign policy pursued by the USSR. Despite the fact that the text was written almost 75 years ago and concerned the Soviet Union, many of its theses are still valid, and reading it allows for a better understanding of the foreign policy of contemporary Russia.
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Shiolashvili, Giorgi. "Foreign trade of Georgia in the context of the development of integration processes." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-2-367-384.

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The article researches the development of foreign trade in goods of Georgia in the context of the country's participation in international integration processes from the mid-1990s to the present. The evolution and features of Georgias participation in such integration organizations and projects as the Commonwealth of Independent States, GUAM, the Eastern Partnership of European Union, as well as interaction with the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union are examined. Based on a detailed analysis of the dynamics, commodity and geographical structure of Georgias foreign trade in goods in the long term period, the article substantiates the conclusion that the participation of Georgia in the Free Trade Agreements, as well as trade liberalization carried out in integration blocks, have practically no effect to change the exportimport flows of the country, and do not lead to an increase in foreign trade with the member countries of the integrations. The most significant factors that determine Georgias foreign trade and its trends are the country's geographical location and the level of the transport infrastructure development, the implementation of large-scale transport and logistics projects in the region, external financing provided to the country by international and regional organizations, foreign countries, on a credit and grant basis.
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VACHAVIOLOS, Dimitrios. "Church Union and Balance of Powers in Late Byzantium: The Testimony of Georgios Sphrantzes." Byzantina Symmeikta 31 (September 13, 2021): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.23433.

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Η παρούσα εργασία εστιάζει στην αξιολόγηση της Συνόδου Φερράρας – Φλωρεντίας στην οποία προέβη ο Γεώργιος Σφραντζής στο ιστοριογραφικό του έργο, το οποίο γράφτηκε λίγες μόλις δεκαετίες ύστερα από την Άλωση της Κωνσταντινούπολης (1453). Η επιλογή να εστιάσουμε στον συγκεκριμένο συγγραφέα δεν είναι τυχαία. Η συμμετοχή του σε πολλαπλές διπλωματικές αποστολές, αλλά και τα διάφορα κυβερνητικά αξιώματα που του ανατέθηκαν κατά καιρούς, τον καθιστούν άριστο γνώστη των θεμάτων της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της Αυτοκρατορίας αλλά και των λόγων που οδήγησαν κάθε φορά τον εκάστοτε αυτοκράτορα σε συγκεκριμένες πολιτικές αποφάσεις. Η ιστορική του αφήγηση, επί πλέον, δεν απηχεί ιδεολογικές συγκρούσεις ούτε θρησκευτικές διενέξεις. Έτσι, η μαρτυρία του συμβάλλει αποφασιστικά στην καλύτερη δυνατή κατανόηση των κριτηρίων βάσει των οποίων οι τελευταίοι υιοθέτησαν τη συγκεκριμένη πολιτική, ενώ παράλληλα μας επιτρέπει να κατανοήσουμε πώς αυτή αντιμετωπίστηκε από ένα τμήμα τουλάχιστον των κυβερνητικών αξιωματούχων της εποχής εκείνης.
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Freibergs, Gunar, C. Scott Littleton, and Udo Strutynski. "Indo-European Tripartition and the Ara Pacis Augustae: an Excursus in Ideological Archaeology." Numen 33, no. 1 (1986): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852786x00075.

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AbstractThe Ara Pacis Augustae or Altar of Augustan Peace, erected by the Emperor outside Rome in 9 B.C., expresses perhaps more clearly than any other monument the ideology of the Augustan Age: the peaceful union of Rome with her Empire. At the same time, in the iconography of the east and west fronts, and especially in the images on the altar table, pedestal and plinth, it contains several expressions whose structures appear consonant with the tripartite Indo-European ideology that was derived from the earliest phases of religion at Rome and elsewhere in the ancient Indo-European speaking domain by Georges Dumézil. Finally, this monument also appears to constitute a crystallized cognitive map-a visible set of reference points-in terms of which the Romans of the period could orient themselves to their contemporary circumstances, future expectations, and a past studded with subconscious echoes of their Indo-European heritage.
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Ivanov, O. "“ST. GEORGE’S TREATY” (1783) ON THE UNION OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND GEORGIA: RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA AND HISTORICAL AND LEGAL REALITIES." “International Humanitarian University Herald. Jurisprudence” 1, no. 47 (2020): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/2307-1745.2020.47-1.1.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "George's Union"

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McMullen, Mary Katherine. "Wrestling power George Herbert's struggle for spiritual union /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2008. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.

