Journal articles on the topic 'George's Union'

The General Synod met at St Paul's and St George's Church in Edinburgh from 9 to 11 June 2016. In his charge to Synod, the Primus, the Most Revd David Chillingworth, reflected on the injunction of St Paul to ‘please God, who tests our hearts’. As the Synod prepared to consider canonical change in relation to marriage, he asked how the Church was to continue to express the love and unity to which it was called by God. During the preceding year, deep pain in relationships had been experienced both in the Anglican Communion and with the Church of Scotland and Church of England – and there was a need to explore whether the Scottish Episcopal Church itself might have contributed to that distress and to shape a response that ‘pleased God, who tests our hearts'. In the light of the (then) forthcoming referendum on the European Union, the Primus suggested that it was not the wish of many in Scotland to use national borders to protect economic privilege. If the referendum took the UK out of the European Union, it could have profound effects on the unfolding story of the new Scotland and of the UK as a whole.

J. Stitt Wilson, mayor of Berkeley from 1911 to 1913, supported women's suffrage because he believed it would lead to a revaluation of the feminine and maternal values of cooperation and care and, along with the labor movement, provide the basis for creation of a socialist society that would embody the true values of Christianity. A rare example of a male activist and intellectual for whom women's equality was fundamental to his beliefs rather than auxiliary to them, Wilson drew his views from a mixture of Social Gospel; the labor movement; feminism; and socialism, particularly the maternalist socialism developed in parts of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union and the settlement house movement. Perhaps his most intellectually creative moment came when he applied Henry George's analysis of urban land values to a socialist and feminist vision of the city as a “social mother.” His election and work as mayor illustrate the overlap between the urban socialist and progressive social reform programs, while his failure to win any further elections reflects the divisions between them over the nature of capitalism.

George Batchelor was one of the giants of fluid mechanics in the second half of the twentieth century. He had a passion for physical and quantitative understanding of fluid flows and a single-minded determination that fluid mechanics should be pursued as a subject in its own right. He once wrote that he ‘spent a lifetime happily within its boundaries’. Six feet tall, thin and youthful in appearance, George's unchanging attire and demeanour contrasted with his ever-evolving scientific insights and contributions. His strongly held and carefully articulated opinions, coupled with his forthright objectivity, shone through everything he undertook.George's pervasive influence sprang from a number of factors. First, he conducted imaginative, ground-breaking research, which was always based on clear physical thinking. Second, he founded a school of fluid mechanics, inspired by his mentor G. I. Taylor, that became part of the world renowned Department of Applied Mathematics and Theoretical Physics (DAMTP) of which he was the Head from its inception in 1959 until he retired from his Professorship in 1983. Third, he established this Journal in 1956 and actively oversaw all its activities for more than forty years, until he relinquished his editorship at the end of 1998. Fourth, he wrote the monumental textbook An Introduction to Fluid Dynamics, which first appeared in 1967, has been translated into four languages and has been relaunched this year, the year of his death. This book, which describes the fundamentals of the subject and discusses many applications, has been closely studied and frequently cited by generations of students and research workers. It has already sold over 45 000 copies. And fifth, but not finally, he helped initiate a number of international organizations (often European), such as the European Mechanics Committee (now Society) and the biennial Polish Fluid Mechanics Meetings, and contributed extensively to the running of IUTAM, the International Union of Theoretical and Applied Mechanics. The aim of all of these associations is to foster fluid (and to some extent solid) mechanics and to encourage the development of the subject.

In the Name Game, letters of the alphabet are drawn at random, and a player marks off all occurrences of the letter in his name as it is called. The winner is the player whose name is deleted first; but a tie can occur when players' names have letters in common. For the two-player game, the probability of a player winning depends not only on the length of his own name but on how many letters occur only in the other player's name. (See [1] for probabilities involving more players.) For example, if Stephanie plays against Georges, then there are 11 letters in the union, 2 in the intersection, 3 that are in Georges but not Stephanie, and 6 that are in Stephanie but not Georges. In this case, the probability of a tie is 2/11, the probability of Stephanie winning is 3/11, and the probability of Georges winning is 6/11. These probabilities are easily derived by considering the 11! permutations of the letters in the union.

Eugenius Aristides Nisbet played a critical role in Georgia's secession from the United States. Elected as a delegate to Georgia's 1861 secession convention, Nisbet introduced a resolution in favor of severing ties with the Union, and he led the committee that drafted his state's secession ordinance. Nisbet was a trained lawyer who had served on the Georgia Supreme Court, and his legal training shaped the way that he viewed secession. He believed that the Constitution did not give states the right to dissolve the Union; instead, this power rested solely in the people, and he framed the resolution and ordinance accordingly. Thanks in part to Nisbet, it was the “people of the State of Georgia” who “repealed, rescinded and abrogated” their ratification of the Constitution in 1788.

The Long Telegram by George Kennan was a turning point in the career of the American diplomat, and his theses contributed to the formulation of the Truman Doctrine, which involved fighting the growing influence of the USSR in the world. In the above-mentioned analysis sent in February 1946 to the headquarters of the State Department, Kennan included his observations and beliefs about the nature of the Soviet system and its impact on the foreign policy pursued by the USSR. Despite the fact that the text was written almost 75 years ago and concerned the Soviet Union, many of its theses are still valid, and reading it allows for a better understanding of the foreign policy of contemporary Russia.

The article researches the development of foreign trade in goods of Georgia in the context of the country's participation in international integration processes from the mid-1990s to the present. The evolution and features of Georgias participation in such integration organizations and projects as the Commonwealth of Independent States, GUAM, the Eastern Partnership of European Union, as well as interaction with the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union are examined. Based on a detailed analysis of the dynamics, commodity and geographical structure of Georgias foreign trade in goods in the long term period, the article substantiates the conclusion that the participation of Georgia in the Free Trade Agreements, as well as trade liberalization carried out in integration blocks, have practically no effect to change the exportimport flows of the country, and do not lead to an increase in foreign trade with the member countries of the integrations. The most significant factors that determine Georgias foreign trade and its trends are the country's geographical location and the level of the transport infrastructure development, the implementation of large-scale transport and logistics projects in the region, external financing provided to the country by international and regional organizations, foreign countries, on a credit and grant basis.

Η παρούσα εργασία εστιάζει στην αξιολόγηση της Συνόδου Φερράρας – Φλωρεντίας στην οποία προέβη ο Γεώργιος Σφραντζής στο ιστοριογραφικό του έργο, το οποίο γράφτηκε λίγες μόλις δεκαετίες ύστερα από την Άλωση της Κωνσταντινούπολης (1453). Η επιλογή να εστιάσουμε στον συγκεκριμένο συγγραφέα δεν είναι τυχαία. Η συμμετοχή του σε πολλαπλές διπλωματικές αποστολές, αλλά και τα διάφορα κυβερνητικά αξιώματα που του ανατέθηκαν κατά καιρούς, τον καθιστούν άριστο γνώστη των θεμάτων της εξωτερικής πολιτικής της Αυτοκρατορίας αλλά και των λόγων που οδήγησαν κάθε φορά τον εκάστοτε αυτοκράτορα σε συγκεκριμένες πολιτικές αποφάσεις. Η ιστορική του αφήγηση, επί πλέον, δεν απηχεί ιδεολογικές συγκρούσεις ούτε θρησκευτικές διενέξεις. Έτσι, η μαρτυρία του συμβάλλει αποφασιστικά στην καλύτερη δυνατή κατανόηση των κριτηρίων βάσει των οποίων οι τελευταίοι υιοθέτησαν τη συγκεκριμένη πολιτική, ενώ παράλληλα μας επιτρέπει να κατανοήσουμε πώς αυτή αντιμετωπίστηκε από ένα τμήμα τουλάχιστον των κυβερνητικών αξιωματούχων της εποχής εκείνης.

