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1

Xavier, Nerrière, Patillon Christophe, and Centre d'histoire du travail (Nantes, France), eds. Georges Prampart: Une vie de combats et de convictions. Nantes: Centre d'histoire du travail, 2009.

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2

1911-1974, Pompidou Georges, and Willaert Emilie, eds. Un projet pour l'Europe: Georges Pompidou et la construction européenne. Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2010.

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3

Spalding, Matthew. A sacred union of citizens: George Washington's farewell address and the American character. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996.

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4

The cavalry battle that saved the Union: Custer vs. Stuart at Gettysburg. Gretna, La: Pelican Pub. Co., 2002.

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5

Kennan, George Frost. At a century's ending: Reflections, 1982-1995. New York: W.W. Norton, 1996.

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6

Stephanson, Anders. Kennan and the art of foreign policy. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1989.

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7

Operation Rollback: America's secret war behind the Iron Curtain. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000.

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8

George Kennan and the American-Russian relationship, 1865-1924. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1990.

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9

George F. Kennan: An American life. New York: Penguin Press, 2011.

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10

Kennan, George Frost. Interviews with George F. Kennan. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002.

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11

Bagby, Lewis. Alexander Bestuzhev-Marlinsky and Russian Byronism. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995.

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12

An unplanned life: A memoir. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2005.

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13

Women, community, and the Hormel Strike of 1985-86. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1994.

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14

Schleuning, Neala. Women, community and the Hormel strike of 1985-86. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1994.

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15

Britain 1846-1964: The challenge of change. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

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16

Prince George's County Genealogical Society. Records Committee., ed. A Bibliography of published genealogical source records, Prince George's Co., Md. 2nd ed. Bowie, Md. (P.O. Box 819, Bowie 20715): Records Committee, Prince George's County Genealogical Society, 1986.

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17

The future relations of the English-speaking communities: An essay read before the eleventh convention of the North America St. George's Union, at Chicago, August 20, 1884. [Washington: s.n.], 1986.

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18

Gavrilyuk, Paul L. Georges Florovsky and the Russian Religious Renaissance. Oxford University Press, 2015.

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19

Georges Pompidou et l'Europe: Colloque, 25 et 26 novembre 1993. Bruxelles: Editions Complexe, 1995.

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20

Lause, Mark A. The Brotherhood of the Union. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036552.003.0002.

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This chapter focuses on the Brotherhood of the Union. The Brotherhood represented a particularly American version of the radical nationalist idealism characteristic of the European revolts of 1848–49. Unlike such associations abroad, it functioned within a civilization, paradoxically free in terms of a republican ideology but politically shackled to human slavery. In founding the order, Gothic writer George Lippard sought to create a mutual aid fraternal order that would play the same sort of role widely attributed to the secret political societies in Europe. Known members—a rather limited proportion of the entire order—included some of the leading socialist and radical land reformers, people with ties to the antislavery Free Democratic Party. No less than kindred associations abroad, the Brotherhood of the Union blended abstract romantic humanity and social love with political goals that required blood and iron.
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21

Wheeler, Nicholas J. USA–Soviet Union, 1985–1989. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199696475.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 focuses on US–Soviet interactions 1985–90. The end of the cold war is hotly debated, with competing explanations in IR, including trust-based ones. However, none of these explanations adequately explains the transformation in superpower relations in the later 1980s. The chapter posits the importance of the theory of bonding trust in explaining how Reagan and Gorbachev came to interpret each other’s signals accurately, and the subsequent ending of the cold war. It argues that what changed Reagan’s perceptions of Gorbachev’s signals was the process of bonding and trust emergence that led to a transformation of their identities, made possible by their face-to-face diplomacy at four summits, especially Reykjavik. Reagan’s successor, George H. W. Bush, did not initially trust Gorbachev. Only after Bush and Gorbachev had developed a relationship of trust did the President, and especially his Secretary of State, James Baker, trust the Soviet leader’s intentions.
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22

Georges Florovsky and the Russian Religious Renaissance Changing Paradigms in Historical and Systematic Theology. Oxford University Press, 2013.

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23

Einolf, Christopher J. George Thomas: Virginian for the Union. University of Oklahoma Press, 2010.

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24

Fordney, Ben Fuller. George Stoneman: A Biography of the Union General. McFarland, 2014.

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25

Sowinska, Agnieszka. Critical Search for Values in George W. Bush's State of the Union Addresses. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2015.

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26

Sowinska, Agnieszka. Critical Search for Values in George W. Bush's State of the Union Addresses. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2015.