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Jernigan, Thomas Watson. "Death at Elmira: George W. Jernigan, William Hoffman, and the Union Prison System." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1017.

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This thesis examines the interaction between the Union Prison System led by William Hoffman and the Confederate prisoners-of-war, specifically those held at Elmira, New York. By focusing on Hoffman's actions and decisions in the last year of the war, the Confederate death toll can be better understood. The treatise relies heavily on The War Of The Rebellion: A Compilation Of The Official Records Of The Union And Confederate Armies. Two studies were indispensable for this study: Hesseltine's Civil War Prisons: A Study In War Psychology, and Leslie's Hunter's Ph.D. Disseration, Warden For The Union: William Hoffman (1807-1884). The conclusions of my research are: (A) William Hoffman developed a change in actions in 1864, and (B) these actions continued in the last year of the war. As a result of his actions and other factors, Elmira had the highest percentage of death of any Union prison camp. Hoffman's actions led to a higher death rate of Confederate prisoners than has been previously recognized.
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Penel, Victor H. A. "An investigation of the change in position of George Scholarios from pro-union of the Western and Eastern churches to anti-union." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2014. http://arro.anglia.ac.uk/581964/.

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This thesis presents an examination of the change in position of George (Gennadios) Scholarios on the question of the Union of the Roman and Eastern churches. The question I will address concerns the reason for Scholarios’ dramatic change of position from pro-Union to anti-Union, within a few years of the Council of Florence 1438-1439, where the Union of churches had been agreed. I will argue that Scholarios’ changed position on Union is best explained by political factors that influenced his decision, and was not simply governed by the theological questions debated at the Council of Florence. In Chapter One, the Introduction, I will introduce a critical analysis of the existing field of research, to set the thesis in the context of Scholarios scholarship that has previously been undertaken. In Chapter Two, Research Questions and Methodology, I will outline the scope of this thesis, discussing the crucial questions that need to be addressed and the method I will use to develop my arguments. In Chapter Three I examine the key cultural role that the philosophy of Aristotle and Aquinas played in the fifteenth century, and the extent to which Scholarios’ views were formed and shaped by this philosophical context. This chapter will argue that these philosophical influences provided the initial motivation that moved Scholarios towards Union. As the implications of such political aspirations warrant further investigation; I go on to examine Scholarios’ writings, not only on philosophy, but also on theology. I will explore whether the political guidance offered in taking up the study of philosophy was also to be discerned in the study of theology. In Chapter Four, I will examine how Aristotelian philosophy was deployed as an explanatory tool in interpretations of polemics, debates, and panegyric and rhetoric works of the period. I will suggest that Byzantine preambles, poems, sermons and theological panegyrics were also subject to general imperial legislation. In Chapter Five, I will argue that Scholarios’ study of Aristotelian philosophy allowed him to form a view of how the political future of the Empire might to be developed. I explore Scholarios’ visionary ideas of reform and contrast these with Plethon’s political perspective. I suggest that the acrimonious relationship between Scholarios and Plethon was due to their political and philosophical differences, which defined the way they viewed the future of the Empire. In Chapter Six, I argue that the primary key to comprehending the relationship between East and West lies in understanding the vested commercial interests. I argue the Byzantine state had deteriorated owing to foreign powers—the Italian city states, Catalonians, Franks and the Ottoman Turks—attempting to acquire and dominate the commercial and strategic political domains of the Eastern Roman Empire. This was initially driven by trade and commercial rivalry between the Latins; commercial interests also prompted the development of naval and military power by the Latins at the expense of the Eastern Roman Empire, which eventually left the Empire militarily and financially destitute. One result of this deterioration in the commercial and military power of the Empire was to allow the progressive rise in dominance of the Ottoman Turks. In light of the dangerous situation the Empire was facing, Scholarios—in the service of the imperial bureaucracy and under the dominance of the Emperor’s political policy—sought to solve the dilemma and reconstruct the Empire's political power. In Chapter Seven, I will argue that these political events, together with the political aspirations of Scholarios, led to his change of position from pro-Union to anti-Union. I will suggest that examination of the cultural, commercial and political influences in play leads to the conclusion that Scholarios’ pro-Union position was primarily motivated by the objective of obtaining military aid. When it became apparent that such aid was not forthcoming, his position changed from pro-Union to anti-Union, as it was politically expedient for him to do so in light of the growing dominance of the Ottoman Turks. I argue that Scholarios followed the political policy concerning pro-Unionism proposed by Dimitrios Kydonis, and it was not until the political event of the Battle of Varna in 1444, when the Latin military forces lost to the Ottoman Turks that Scholarios formally openly declared his anti-Union stance. In the conclusion, I will argue that, following my presentation of the evidence as outlined above, the political motivations constitute the strongest reasons for Scholarios’ decision to change his stance on the Union. This conclusion allows us to understand the vested commercial and political interests at stake, since the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantine state), had deteriorated owing to the dominance of foreign powers. The ramifications are to be seen in the outcome of the Council of Florence where the Byzantines sought the aid from the West, but also demonstrated its dependency upon them. In the light of the growing power of the Ottoman Turks, the Emperor’s political policy sought to solve the dilemma and reconstruct the Empire's political power.
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Staude, Ryan. ""The centre of our union"| George Washington's political philosophy and the creation of American national identity in the 1790s." Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3559433.