AbstractThe Ara Pacis Augustae or Altar of Augustan Peace, erected by the Emperor outside Rome in 9 B.C., expresses perhaps more clearly than any other monument the ideology of the Augustan Age: the peaceful union of Rome with her Empire. At the same time, in the iconography of the east and west fronts, and especially in the images on the altar table, pedestal and plinth, it contains several expressions whose structures appear consonant with the tripartite Indo-European ideology that was derived from the earliest phases of religion at Rome and elsewhere in the ancient Indo-European speaking domain by Georges Dumézil. Finally, this monument also appears to constitute a crystallized cognitive map-a visible set of reference points-in terms of which the Romans of the period could orient themselves to their contemporary circumstances, future expectations, and a past studded with subconscious echoes of their Indo-European heritage.

The article deals with the economic ties between Georgia and four countries neighbouring the Caucasus region: Russia, Turkey, Iran, and Kazakhstan. The authors focus their attention on regional analysis and, for comparison, give figures on Georgia's relations with three global players: the USA, the EU, and the PRC. The authors postulate at least three challenges to Russia’s interests in Georgia. First, both Georgian establishment and society regard integration with the EU and NATO as main goal of the state, which in case of NATO evidently contradicts Russian national interests. Second, from the economic point of view, the USA is no longer a financial driver of Georgian reforms. The EU, main trade partner of Georgia for the past 15 years, has replaced it. The CIS surpasses the EU in commodity turnover with Georgia, however it is in fact an amorphous organization that formally combines its member-states and lacks for common economic policy, unlike the European Union that acts as an integration association. Third, Chinese investment in Georgian infrastructure within the "New Silk Way" project serves as a ponderable alternative to Russian financial flow. For a comprehensive analysis of the situation the authors used some figures concerning commodity trade, FDI, cross-border financial flows, tourism, and transport development. Major pipeline branches, including the planned projects, are taken into account as well. The findings are based on the results of desk research, and on empirical data obtained through meetings with Georgian government officials.

How do political activists begin? What is their motivation? For quiet Greg Weir, just graduated as a trainee school teacher from Kelvin Grove College of Advanced Education in 1976, it was being refused employment by the Queensland government because he was a spokesperson for a gay student support group. Minister for Education Val Bird said in Parliament that ‘student teachers who participated in homosexual and lesbian groups should not assume they would be employed by the Education Department on graduation’. With his future as a teacher destroyed, Greg became one of Queensland's best-known political activists. His cause was taken up by the Australian Union of Students and he became a catalyst in developing awareness of gay and lesbian issues all over Australia. Greg was then employed as a staff member in the office of Senator George Georges and later Senator Bryant Burns, and became a Labor Party activist, influential in the peace, anti-nuclear, education and civil liberties movements in the 1970s and 1980s. He also helped set up HIV/AIDS awareness groups in the 1980s, and went on to become one of the central organisers of the campaign for gay law reform in 1989–90, which culminated in the decriminalisation of male homosexuality in 1990. In 1991 Greg was involved in campaigns to include homosexuality as a category in new antidiscrimination legislation.

The paper reviews Georgia's digital trust formation process and underlines the most important challenges for the online business sector. This research can be generalized for most developing countries where the digital transition process is on the agenda, especially for countries that have recently emerged from economic-political transition. Georgia has completed the transition from a centrally planned economic system (the heritage of being part of the Soviet Union) to a free market economy. Although trust in institutions is improving gradually, mistrust in business processes is still a great challenge for local business sectors. A wide-reaching lockdown caused by the 2020-2021 COVID-19 pandemic pushed both firms and individuals further towards online activity worldwide. In this regard, trust has become the key determinant in facilitating electronic transactions. Technological advances are providing dozens of tools to improve customer satisfaction and trust, which should lead to customer loyalty. On the other hand, lack of digital skills and digital security problems raises digital untrust concerns. Therefore, trust research in the digital economy is becoming more actual for academic or business studies. Digital trust is a multidimensional factor that is under the influence of digital and physical operations. In Georgia, businesses have to overcome obstacles built-in people's minds as a heritage of the Soviet Union. Georgia was a part of the Soviet Union for 70 years, which critically degraded the trust of both formal and informal institutions. Therefore, building digital trust in business is getting more complex as it includes traditional trust problems and digital challenges too. The main research purpose in this paper is to present the digital trust forming process in Georgia to reveal the major problems. This study involved the trust stack model in analysing three different stages of trust formation in the Georgian digital economy (trust in the idea, trust in the platform, trust in the individual). The research identified challenges and steps which should be carried out soon. Research academic findings and methodological approaches can be used to analyze other developing countries whose economies are influenced by the digital transformation process.

André Maurois (1885–1967) fut, jusqu’à sa mort, l’un des écrivains les plus lus et les plus respectés de sa génération, tant en France qu’à l’étranger (on l’appréciait d’ailleurs autant en Amérique qu’en Union soviétique !). Sa notoriété comme romancier, essayiste, historien, biographe, journaliste, conférencier et académicien l’amena à beaucoup voyager (surtout dans les pays anglo-saxons) et à se lier d’amitié avec de grands esprits (tels Paul Valéry ou Rudyard Kipling) ou quelques-uns des acteurs politiques majeurs de l’entre-deux-guerres (Aristide Briand, Winston Churchill, Edouard Herriot). Il n’empêche qu’aujourd’hui on a un peu oublié cet ancien auteur à succès et que son oeuvre ne séduit plus guère la jeunesse. Le milieu universitaire français l’ignore ou le traite avec condescendance et la plupart de ses écrits ne sont plus réédités. Comprenons que comme Anatole France, Roger Martin du Gard ou Georges Duhamel, il incarne à la fois l’humanisme bourgeois et l’attachement à la culture classique, valeurs plutôt dénigrées ou démodées depuis la seconde moitié du vingtième siècle ; ajoutons-y le conservatisme politique et son côté « psychologue mondain » » qui ont pu aussi lui faire du tort a posteriori ; le fait d’être un brillant polygraphe ou une « machine à livres » n’a jamais été rare, mais aujourd’hui, cela inspire peut-être davantage de méfiance ; et enfin, quelque plaisir que l’on ait à savourer sa prose élégante, il faut bien reconnaître que son style assez châtié semble un tantinet désuet.