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27

Sowinska, Agnieszka. Critical Search for Values in George W. Bush's State of the Union Addresses. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2015.

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28

Sowinska, Agnieszka. Critical Search for Values in George W. Bush's State of the Union Addresses. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2015.

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29

Marinova, Nadejda K. The Bush Administration and Lebanon After May 2005. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190623418.003.0006.

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The chapter analyzes the George W. Bush administration’s utilization of two Lebanese diaspora NGOs: the World Council for the Cedars Revolution (WCCR) and the International Lebanese Committee for UNSCR 1559 (ILC 1559). The two organizations represented activists who withdrew from the World Lebanese Cultural Union after May 2005, when the World Lebanese Cultural Union had returned to a cultural and social agenda. WCCR and ILC 1559 activists continued reiterating support for the administration’s policy toward Syria and Lebanon with Washington think tanks, hosted conferences with members of Congress, and met with officials at the National Security Council and State Department. The chapter provides another example of host-government (in this instance, US) policymakers using diasporas to further mutually beneficial agendas, in a more low-key fashion than the American Lebanese Coalition prior to 2005.
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30

Anderson, Carolyn J. Cartography and Conflict: The Board of Ordnance and the Construction of the Military Landscape of Scotland, 1689–1815. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781845861209.003.0006.

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Scotland generated four Jacobite risings from 1689 to 1745, plus Franco-Jacobite invasion threats in 1708 and 1744. British military mapping was the responsibility of the London-based Board of Ordnance. After the 1707 Act of Union the Scottish Ordnance Office came under London control and received additional staff. Road making was initiated, associated with Generals George Wade and William Roy. Originally fortress-oriented, the Drawing Room in the Tower of London shifted to producing topographical surveys, oriented after 1746 towards transportation, development and integration.
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31

Michel, Pigenet, Robin Pierre, Piot Céline, Lorry, and Anthony, eds. Regards sur le syndicalisme révolutionnaire: Victor, Emile, Georges, Fernand et les autres : actes du colloque tenu à Nérac, les 25 et 26 novembre 2006 :" La Charte d'Amiens a 100 ans". [Narrosse]: Albret, 2007.

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32

Rafuse, Ethan S. McClellan's War: The Failure of Moderation in the Struggle for the Union. Indiana University Press, 2011.

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33

Spalding, Matthew. A Sacred Union of Citizens: George Washington's Farewell Address and the American Character. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1998.

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34

A Sacred Union of Citizens: George Washington's Farewell Adress and the American Character. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1998.

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35

Bontemps, Arna. Soldiers. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037696.003.0010.

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This chapter examines the experiences of Illinois Negro soldiers in the Union army that fought in the Civil War. According to George W. Williams, Illinois sent 1,811 soldiers during the Civil War, but Champaign's Union and Gazette states that “of the colored men enlisted in the war, Illinois raised one thousand one hundred and eleven.” The correct number was perhaps an average between the two figures; downstate Quincy alone is said to have raised 903 of these men. Congress was appealed to decide whether or not Negroes were to fight in the conflict; after long months of pro and con debate an act was passed requiring that Negroes be paid ten dollars per month, with three dollars deducted for clothing while white soldiers received thirteen dollars per month in addition to their uniforms. This chapter considers the role of H. O. Wagoner in leading the Negro personnel of Civil War forces in Illinois, as well as questions regarding the Negro's place in military affairs.
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36

Lause, Mark A. Lone Stars and Golden Circles. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036552.003.0004.

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This chapter focuses on the Knights of the Golden Circle. George Washington Lafayette Bickley became one of the most famous members of the Brotherhood of the Union after he founded his own Knights of the Golden Circle. In a nation of “self-made men,” the founder of the Knights of the Golden Circle so persistently and frequently remade himself that many contemporaries remained at a loss as to who he actually was. Nevertheless, by any measure, the Knights of the Golden Circle became much more well known and accorded vastly greater importance than the organizations of George Lippard or Hugh Forbes. While Giuseppe Mazzini's idea of a mystic national destiny rested, in part, on the cooperation of nations, Bickley worked where nationhood grew pure without feudal or monarchist constraints. In his mind, an American “Manifest Destiny” unfolded in an unbounded fashion that would be not only unique but exceptional.
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37

Fry, Zachery A. A Republic in the Ranks. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654454.001.0001.