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For most of his presidency (1789-1797), George Washington worked to establish the federal government's legitimacy in the eyes of America's citizens while trying to gain international respect for the new nation. Although there was a broad elite consensus at the start of the decade it quickly dissipated in the face of basic questions about the federal government's power and scope of authority. Domestic political issues became entangled with foreign policy problems to create an intractable divide between opposing groups of Americans termed the Federalists and the Republicans. The two parties contended to see not only who would administer the government, but also to determine which group would define the new nation's identity.

This study places George Washington at the center of the contest over the formation of America's national identity during the 1790s. Washington envisioned America as the embodiment of Enlightenment ideals of freedom and liberty. He believed it had the potential to stand in stark contrast to the monarchies and despotism of the Old World. The United States could inspire other nations to follow its lead on the path to freedom.

America could only achieve this position if it were secure, united and independent. These three characteristics would give the nation legitimacy on the international stage. In his efforts to establish America's claim to nationhood, Washington incurred the displeasure of the Republican Party who viewed the president as a tool in the hands of Alexander Hamilton and other Federalists. In his quest to establish security, unity, and independence, they argued, the President betrayed the ideals of the Revolution. Ultimately, it was the public who cast aside Washington's vision for American national identity, not because they disagreed with it, but because they had already mythologized Washington to the point where he was more myth than man. He was a living deity who served a symbolic importance for unity, but had little impact on the nation's identity.

Historiographically, no scholar has undertaken an in-depth examination of Washington's political philosophy (as president), and specifically how this philosophy affected the nascent nation-state's identity. Works like Paul Longmore's The Invention of George Washington, Glenn Phelps's George Washington and American Constitutionalism and the recently published, The Political Philosophy of George Washington (Jeffry Morison) examine one aspect of Washington's political beliefs, or focus on a specific chronological period. My exploration of Washington's beliefs (the heart of the studies mentioned above) is only one part of the dissertation. No attempt has been made to investigate Washington's substantive impact on nationalism and identity. David Waldstreicher, Len Travers, and Joanne B. Freeman have all looked at the formation of nationalism and identity in the 1790s, but Washington's political philosophy and presidency earns little of their attention. Washington was the most well regarded American, nationally and internationally, of his era. The lack of a proper study on his political beliefs and their reception among his fellow Americans is a lacuna which the dissertation seeks to remedy.