The wave of Colour Revolutions, which started in Serbia in the year 2000, and spread to Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan, has changed the existing concepts on how transformation would take form in countries exiting from “really existing socialism.” In the early years following the collapse of the Soviet state, the dominant concepts were that of “transition” or slow, top-down reforms that would transform the existing political systems from ruling-party dictatorships to parliamentary democracies, and planned economies to market-based ones. Yet in the late 1990s there was a growing fatigue and pessimism towards the basic thesis of transition: the transition paradigm was formulated as a reaction to the perceived causes of the Soviet failure: a totalitarian state which monopolized the political space proved itself unable to provide either economic well-being or political legitimacy. The task in the early 1990s was to shrink the state apparatus, to make space for a multi-party political pluralism. Even though some argued that the main objective of transition was to achieve democracy,1 for transition theories and even more so for its translation into actual political choices the economic aspect of transition was perceived to be more immediate than the political one. Democracy needed a certain material context, and here too decreasing the role of the state was thought to liberate the market and provide material stability to the new democracies. It was necessary to create a new middle class by way of mass privatization of the former state properties to create a social demand for democracy. Those ideas reflected not only an ideological victory of the one side of the Cold War over the Eastern camp, but also very practical needs: the huge Soviet state sector was neither sustainable nor necessary after the fall of one-party rule, and it had to be radically transformed. At the time, this transition was thought to be an easy task: to take off the oppressing lid of the party-state and let democracy and market economies emerge naturally. Yet in the conception of transition there was a certain tension between the economic and political sides of the imagined reforms, between mass privatization with its dire social consequences of unemployment and fall in the standard of living, and the political goals of democratization where people who were being “restructured” were simultaneously promised to receive the right to change their rulers by casting their ballots. Would people who are threatened with job loss and lower living standards vote for the reformers? And in the event of a negative answer, how would the reforms proceed? Should economic reforms come before political ones; that is, first privatization and in a second stage freedom of political choice through parliamentary elections? These are some of the dilemma that the new republics of the Soviet Union and the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe were facing in the early 1990s. At the time, the answer was clear: the economy came first; it was more important to reform the economic sector, to privatize massively, and stabilize the economy as soon as possible. The economy came before politics, in the sense that restructuring of the property structure through mass privatization was supposed to create the material means for the creation of democracy. It was believed that once the middle class was created as a result of mass privatization, the democratic institutions, such as free elections, multi-party system, independent media, an active civil society, in a word, all the attributes of democracy, would evolve naturally.

Статья представляет собой вторую часть исследования о возможных перекличках и влияниях между Леонтием Византийским и латинофильской мыслью Византии XIII в. (Иоанн XI Векк). Показано, что основная путаница в сочинении Векка «Об унии между Церквами Старого и Нового Рима», вызванная нечётким употреблением категорий «сущность», «ипостась», «природа», «воипостасное» и др., могла иметь в качестве одной из причин недостаточное знакомство с трудами Леонтия Византийского, особенно с сочинением «Против несториан и евтихиан», в котором сам Леонтий предвидел ходы мысли, аналогичные рассуждениям Векка. В русле той же тенденции лежит и сведéние латинофильства Векка к тритеизму, представленное в антирретике Георгия Мосхамбара «Против богохульств Векка» (1281). Труды таких мыслителей, как Леонтий Византийский и Мосхамбар опровергают распространённое мнение (представленное, в частности, в трудах Х.-Г. Бека и Т. Кольбабы), будто в византийском богословии риторика превалировала над логикой. The article is the second part of our study concerning some possible repercussions and influences between Leontius of Byzantium and the thirteenth-century Byzantine Latinophile thought (Veccus). We have demonstrated that the main confusion in Veccus’ On the Union between the Churches of the Old and the New Rome was due, first, to the too wide usage of such categories as essence, hypostasis, nature, and enhypostaton, and, second, to the Patriarch’s lack of awareness of Leontius’ writings, especially of Against Nestorians and Eutychians, where the author himself had foreseen some lines of reasoning analogous to those of Veccus. On much the same lines that reduction of Veccus’ Latinophile ideas to tritheism is based which can be found in Georges Moschambar’s Against the Blasphemies of Veccus dating back to 1281. Leontius’ and Moschambar’s treatises do indeed refute a widespread idea represented, in particular, by H.-G. Beck and T. Kolbaba, that in Byzantine theology rhetoric dominated over logic.

Статья представляет собой вторую часть исследования о возможных перекличках и влияниях между Леонтием Византийским и латинофильской мыслью Византии XIII в. (Иоанн XI Векк). Показано, что основная путаница в сочинении Векка «Об унии между Церквами Старого и Нового Рима», вызванная нечётким употреблением категорий «сущность», «ипостась», «природа», «воипостасное» и др., могла иметь в качестве одной из причин недостаточное знакомство с трудами Леонтия Византийского, особенно с сочинением «Против несториан и евтихиан», в котором сам Леонтий предвидел ходы мысли, аналогичные рассуждениям Векка. В русле той же тенденции лежит и сведéние латинофильства Векка к тритеизму, представленное в антирретике Георгия Мосхамбара «Против богохульств Векка» (1281). Труды таких мыслителей, как Леонтий Византийский и Мосхамбар опровергают распространённое мнение (представленное, в частности, в трудах Х.-Г. Бека и Т. Кольбабы), будто в византийском богословии риторика превалировала над логикой. The article is the second part of our study concerning some possible repercussions and influences between Leontius of Byzantium and the thirteenth-century Byzantine Latinophile thought (Veccus). We have demonstrated that the main confusion in Veccus’ On the Union between the Churches of the Old and the New Rome was due, first, to the too wide usage of such categories as essence, hypostasis, nature, and enhypostaton, and, second, to the Patriarch’s lack of awareness of Leontius’ writings, especially of Against Nestorians and Eutychians, where the author himself had foreseen some lines of reasoning analogous to those of Veccus. On much the same lines that reduction of Veccus’ Latinophile ideas to tritheism is based which can be found in Georges Moschambar’s Against the Blasphemies of Veccus dating back to 1281. Leontius’ and Moschambar’s treatises do indeed refute a widespread idea represented, in particular, by H.-G. Beck and T. Kolbaba, that in Byzantine theology rhetoric dominated over logic.