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The Union Army of the Potomac was a hotbed of political activity during the Civil War. It proved a source of constant frustration for Abraham Lincoln, and its commander, George B. McClellan, even secured the Democratic nomination for president in 1864. This book uses untapped sources to recast our understanding of soldier ideology and presents the most comprehensive view yet of the army’s political story. It recounts the struggle between Republicans and Democrats for political allegiance among the army’s rank and file, in the process showing that the army’s captains, majors, and colonels spurred a pro-Republican political awakening among the enlisted men that burst onto the public stage through newspaper editorials, unit resolutions, and letters to home front politicians. The book traces the heated campaigning and voting activity on the front lines during critical elections such as the 1864 presidential contest, highlighting how an army that had once revered McClellan renounced him for consorting with the forces of peace activism and treason. Union soldiers asserted themselves as the guardians of civic virtue and used the power of political organization to set the terms in a heated debate over wartime loyalty.
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38

Kennan, George Frost. At a Century's Ending: Reflections 1982-1995. W. W. Norton & Company, 1989.

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39

Kennan, George Frost. At a Century's Ending: Reflections 1982-1995. W. W. Norton & Company, 1989.

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40

Lukacs, John. Through the History of the Cold War: The Correspondence of George F. Kennan and John Lukacs. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.

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41

Mohd Sani, Mohd Azizuddin. Amerika Syarikat dan keseimbangan kuasa global pada era pasca-perang dingin, 1989-2000. UUM Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/9789675311819.

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Buku ini cuba mengkaji sejarah sistem global dan interaksi kuasa besar Amerika Syarikat dengan negara-negara dan masyarakat antarabangsa khususnya setelah berakhirnya Perang Dingin pada dekad terakhir abad ke-20 iaitu dari tahun 1989 hingga 2000.Keruntuhan Tembok Berlin pada tahun 1989 dan kejatuhan sistem komunis Soviet Union pada awal tahun 1990-an telah meninggalkan Amerika Syarikat sebagai sebuah kuasa tunggal dunia.Pengumuman Tatabaharu Dunia (New World Order) pada tahun 1991 oleh Presiden Amerika Syarikat George H. Bush dari podium Perhimpunan Agung Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu (PBB) telah mereformasi satu bentuk sistem dunia baharu yang sebenarnya ingin digerakkan mengikut acuan dan kepentingan Amerika Syarikat.Buku ini sesuai kepada pembaca yang ingin mengetahui tentang percaturan politik global yang berasaskan dasar luar kuasa besar dunia Amerika Syarikat.
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42

DeCredico, Mary A. Confederate Citadel. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179254.001.0001.

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Richmond, Virginia, became the capital of the Confederate States of America in May 1861. From that point on, it would be the target of multiple Union “On to Richmond” campaigns. Richmond was symbolic: its capitol building bore the imprimatur of the Revolutionary War generation and had been designed by Thomas Jefferson; on its grounds was a famous equestrian statue of George Washington. Nearby was St. John’s Church, where Patrick Henry had demanded liberty—or death. But Richmond was an anomaly in the antebellum South. It supported a diverse population of whites, slaves, free people of color, and immigrants. It had modernized during the 1850s. By 1860, it ranked thirteenth nationally in manufacturing and boasted a robust commercial economy. When civil war erupted in 1861, it was only logical to shift the Confederate capital to the city on the James. Richmond became the keystone of the rebellion. Its people would sacrifice until there was literally nothing left. Rather than allow the Union army to take the city in 1865, the Confederacy’s military leaders fired the tobacco housed there, which created a firestorm that nearly destroyed the city. When the Federals entered Richmond on April 3, they could see the detritus that was a testament to the city’s and its citizens’ contributions to the Confederacy.
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43

Stephanson, Anders. Kennan and the Art of Foreign Policy. Harvard University Press, 1992.

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44

Smith, Tony. After the Cold War: Wilsonianism Resurgent? Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0011.

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This chapter examines the United States's Wilsonianism in the post-Cold War era, first under George H. W. Bush and then under Bill Clinton. It considers how Bush, who became president as the Soviet Union was disintegrating and its leaders were looking for a new framework of understanding with the West, used Wilsonianism to address the question of establishing a world order favorable to American national security. It also discusses various Bush initiatives that were designed to establish a new world order after the cold war, Clinton's selective approach to liberal democratic internationalism, the effects of liberal economic practices on American national security, and the link between nationalism and liberal democracy. Finally, it assesses some of the challenges involved in the United States' efforts to bring about stable constitutional governance in many parts of the world.
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45

Llewellyn-Smith, Michael. Venizelos. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197586495.001.0001.