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Alexander, Roman. "American Fast Food as Culture and Politics: The Introduction of Pepsi and McDonald's into the USSR." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13299.

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This thesis explores how and why two capitalistic American corporations were granted access to the Soviet Union's internal market. For decades communist leadership railed against what they termed "cheap bourgeois consumption," yet in 1972 Pepsi-Cola became the first officially sanctioned American consumer product in the USSR. Eighteen years later, McDonald's would become the first American restaurant to open in the Soviet Union. Both companies became deeply involved in Cold War politics and diplomacy, with high-ranking officials from both sides taking part in the negotiations to bring these companies into the country. These two case studies shed light on a seldom-covered aspect of American-Soviet economic relations and cultural exchange.
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Muir, Kathie. "'Tough enough?' : constructions of femininity in news reporting of Jennie George, ACTU president 1995-2000 /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm9531.pdf.

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Mahdessian, Nanor. "The Communication Strategies of Bush and Obama : An In-depth Analysis of the Rhetoric of Presidents Bush and Obama on the Annual State of the Union Address." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMK), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-40353.

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Rhetoric and politics have been interrelated through time. Major political leaders have tried to influence their followers through well-organized and well-written political speeches since the Roman Empire and Byzantium. As one of the original writers of rhetoric, Aristotle referred to it as the art of finding the best aspect of an argument that tends to convince the audience. In my thesis, I analyze and compare the rhetoric of President George W. Bush with that of President Barack Obama. Specifically, I compare and contrast their respective State of the Union Addresses. The questions that I want to answer lay upon the methods both Presidents use during their respective speeches. My thesis also discusses their respective prioritized topics. I give a short presentation of the importance of rhetoric, ranging from the Roman Empire to today‟s American politics. I also comment on the meaning of rhetoric in the modern age. In order to perform my analysis, I use the five stage method of rhetorical analysis: Context, Disposition, Means to convince, Argumentation Analysis and Style. The different argument styles of President Bush and President Obama are discussed.

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Winter, Denis. "The Use of the Tenorhorn and Baryton in the Brass Chamber Music of Oskar Böhme and Victor Ewald: a Lecture Recital, Together with Three Recitals of Selected Works of J. Boda, J. Brahms, G. Jacobs, G. Mahler, T.R. George, J. Castérède, A. Capuzzi and Others." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332434/.

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The tenorhorn and baryton (euphonium), as members of the valved conical brass family, were highly regarded by Oskar Böhme (1870-1938) and Victor Ewald (1860-1935). This study examines the role the tenorhorn and baryton played in selected works by these two composers of the Russian Chamber Brass School. A chronology of the research leading to the discovery and naming of the Russian Chamber Brass School is included as well as a discussion on brass chamber music performance practice both then and now.
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Fry, Zachery A. "Lincoln's Divided Legion: Loyalty and the Political Culture of the Army of the Potomac, 1861-1865." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492292669458662.

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Hammarlund, Martin. "The Perception of Victory : Comparing the G.W. Bush Administration’s Official Rhetoric of Victory in the Years of the Global War on Terror." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-3467.

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This thesis is set out with the purpose to investigate the potential shifts in how victory is presented in the duration of contemporary conflicts. The argumentation is focused on how democratic states, involved in wars, seem to announce different statements regarding victory in its outreach to its inhabitants. This paper will study the case of the American administration of George W. Bush, who initiated and ruled during the first years in the Global War on Terror. By investigating the seven annual State of the Union speeches in a combined quantitative–qualitative method, with Martel’s theoretical framework on victory, the analysis searched after such potential shifts or static usage of the linguistics approach to victory. The answer to the stated research question according to the study conducted by this author is that the publicly announced implications of victory have been subjected to an ongoing shift during the examined time period.
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Books on the topic "George's Union"

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Xavier, Nerrière, Patillon Christophe, and Centre d'histoire du travail (Nantes, France), eds. Georges Prampart: Une vie de combats et de convictions. Nantes: Centre d'histoire du travail, 2009.

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1911-1974, Pompidou Georges, and Willaert Emilie, eds. Un projet pour l'Europe: Georges Pompidou et la construction européenne. Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2010.