Статья представляет собой первую часть исследования о возможных перекличках и влияниях между мыслителем VI в. Леонтием Византийским, в трудах которого формируется утончённый логико-философский и богословский аппарат для разрешения догматических споров, и, соответственно, паламитской и протоантипаламитской (латинофильской) мыслью Византии XIII-XIV вв. Хотя о прямом влиянии Леонтия на представителей обоих лагерей (соответственно, Феофана Никейского и Иоанна XI Векка) говорить не приходится, ряд звеньев логической преемственности в плане истории идей всё же удаётся установить. Это типология «вертикальных» и «горизонтальных» отношений человека с Богом у Леонтия и Феофана, с одной стороны (пример условноположительной рецепции Феофаном идей Леонтия); и, с другой стороны, почти полный отход от идей и наследия Леонтия (при использовании ограниченного числа его категорий) в хаотичной догматической системе Векка. На примере труда Векка «Об унии между Церквами старого и нового Рима» выделяются и анализируются тридцать четыре пункта, по которым патриарх-латинофил отходит как от православной догматики, так и от византийской философии. В качестве главной черты учения Векка называется тритеизм, бывший мишенью и для Леонтия. The article is the first part of our study concerning some possible repercussions and influences between the sixth-century thinker Leontius of Byzantium, in whose writings a complex logical, theological and philosophical apparatus for solving dogmatic controversies was being formed, on the one hand, and proto-Palamite and proto-anti-Palamite (Latinophile) thought of the thirteenthand fourteenth-century Byzantium, on the other. Although one cannot say about Leontius’ direct influence upon the representatives of the both hostile camps (resp., Theophanes of Nicaea and John XI Veccus), we can still discern some links in the logical chain of continuity between their ideas and Leontius’. These links include: a typology of «vertical» and «horizontal» Divine - human relations in Leontius and Theophanes (this is an example of Leontius’ ideas being possibly positively received and appropriated by Theophanes); but on the other side we see an almost complete setback from Leontius’ ideas and heritage in the chaotic dogmatic system by Veccus, although some limited number of Leontius’ categories might have been used by John. We make the case study of Veccus’ On the Union Between the Churches of the Old and the New Rome in which text we single out and analyze the 34 points of thought in which the Latinophile patriarch dissociated himself from both the Orthodox dogmatics and Byzantine philosophy in general. As the main trait of Veccus’ doctrine which had been criticized earlier by Leontius we call tritheism.

Статья представляет собой первую часть исследования о возможных перекличках и влияниях между мыслителем VI в. Леонтием Византийским, в трудах которого формируется утончённый логико-философский и богословский аппарат для разрешения догматических споров, и, соответственно, паламитской и протоантипаламитской (латинофильской) мыслью Византии XIII-XIV вв. Хотя о прямом влиянии Леонтия на представителей обоих лагерей (соответственно, Феофана Никейского и Иоанна XI Векка) говорить не приходится, ряд звеньев логической преемственности в плане истории идей всё же удаётся установить. Это типология «вертикальных» и «горизонтальных» отношений человека с Богом у Леонтия и Феофана, с одной стороны (пример условноположительной рецепции Феофаном идей Леонтия); и, с другой стороны, почти полный отход от идей и наследия Леонтия (при использовании ограниченного числа его категорий) в хаотичной догматической системе Векка. На примере труда Векка «Об унии между Церквами старого и нового Рима» выделяются и анализируются тридцать четыре пункта, по которым патриарх-латинофил отходит как от православной догматики, так и от византийской философии. В качестве главной черты учения Векка называется тритеизм, бывший мишенью и для Леонтия. The article is the first part of our study concerning some possible repercussions and influences between the sixth-century thinker Leontius of Byzantium, in whose writings a complex logical, theological and philosophical apparatus for solving dogmatic controversies was being formed, on the one hand, and proto-Palamite and proto-anti-Palamite (Latinophile) thought of the thirteenthand fourteenth-century Byzantium, on the other. Although one cannot say about Leontius’ direct influence upon the representatives of the both hostile camps (resp., Theophanes of Nicaea and John XI Veccus), we can still discern some links in the logical chain of continuity between their ideas and Leontius’. These links include: a typology of «vertical» and «horizontal» Divine - human relations in Leontius and Theophanes (this is an example of Leontius’ ideas being possibly positively received and appropriated by Theophanes); but on the other side we see an almost complete setback from Leontius’ ideas and heritage in the chaotic dogmatic system by Veccus, although some limited number of Leontius’ categories might have been used by John. We make the case study of Veccus’ On the Union Between the Churches of the Old and the New Rome in which text we single out and analyze the 34 points of thought in which the Latinophile patriarch dissociated himself from both the Orthodox dogmatics and Byzantine philosophy in general. As the main trait of Veccus’ doctrine which had been criticized earlier by Leontius we call tritheism.

The article analyzes the main stages of the origin and formation of gymnastics events in France since the beginning of the XIX century to 1942 on the basis of the works of leading French scientists. The development of gymnastics in France does not attract much attention of Ukrainian specialists whose scientific interests are related to the study of physical education and sports in European countries, so the practical issues of our research will complement and expand the relevant courses on the history of physical education for students in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the main historical aspects of the development of gymnastics events in France. To achieve it, the following tasks should be performed: to analyze the literature on research issues; to identify key dates in the history of gymnastics in France; to describe the role of personalities who have contributed most to the evolution of the field in this country. According to the results of the study, we conclude that the greatest influence on the development of gymnastics in France since the beginning of the XIX century to 1942 was made by Francisco Amorós, Napoléon Laisné, Eugène Paz, Charles Cazalet, Joseph Sansbœuf, Georges Demenÿ, Philippe Auguste Tissié. In the middle of the XIX century the institutionalization of gymnastics took place at the level of hospitals (1847), military services (1852) and school (1854). In the last quarter of the XIX century, physical education became a compulsory subject in primary and secondary schools for boys and girls. The Union of Gymnastics Societies of France was founded September 28, 1873 by Eugène Paz. In 1942, it was merged with the French Womenʼs Gymnastics and Physical Education Federation, which formed French Gymnastics Federation. French gymnasts since the beginning of Olympic Games in Paris (1900) have always shown consistently high results at competitions and tournaments of various scales, but since the 1930s it has begun to decline. Our further research will focus on a thorough study of the history of womenʼs gymnastics in France as well as the evolution of this sport in the period since 1942 to 2022.

Анализируется современная рецепция концепции неопатристического синтеза о. Георгия Флоровского и оцениваются перспективы её дальнейшего развития. Описаны основные этапы этой рецепции, начиная с рождения концепции в 30-х гг. прошлого века. Особое внимание уделяется новейшим этапам, на которых развертывается активная критика концепции. Систематически разобраны критические аргументы, выдвинутые в адрес концепции, и в качестве главных из них выделены следующие: неоправданная абсолютизация эллинского слагаемого православного Предания в концепции «христианского эллинизма» Флоровского; несправедливая, чрезмерная критика русской религиозной философии Серебряного века; ошибочная консервативная позиция, обращенность в прошлое, исключающая всякое творчество в богословии и уводящая его от проблем современности. Их анализ показывает, что первый аргумент должен быть принят, второй же - отвергнут. Третий также по сути несправедлив, но при его рассмотрении открывается необходимость известного уточнения и дополнения концепции. «Обращение к Отцам» следует понимать как обращение к квинтэссенциальному христианскому опыту соединения со Христом, хранимому в православном Предании как единстве патристики и аскетики. Итоговый вывод тот, что концепция в главном не устарела, но должна принять новую форму, имеющую два крупных отличия: следует удалить из нее принцип христианского эллинизма и включить в нее, в качестве аскетической компоненты Предания, опыт исихазма. Этот опыт, живой и ныне, и притом строго упорядоченный по ступеням «Райской Лествицы», служит своего рода «генетическим кодом» Предания, которое, в свете этого, предстает в точном смысле, «Живым Преданием», согласно старинной символической формуле. The present situation of the concept of neopatristic synthesis by Fr. Georges Florovsky is discussed and prospects for its further development are estimated. Principal stages of the reception of this concept are reconstructed, starting from its creation in the 30s of the last century. The main attention is paid to the last stages, on which the sharp criticism of the concept takes place. Critical arguments against the concept are systematically considered, and the following three of them are singled out as the most important: the unjustified absolutization of the Greek component of the Orthodox Tradition in the principle of «Christian Hellenism» by Florovsky; excessive and unjustified criticism of Russian religious philosophy of Silver Age; mistaken conservative position, which is oriented to the past, prevents any creation and innovation in theology and diverts theology away from topical problems of modern reality. Our analysis shows that the first argument must be accepted, but the second rejected. The third one is essentially invalid, but its study discovers that the concept needs to be made more precise and complemented. The «turn to the Fathers» must be conceived as the turn to the quintessential experience of the union with Christ, which is preserved in the Orthodox Tradition as the union of patristics and ascetics. As a result we conclude that the concept is not obsolete basically, but it must take a new form, which has two important distinctions: one must removefrom it the principle of Christian Hellenism, and include in it hesychast experience as the ascetic component of the Tradition. This experience, which is living and kept identically till nowadays, and has, moreover, rigorous organization, represents sui generis ‘genetic code’ of the Tradition. Provided with this code, the Tradition is literally the ‘Living Tradition’, by the ancient symbolic formula.