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This book is about the life and times of Eleftherios Venizelos, one of the greatest political leaders of Greece in the twentieth century. It covers first his upbringing, education, and political apprenticeship in Ottoman Crete. Venizelos played a major part in the Cretan struggle for Union with Greece. He worked under Prince George of Greece, High Commissioner of the Powers, when Crete became an autonomous regime, and broke with him in the uprising at Therisso which moved Crete a step nearer to Union. Venizelos moved to Greece in 1910, resolved a political crisis provoked by a military uprising, and became prime minister. He founded his own liberal party, and introduced a new constitution and major reforms of Greece's political, economic, and social affairs. He negotiated an alliance with Bulgaria and Serbia and in 1912-13 these Balkan allies attacked the Turks in Macedonia, Thrace and Epirus and were victorious. The territory and population of Greece was almost doubled as a result. These wars, in the second of which Greece and Serbia defeated former ally Bulgaria, won great gains for Greece including Salonika, but left multiple issues unresolved including the fate of the Aegean islands and a naval arms race with Turkey. But these problems were sidelined on the outbreak of the Great War in 1914. Venizelos's career will be explored further in a second volume taking the story on from 1914 to his death in 1936.
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46

Kennan, George F. Encounter with Kennan: The Great Debate. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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47

Trollope, Anthony. Can You Forgive Her? Edited by Dinah Birch. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/owc/9780199578177.001.0001.

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‘She loved him much, and admired him even more than she loved him…Would that he had some faults!’ Alice Vavasor is torn between a risky marriage with her ambitious cousin George and the safer prospect of a union with the formidably correct John Grey. Her indecision is reflected in the dilemmas of her friend Lady Glencora, confined in the proprieties of her life with Plantagenet Palliser but tempted to escape with her penniless lover Burgo Fitzgerald, and of her aunt, the irreverent widow Mrs Greenow, who must choose between a solid farmer and an untrustworthy soldier as her next husband. Each woman finds her choice bound up with the cold realities of money, and the tension between public expectation and private inclination. Can You Forgive Her? is the first of Trollope’s six Palliser novels, and its focus on the exercise of power, whether in the masculine world of parliament and the professions, or within the domesticities of friendship, courtship, and marriage, signals a new breadth and diversity of interest in his fiction.
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48

Grose, Peter. Operation Rollback: America's Secret War Behind the Iron Curtain. Mariner Books, 2001.

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49

Heer, Paul J. Mr. X and the Pacific. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501711145.001.0001.

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This book chronicles and assesses the little-known involvement of US diplomat George F. Kennan—renowned as an expert on the Soviet Union—in US policy toward East Asia, primarily in the early Cold War years. Kennan, with vital assistance from his deputy John Paton Davies, played pivotal roles in effecting the US withdrawal from the Chinese civil war and the redirection of American occupation policy in Japan, and in developing the “defensive perimeter” concept in the western Pacific. His influence, however, faded soon thereafter: he was less successful in warning against US security commitments in Korea and Indochina, and the impact of the Korean War ultimately eclipsed his strategic vision for US policy in East Asia. This was due in large part to Kennan’s inability to reconcile his judgment that the mainland of East Asia was strategically expendable to the United States with his belief that US prestige should not be compromised there. The book examines the subsequent evolution of Kennan’s thinking about East Asian issues—including his role as a prominent critic of US involvement in the Vietnam War—and the legacies of his engagement with the region.
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50

Taunton, Matthew. Red Britain. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817710.001.0001.

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Red Britain provocatively situates the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 as the most definitive pretext for the cultural and political debates of the British mid-century. Drawing on new archival research and historical scholarship to investigate British responses to Soviet politics and culture, Taunton describes their conceptual, discursive, and formal reverberations in British literature and culture. The book provides new insight into writers including Arthur Koestler, Doris Lessing, George Orwell, Dorothy Richardson, H. G Wells, and Raymond Williams, as well as a diverse cast of lesser-known writers, intellectuals, journalists, and visitors to the Soviet Union. As Taunton shows, the cultural resonances of the Russian Revolution are more far-reaching and various than has been acknowledged. Each of the five chapters of Red Britain takes as its subject one particular problem or debate, and explores the ways in which it was politicized as a result of the Russian Revolution and the subsequent development of the Soviet state. The chapters focus on the idea of the future; numbers and arithmetic; law and justice; debates around agriculture and landowning; and finally orality, literacy, and religion. In all of these spheres, Red Britain explores how political ideas formed in the Bolshevik revolution—futurist, utilitarian, literate, urban, statist, and economistic—clashed with and sometimes redirected, and were sometimes overwritten by, the medievalist, romantic, oral, pastoral, anarchic, and ethical emphases of English socialism.
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