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Spalding, Matthew. A sacred union of citizens: George Washington's farewell address and the American character. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996.

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The cavalry battle that saved the Union: Custer vs. Stuart at Gettysburg. Gretna, La: Pelican Pub. Co., 2002.

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Kennan, George Frost. At a century's ending: Reflections, 1982-1995. New York: W.W. Norton, 1996.

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Stephanson, Anders. Kennan and the art of foreign policy. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1989.

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Operation Rollback: America's secret war behind the Iron Curtain. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000.

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George Kennan and the American-Russian relationship, 1865-1924. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1990.

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George F. Kennan: An American life. New York: Penguin Press, 2011.

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Kennan, George Frost. Interviews with George F. Kennan. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "George's Union"

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Taylor, Robert. "‘What Are We Here For?’ George Woodcock and Trade Union Reform, 1960–1969." In The TUC, 134–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595484_5.

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Laruelle, Marlene. "Antifascism as the Renewed Social Consensus Under Putin." In Is Russia Fascist?, 43–61. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754135.003.0004.

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This chapter delves into Russia's positioning as the antifascism power par excellence toward its domestic audience. It cultivates the memory of the Great Patriotic War as the cornerstone of social consensus, a powerful reservoir of meaning that allows celebrations of individuals' adhesion to the nation and its myths. The chapter argues that the memory of the war epitomized the good sides of the Soviet Union and integrated well within the current nostalgia for late Soviet culture and daily life. It then discusses how Vladimir Putin's policy of rehabilitating Soviet symbols contributed to relegitimizing the war as a critical moment in the nation's history. The chapter highlights the emergence of new commemorative practices and invented traditions, such as the Immortal Regiment and the St. George's Ribbon, as genuine grassroots initiatives. It analyses how the narrative on the war gradually coalesced, reinforced by legislative activity aimed to erase any questions about the state's historical legitimacy. The chapter also evaluates why textbooks, which seek to shape future citizens rather than build critical thinking skills, remain quite traditional in their analysis, even if some historically ambivalent moments such as collaborationism are briefly described. Ultimately, the chapter assesses the other consequence of the war's role as a foundational memory myth for Russia.
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Preston, Katherine K. "The 1860s." In George Frederick Bristow, 77–94. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043420.003.0007.

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The early 1860s were tumultuous for the country and Bristow. Exempt from military service, he organized patriotic concerts and composed overtly nationalistic works, including Keep Step with the Music of Union and Columbus Overture (both 1861). He divorced Crane (1863) and married Louise Holder (1864), a widow with a young daughter, Nina. They moved to Morrisania (now in the Bronx) and added daughter Estelle Viola (1868). Bristow’s gigging activities diminished, but he commuted daily to Manhattan to teach and to perform with the two philharmonic societies, the Harmonic Society and the Mendelssohn Union (1867-1871), and in various churches. He wrote two oratorios: Praise to God (1861) and Daniel (1867).
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DiGirolamo, Vincent. "Press Philanthropy and the Politics of Want." In Crying the News, 258–300. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195320251.003.0009.

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To better recruit and discipline their young distribution force, newspaper publishers and circulation managers in the 1880s became pioneers of corporate welfare. Led by Joseph Pulitzer in St. Louis, E. W. Scripps in Detroit and Cincinnati, Victor Lawson in Chicago, and George Booth in Grand Rapids, Michigan, they organized newsboy banquets, excursions, clubs, schools, and marching bands. They also sponsored newsboy boxing tournaments and fielded newsboy baseball teams. A dozen eastern newspapers formed their own newsboy baseball league. Newsboys took full advantage of these programs, as well as the newsboy homes and reading rooms founded by the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, but they also organized unions, struck for better pay and working conditions, and participated in political campaigns and protests. Ultimately, they sought justice over charity.
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Macedo, Stephen. "Traditional Marriage and Public Law." In Just Married. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691166483.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the philosophical argument, grounded in natural law, for regarding marriage as necessarily the union of one man and one woman. It first considers whether marriage is by nature heterosexual by discussing the claims advanced by Sherif Girgis, Ryan T. Anderson, and Robert P. George in their book What Is Marriage? Man and Woman—A Defense. In particular, it explores the New Natural Law defense of marriage as necessarily the relation of one man and one woman, its endorsement of sex within the marriages of sterile heterosexuals as not only permissible but good, and its insistence that only heterosexual couples can be married because only their unions can be oriented toward having and raising children. The chapter shows that natural law arguments fail to provide a reasoned basis for excluding same-sex couples from the civil institution of marriage.
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Ross, Charles D. "George Trenholm Sees the Future." In Breaking the Blockade, 9–18. University Press of Mississippi, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496831347.003.0002.