AbstractVladimir Lossky (1903–58) and Sergii Bulgakov (1871–1944) are normally taken as polar opposites in modern Orthodox theology. Lossky's theology is portrayed as being based on a close exegesis of the Greek Fathers with an emphasis on theosis, the Trinity and the apophatic way of mystical union with God. Bulgakov's ‘sophiology’, in contrast, if it is remembered at all, is said to be a theology which wished to ‘go beyond the Fathers’, was based on German Idealism and the quasi-pantheist and gnostic idea of ‘sophia’ which is a form of the ‘Eternal Feminine’ of Romanticism. In short, Lossky's theological approach is what people normally think of when they speak of Orthodox theology: a form of ‘neo-patristic synthesis’ (Georges Florovsky). Bulgakov's theological approach is said to be typical of the exotic dead end of the inter-war émigré ‘Paris School’ (Alexander Schmemann) or ‘Russian Religious Renaissance’ (Nicolas Zernov). Lossky, we are reminded, was instrumental in the 1935 condemnation, by Metropolitan Sergii Stragorodskii of the Moscow Patriarchate, of Bulgakov's theology as ‘alien’ to the Orthodox Christian faith. Counter to this widely held ‘standard narrative’ of contemporary Orthodox theology, the article argues that the origins of Vladimir Lossky's apophaticism, which he characterised as ‘antinomic theology’, are found within the theological methodology of the sophiology of Sergii Bulgakov: ‘antinomism’. By antinomism is understood that with any theological truth one has two equally necessary affirmations (thesis and antithesis) which are nevertheless logically contradictory. In the face of their conflict, we are forced to hold both thesis and antithesis together through faith. A detailed discussion of Lossky's apophaticism is followed by its comparison to Bulgakov's ‘sophiological antinomism’. Lossky at first appears to be masking the influence of Bulgakov and even goes so far as to read his own form of theological antinomism into the Fathers. Nevertheless, he may well have been consciously appropriating the ‘positive intuitions’ of Bulgakov's thought in order to ‘Orthodoxise’ a thinker he believed was in error but still regarded as the greatest Orthodox theologian of the twentieth century. Despite major differences between the two thinkers (e.g. differing understandings of reason, the use of philosophy and the uncreated/created distinction), it is suggested that Lossky and Bulgakov have more in common than normally is believed to be the case. A critical knowledge of Bulgakov's sophiology is said to be the ‘skeleton key’ for modern Orthodox theology which can help unlock its past, present and future.

Dr. Penny Hansen is an international physiology educator. She was born in America and became a Canadian citizen, and her husband is from Sweden. Dr. Hansen has a reputation throughout the world from international meetings and visiting professorships in North America and Europe. She received her bachelor’s and master’s degrees in Ohio, and her PhD and entire academic career have been at Memorial University in St. John’s, Newfoundland, which is closer to London than to New Orleans. She found a hospitable environment and stayed. Remember how some jet planes were grounded on Sept. 11 at Gander, Newfoundland; the local people opened their homes, transported passengers in school buses, and served them free meals for a couple of days. Dr. Hansen has received local and national awards for her teaching skills. At St. John’s, her ideas about education quickly outgrew the Basic Science Division in the Faculty of Medicine. She went from Assistant Dean for Undergraduate Medical Education to Director of Academic Development for Medicine to director of a center for health professional education for five professional schools. With this track record she might have been chosen to be dean of a medical school. Dr. Hansen’s most notable contribution to international physiology has been in editing our Society’s teaching journal, Advances in Physiology Education, for nine years. During that time, she has written provocative editorials, encouraged authors from developing countries, and found ways to incorporate fresh ideas about teaching. As far as I know, no other society in the Federation of American Societies for Experimental Biology has a journal devoted to teaching. This is a tribute to Dr. Hansen and her associate editors in their encouragement of teachers to do research on teaching and publish their findings. Dr. Hansen will continue writing and is authoring a textbook entitled Physiology of Life Situations, which will have unique organization. Dr. Hansen was recently appointed co-chair of the Education Committee for the International Union of Physiological Sciences. In that role, she is responsible for conducting teaching workshops and providing resources to teachers of physiology worldwide, particularly in developing countries. She spends time each winter teaching at St. George’s Medical School in Granada. Dr. Hansen is also the elected chair of the Teaching Section for the next three years. It is particularly appropriate that, on this Earth Day 2002, whose motto is “One People, One Earth, One Future,” we hear a citizen of Canada who teaches worldwide talk about“Physiology’s Recondite Curriculum.”—Roger TannerThies, PhD, Professor Emeritus of Physiology, The University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma.

¿Qué nos dicen, hoy en día, los trabajos del laboratorio político conocido como “Colegio de Sociología”? Examinando las influencias respectivas de dos de sus pensadores claves, Roger Caillois y Georges Bataille, este artículo se propone mostrar que el diálogo que los unió, y que acabaría separándolos, hunde sus raíces en los debates filosóficos del siglo XIX. Considerando un horizonte teórico mayor a modo de trama de fondo del Colegio de Sociología, este artículo pretende también ofrecer una lectura acerca de por qué se cruzaron ahí intereses tan eclécticos. Este examen se realiza siguiendo la pregunta que, a nuestro parecer, motivó el debate Caillois/Bataille: ¿Qué institución podía subvertir el motor del devenir teleológico de la modernidad? En definitiva, a través del estudio de los encuentros y desencuentros de dos de sus miembros, lo que quiere subrayar este artículo son algunos límites que llevaron a la disolución del Colegio de Sociología.

Patrick Steptoe was born on 9 June 1913 in Witney, Oxfordshire. He grew up in a family of eight brothers and sisters, the sixth boy and the seventh child of Grace Maud (née Mimms) and Harry Arthur Steptoe. His mother was an advocate of women’s rights, and worked for the Mothers’ Union and Infant Welfare clinics; she died in 1973. His father was Registrar of Births, Deaths and Marriages in Witney; he died in 1953. As a schoolboy at the Witney Grammar School, Patrick became interested in medicine and music, and the two subjects demanded virtually equal time during his late teens. This musical talent manifested early and lasted throughout his life, for even at the age of 13 he played incidental piano music during matinees for the silent films of Tom Mix, Harold Lloyd, Ramon Navarro and Rudolph Valentino. Later he was organist in St Mary’s Church, and director and organist of Christ Church Musical Society, Oxford, when he was 18 years old. He wrote that the heavy weight of the organ keys helped to make his hands and fingers very strong. These early signs of a character full of determination and initiative were apparent later in his life, as he coped with disappointments and opposition during his medical career. He might indeed have become a musician, but medicine finally triumphed when at age 20 he entered King’s College, London, as a medical student. He qualified in 1939 at the age of 26 with the degrees of M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P. from St George’s Hospital in London. This hospital retained his affection throughout his life, even though he remembered wards full of cases of pneumonia, meningitis and septicaemia since antibiotics had not then been discovered.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. The first decade of the 21st century witnessed a birth of a new espresso coffee culture, which shows no signs of weakening despite Ireland’s economic travails. References Berry, Henry F. “House and Shop Signs in Dublin in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.” The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland 40.2 (1910): 81–98. Brooke, Raymond Frederick. Daly’s Club and the Kildare Street Club, Dublin. Dublin, 1930. Corr, Frank. Hotels in Ireland. Dublin: Jemma Publications, 1987. Craig, Maurice. Dublin 1660-1860. Dublin: Allen Figgis, 1980. Farmar, Tony. The Legendary, Lofty, Clattering Café. Dublin: A&A Farmar, 1988. Fenton, Ben. “Cafe Culture taking over in Dublin.” The Telegraph 2 Oct. 2006. 29 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1530308/cafe-culture-taking-over-in-Dublin.html›. Gilbert, John T. A History of the City of Dublin (3 vols.). Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1978. Girouard, Mark. Victorian Pubs. New Haven, Conn.: Yale UP, 1984. Hardiman, Nodlaig P., and Máire Kennedy. A Directory of Dublin for the Year 1738 Compiled from the Most Authentic of Sources. Dublin: Dublin Corporation Public Libraries, 2000. Huetz de Lemps, Alain. “Colonial Beverages and Consumption of Sugar.” Food: A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present. Eds. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. New York: Columbia UP, 1999. 383–93. Kennedy, Máire. “Dublin Coffee Houses.” Ask About Ireland, 2011. 4 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.askaboutireland.ie/reading-room/history-heritage/pages-in-history/dublin-coffee-houses›. ----- “‘Politicks, Coffee and News’: The Dublin Book Trade in the Eighteenth Century.” Dublin Historical Record LVIII.1 (2005): 76–85. Liddy, Pat. Temple Bar—Dublin: An Illustrated History. Dublin: Temple Bar Properties, 1992. Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín. “The Emergence, Development, and Influence of French Haute Cuisine on Public Dining in Dublin Restaurants 1900-2000: An Oral History.” Ph.D. thesis, Dublin Institute of Technology, Dublin, 2009. 4 Apr. 2012 ‹http://arrow.dit.ie/tourdoc/12›. ----- “Ireland.” Food Cultures of the World Encylopedia. Ed. Ken Albala. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2010. ----- “Public Dining in Dublin: The History and Evolution of Gastronomy and Commercial Dining 1700-1900.” International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 24. Special Issue: The History of the Commercial Hospitality Industry from Classical Antiquity to the 19th Century (2012): forthcoming. MacGiolla Phadraig, Brian. “Dublin: One Hundred Years Ago.” Dublin Historical Record 23.2/3 (1969): 56–71. Maxwell, Constantia. Dublin under the Georges 1714–1830. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1979. McDowell, R. B. Land & Learning: Two Irish Clubs. Dublin: The Lilliput P, 1993. Montgomery, K. L. “Old Dublin Clubs and Coffee-Houses.” New Ireland Review VI (1896): 39–44. Murphy, Antoine E. “The ‘Celtic Tiger’—An Analysis of Ireland’s Economic Growth Performance.” EUI Working Papers, 2000 29 Apr. 2012 ‹http://www.eui.eu/RSCAS/WP-Texts/00_16.pdf›. Oldenburg, Ray, ed. Celebrating the Third Place: Inspiring Stories About The “Great Good Places” At the Heart of Our Communities. New York: Marlowe & Company 2001. Pennell, Sarah. “‘Great Quantities of Gooseberry Pye and Baked Clod of Beef’: Victualling and Eating out in Early Modern London.” Londinopolis: Essays in the Cultural and Social History of Early Modern London. Eds. Paul Griffiths and Mark S. R. Jenner. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2000. 228–59. Pettigrew, Jane. A Social History of Tea. London: National Trust Enterprises, 2001. Pincus, Steve. “‘Coffee Politicians Does Create’: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture.” The Journal of Modern History 67.4 (1995): 807–34. Pitte, Jean-Robert. “The Rise of the Restaurant.” Food: A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present. Eds. Jean-Louis Flandrin and Massimo Montanari. New York: Columbia UP, 1999. 471–80. Rooney, Brendan, ed. A Time and a Place: Two Centuries of Irish Social Life. Dublin: National Gallery of Ireland, 2006. Tannahill, Reay. Food in History. St Albans, Herts.: Paladin, 1975. Taylor, Laurence. “Coffee: The Bottomless Cup.” The American Dimension: Cultural Myths and Social Realities. Eds. W. Arens and Susan P. Montague. Port Washington, N.Y.: Alfred Publishing, 1976. 14–48. Vickery, Amanda. Behind Closed Doors: At Home in Georgian England. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009. Wheaton, Barbara Ketcham. Savouring the Past: The French Kitchen and Table from 1300-1789. London: Chatto & Windus, Hogarth P, 1983. Williams, Anne. “Historical Attitudes to Women Eating in Restaurants.” Public Eating: Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery 1991. Ed. Harlan Walker. Totnes: Prospect Books, 1992. 311–14. World Barista, Championship. “History–World Barista Championship”. 2012. 02 Apr. 2012 ‹http://worldbaristachampionship.com2012›.AcknowledgementA warm thank you to Dr. Kevin Griffin for producing the map of Dublin for this article.