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This chapter tells the story of George Trenholm, one of the savviest businessmen in the United States and probably the richest man in the South when the Civil War began. It describes Trenholm's international powerhouse firm that was highly respected by the powerful in New York and Europe. The chapter then turns to review the impact of Abraham Lincoln's election as president on the slaveholding Southern states and the more industrial Northern states. Three days later George Trenholm introduced a measure in the South Carolina General Assembly denouncing the election and stating that South Carolina should preserve her sovereignty by securing supplies and weapons to arm the state. As South Carolina joined Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia, and Florida in establishing the Confederate States of America, Trenholm started a trend that would be rapidly copied by others: he began to change the registry of his ships to British and obscuring the names of the true owners. The chapter then introduces Captain Sam Whiting, the person who paid the courtesy of dipping his US flag to the Union defenders of the fort. It investigates how both the Union and Confederate governments scrambled to put people in the right places to win the war.
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Preston, Katherine K. "The 1870s." In George Frederick Bristow, 107–23. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043420.003.0009.

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Bristow’s stature in New York as a composer, conductor, and organist was unrivaled during the 1870s. He continued to perform with the two orchestras and to conduct several society choirs. The number of new compositions slowed during the 1870s, but his significant works included Great Republic: Ode to the American Union (1870-1876), Pioneer: A Grand Cantata (1872), and his programmatic Arcadian Symphony (1872). An increasingly number of his compositions were performed during the decade, including a revival (unsuccessful) of Rip Van Winkle. He enjoyed a third Grand Testimonial Concert and the performance of his Arcadian Symphony in a Baltimore concert of American music (both 1875).
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Masur, Louis P. "2. 1861." In The U.S. Civil War: A Very Short Introduction, 30–42. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780197513668.003.0003.

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“1861” describes the events of that year, which began with the appointment of Jefferson Davis as president of the Confederacy. Following the Confederate bombardment of Fort Sumter, Lincoln called for troops, appointed George McClellan to command Union forces, and imposed a blockade against the South. The first battles were chaotic. Union forces (“Yankees”) benefited from greater manpower and technology; Southerners (“Rebels”) had a stronger military tradition and familiar terrain. Although the war did not begin with the aim of abolishing slavery, the institution played a role in military and diplomatic developments. Abolitionists hoped that Union war aims would transform into a struggle against slavery.
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Penn, William A. "The Second Battle of Cynthiana." In Kentucky Rebel Town. University Press of Kentucky, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813167718.003.0009.

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This chapter begins part one of a three-chapter description of the Second Battle of Cynthiana, which took place on June 11-12, 1864, as part of General John Hunt Morgan’s Last Kentucky Raid. Morgan attacked Col. Conrad Garis, 168th Ohio infantry, at dawn, June 11, 1864, from several directions, beginning with the covered bridge, forcing Union troops to retreat to the railroad depot where Capt. George W. Berry was mortally wounded. The Union soldiers then retreated to the Rankin House where Col. Garis was captured. Union troops firing from buildings along Pike Street fled after Morgan ordered some buildings to be set on fire. The fires spread, destroying about 37 buildings. By this time, Union soldiers surrendered along Pike Street and in the courthouse.
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Farquhar, George. "A Prologue on the propos’d Union of the Two Houses." In The Works of George Farquhar, Vol. 2, edited by Shirley Strum Kenny. Oxford University Press, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00048665.

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