This issue’s theme was, in part, spurred into being by Greg Noble’s comments in last year’s newsletter of the Cultural Studies Association of Australasia that “cultural studies is crap at affect”. It elicited a bit of argy-bargy although, given the framing, response tended towards: yes, it is; or no, it isn’t. What would it mean to be crap, or conversely good, at affect? It’s been a while now that references to something called affect have littered cult-studs speak. In my own timeline, I remember giving a paper in Glasgow in the early 1990s. Nothing about it remains in my memory except that the Scots didn’t understand what I meant by A-ffect, as my mongrel tongue then pronounced it. At the time, the field was caught up in the media effects paradigm, so perhaps the misunderstanding was that common confusion between effect and affect. Although by and large the media effects school was fairly passionless, in feminist television and film studies, melancholia and other emotional states were important, but they weren’t named as Affect. Affect as an essentially empty term, as yet another contentless term in cultural theory, has been thoroughly skewered by Eve Sedgwick and Adam Frank. Their argument is against accounts of feelings that in privileging the cultural cannot adequately comprehend the variety of bodily and physiological responses. Inspired by the clinical psychologist, Silvan Tomkins, in crossing the biological and the cultural, or in their framing, the digital and the analogue, they seek a model that “can differentiate”, outside of the usual reliance on difference. Instead of the on/off, same/other logic so prevalent in cultural theory, they turn to the distinct and differentiating affects that Tomkins names: disgust-contempt; shame-humiliation; distress-anguish; anger-rage; surprise-startlement; enjoyment-joy; interest-excitement. You will recall their pitiless critique of Ann Cvetkovich’s book Mixed Feelings: Feminism, Mass Culture and Victorian Sensationalism. If you’ve read them as they sliced in theoretical posturing, you’ll never forget their critique. It was Cvetkovich’s first book. Sedgwick and Frank admit that their tactic was “graceless”. As they explicate, the objective of their critique was “a gestalt strategy of involving readers in a sudden perceptual reorganisation and unexpected self-recognition”. They reason that had they chosen works by more well-known authors, “our strategy would have had no chance of success”. Not knowing the author, and only vaguely aware of the book, I felt a frisson of mixed, but enthusiastic, emotions (surprise, excitement, interest, enjoyment) at lines such as: Perhaps most oddly for a theory of affect, this one has no feelings in it. Affect is treated as a unitary category … There is no theoretical room for any difference between, say, being amused, being disgusted, being ashamed, and being enraged. … It would be plausible to see a variety of twentieth-century theoretical languages as attempts, congruent with this one, to detoxify the excesses of the body, thought, and feeling by reducing the multiple essentialist risks of analog representation to the single, unavowedly essential certainty of one or another on/off switch. (Sedgwick and Frank 27) You would think that their critique would effectively put you off writing about Affect. But that is neither the case for the discipline, nor for that particular author. If writing about Affect without feeling, as an indiscriminate and undiscerning category, is effectively “crap”, what constitutes good, or at least not-crap uses of affect? If “crap” uses of affect amount to yet another nebulous and unsubstantiated entity (you could do a roll call of other such terms from the 1990s: politics, ethics, poetics, posthuman, and so on), why and how should we be interested in affect? Put another way, does an attention to affect extend existing cultural theories, or is it a discrete object of study and analysis? To take the latter, it’s clear that affect, understood as distinct physical and social phenomena, is of intrinsic interest. My recent studies of shame have convinced me that you could spend a productive life investigating how different disciplines conceptualise just this one affect. I barely scratched the surface, but the different approaches of, say, evolutionary biology and psychology, historical and biological anthropology, and bio-sociology offer extraordinarily interesting takes on the experience, expression and constitution of shame. And one thing leads to another. I still haven’t properly read Konrad Lorenz’s On Aggression. And I’m now really interested in how one would approach the more positive emotions and affects in a rigorous manner. It’s at the first level – of how affect extends and enriches cultural analysis – that I have the most experience. To take my own work, which goes back to the late 1980s, I’m beginning to see – either in hindsight or because of age – that there has been a consistent search as to how to convey the textures of everyday life. From Sexing the Self through Outside Belongings, Carnal Appetites and to Blush, I’ve scribbled away, constantly worrying at the ineffable, the awesome materiality of discourse and life as we know it. Subjectivity – how to use the self –, sexuality and queer angles, the oblique, the obvious, the ordinary … these are aspects that cannot be properly understood without recourse to the affective ways in which they appear and are recognised, or not, by individuals and social groups. I say this not to vaunt my own work, which has, in any case, been immensely inflected and inspired by the intellectual contexts which I’ve been lucky enough to inhabit. It is, I think, salutary not only for one’s own sense of a trajectory, but also intellectually important to remember that hot topics like Affect do not emerge as precocious brainchildren. Humans have wondered at these aspects of life for a very long time. Another important thing to remember is that they/we have wondered in awe-struck ways. When Affect becomes hot, it becomes untouchable and untouched by that wonder and by a necessary gratitude to the ideas that allow us to think … And write. Writing affect should inspire awe and awe inspires modesty. I’ve experimented with writing shame, arguing that it can provide an ethics of writing that continually makes us viscerally aware of the stakes involved in communicating to readers the importance of ideas. But we could also begin to imagine what writing joy might entail. Clifton Evers writes “stoke” in his work on masculinity and surfing. And years ago, Rosi Braidotti wrote “rage” as a major feminist modus operandi. If there can be no such thing as affectless writing (humans after all cannot not communicate), writing affects must be compelled by a modest acknowledgement of the effects of our critical writing. Modesty directs us to the small things, to the details and nuances that Sedgwick and Frank place within an intellectual project that can distinguish 256,000 shades of gray but also knows that there are real differences between red, and yellow, and blue. Or in Tomkins’ words, “the key to both Science and Art is the union of specificity and generality”, and he adds “is extremely difficult since the individual tends to backslide in one direction or the other”. As Georges Devereux once said, “a realistic science of man can only be created by men most aware of their own humanity when it implement it most completely in their scientific work” (xx). Affect in this sense constitutes an object of inquiry and a way of doing research that demands the abstract and concrete be brought to bear on each other. It also extends cultural theory and analysis by reminding us of our humanity and the tremendous effort it entails to implement it in our work. So let A-ffect rest (in peace), so we can put our energies into motivated analyses of the constitution, the experience, the political, cultural and individual import of many affects. References Braidotti, Rosi. Nomadic Subjects. New York: Columbia UP, 1994. Devereux, Georges. From Anxiety to Method in the Behavioral Sciences. The Hague: Mouton and Co, 1967. Evers, Clifton. Becoming-Wave, Becoming-Man. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 2005. Evers, Clifton. “Men Who Surf.” Cultural Studies Review 10.1 (2004): 27-41. Lorenz, Konrad. On Aggression. Trans. Marjorie Kerr Wilson. London and New York: Routledge, 2002/1966. Noble, Greg. “What Cultural Studies Is Crap At.” Cultural Studies Association of Australasia Newsletter Oct. 2004. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky, and Adam Frank. “Shame in the Cybernetic Fold: Reading Silvan Tomkins.” In Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Adam Frank, eds., Shame and Its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader. Durham: Duke UP, 1995. Tomkins, Silvan, in Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and Adam Frank, eds., Shame and Its Sisters: A Silvan Tomkins Reader. Durham: Duke UP, 1995. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Probyn, Elspeth. "A-ffect: Let Her RIP." M/C Journal 8.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/13-probyn.php>. APA Style Probyn, E. (Dec. 2005) "A-ffect: Let Her RIP," M/C Journal, 8(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/13-probyn.php>.

IntroductionThis short article examines contemporary artistic use of walkie-talkies across two projects: Saturday (2002) by Sabrina Raaf and Walk That Sound (2014) by Lukatoyboy. Drawing on Dominic Pettman’s notion of sonic intimacy, I argue that both artists incorporate walkie-talkies as part of their explorations of mediated wandering, and in ways that seek to capture sonic ambiances and intimacies. One thing that is striking about both these works is that they rethink what’s possible with walkie-talkies; both artists use them not just as low-tech, portable devices for one-to-one communication over distance, but also—and more strikingly—as (covert) recording equipment for capturing, while wandering, snippets of intimate conversation between passers-by and the “voice” of the surrounding environment. Both artworks strive to make the familiar strange. They prompt us to question our preconceived perceptions of, and affective engagements with, the people and places around us, to listen more attentively to the voices of others (and the “Other”), and to aurally inhabit in new ways the spaces and places we find ourselves in and routinely pass through.The walkie-talkie is an established, simple communication device, consisting of a two-way radio transceiver with a speaker and microphone (in some cases, the speaker is also used as the microphone) and an antenna (Wikipedia). Walkie-talkies are half-duplex communication devices, meaning that they use a single radio channel: only one radio on the channel can transmit at a time, but many can listen; when a user wishes to talk, they must turn off the receiver and turn on the transmitter by pressing a push-to-talk button (Wikipedia). In some models, static—known as squelch—is produced each time the push-to-talk button is depressed. The push-to-talk button is a feature of both projects: in Saturday, it transforms the walkie-talkie into a cheap, portable recorder-transmitter. In Walk That Sound, rapid fire exchanges of conversation using the push-to-talk button feature strongly.Interestingly, walkie-talkies were developed during World War Two. While they continue to be used within certain industrial settings, they are perhaps best known as a “quaint” household toy and “fun tool” (Smith). Early print ads for walkie-talkie toys marketed them as a form of both spyware for kids (with the Gabriel Toy Co. releasing a 007-themed walkie-talkie set) and as a teletechnology for communication over distance—“how thrilling to ‘speak through space!’”, states one ad (Statuv “New!”). What is noteworthy about these early ads is that they actively promote experimental use of walkie-talkies. For instance, a 1953 ad for Vibro-Matic “Space Commander” walkie-talkies casts them as media transmission devices, suggesting that, with them, one can send and receive “voice – songs – music” (Statuv “New!”). In addition, a 1962 ad for the Knight-Kit walkie-talkie imagines “you’ll find new uses for this exciting walkie-talkie every day” (Statuv “Details”). Resurgent interest in walkie-talkies has seen them also promoted more recently as intimate tools “for communication without asking permission to communicate” (“Nextel”); this is to say that they have been marketed as devices for synchronous or immediate communication that overcome the limits of asynchronous communication, such as texting, where there might be substantial delays between the sending of a message and receipt of a response. Within this context, it is not surprising that Snapchat and Instagram have also since added “walkie-talkie” features to their messaging services. The Nextel byline, emphasising “without asking permission”, also speaks to the possibilities of using walkie-talkies as rudimentary forms of spyware.Within art practice that explores mediated forms of wandering—that is, walking while using media and various “remote transmission technologies” (Duclos 233)—walkie-talkies hold appeal for a number of reasons, including their particular aesthetic qualities, such as the crackling or static sound (squelch) that one encounters when using them; their portability; their affordability; and, the fact that, while they can be operated on multiple channels, they tend to be regarded primarily as devices that permit two-way, one-to-one (and therefore intimate, if not secure) remote communication. As we will see below, however, contemporary artists, such as the aforementioned earlier advertisers, have also been very attentive to the device’s experimental possibilities. Perhaps the best known (if possibly apocryphal) example of artistic use of walkie-talkies is by the Situationist International as part of their explorations in urban wandering (a revolutionary strategy called dérive). In the Situationist text from 1960, Die Welt als Labyrinth (Anon.), there is a detailed account of how walkie-talkies were to form part of a planned dérive, which was organised by the Dutch section of the Situationist International, through the city of Amsterdam, but which never went ahead:Two groups, each containing three situationists, would dérive for three days, on foot or eventually by boat (sleeping in hotels along the way) without leaving the center of Amsterdam. By means of the walkie-talkies with which they would be equipped, these groups would remain in contact, with each other, if possible, and in any case with the radio-truck of the cartographic team, from where the director of the dérive—in this case Constant [Nieuwenhuys]—moving around so as to maintain contact, would define their routes and sometimes give instructions (it was also the director of the dérive’s responsibility to prepare experiments at certain locations and secretly arranged events.) (Anon.) This proposed dérive formed part of Situationist experiments in unitary urbanism, a process that consisted of “making different parts of the city communicate with one another.” Their ambition was to create new situations informed by, among other things, encounters and atmospheres that were registered through dérive in order to reconnect parts of the city that were separated spatially (Lefebvre quoted in Lefebvre and Ross 73). In an interview with Kristin Ross, Henri Lefebvre insists that the Situationists “did have their experiments; I didn’t participate. They used all kinds of means of communication—I don’t know when exactly they were using walkie-talkies. But I know they were used in Amsterdam and in Strasbourg” (Lefebvre quoted in Lefebvre and Ross 73). However, as Rebecca Duclos points out, such use “is, in fact, not well documented”, and “none of the more well-known reports on situationist activity […] specifically mentions the use of walkie-talkies within their descriptive narratives” (Duclos 233). In the early 2000s, walkie-talkies also figured prominently, alongside other media devices, in at least two location-based gaming projects by renowned British art collective Blast Theory, Can You See Me Now? (2001) and You Get Me (2008). In the first of these projects, participants in the game (“online players”) competed against members of Blast Theory (“runners”), tracking them through city streets via a GPS-enabled handheld computer that runners carried with them. The goal for online players was to move an avatar they created through a virtual map of the city as multiple runners “pursued their avatar’s geographical coordinates in real-time” (Leorke). As Dale Leorke explains, “Players could see the locations of the runners and other players and exchange text messages with other players” (Leorke 27), and runners could “read players’ messages and communicate directly with each other through a walkie-talkie” (28). An audio stream from these walkie-talkie conversations allowed players to eavesdrop on their pursuers (Blast Theory, Can You See Me Now?).You Get Me was similarly structured, with online players and “runners” (eight teenagers who worked with Blast Theory on the game). Remotely situated online players began the game by listening to the “personal geography” of the runners over a walkie-talkie stream (Blast Theory, You Get Me). They then selected one runner, and tracked them down by navigating their own avatar, without being caught, through a virtual version of Mile End Park in London, in pursuit of their chosen runner who was moving about the actual Mile End Park. Once their chosen runner was contacted, the player had to respond to a question that the runner posed to them. If the runner was satisfied with the player’s answer, conversation switched to “the privacy of a mobile phone” in order to converse further; if not, the player was thrown back into the game (Blast Theory, You Get Me). A key aim of Blast Theory’s work, as I have argued elsewhere (Wilken), is the fostering of interactions and fleeting intimacies between relative and complete strangers. The walkie-talkie is a key tool in both the aforementioned Blast Theory projects for facilitating these interactions and intimacies.Beyond these well-known examples, walkie-talkies have been employed in productive and exploratory ways by other artists. The focus in this article is on two specific projects: the first by US-based sound artist Sabrina Raaf, called Saturday (2002) and the second by Serbian sound designer Lukatoyboy (Luka Ivanović), titled Walk That Sound (2014). Sonic IntimaciesThe concept that gives shape and direction to the analysis of the art projects by Raaf and Lukatoyboy and their use of walkie-talkies is that of sonic intimacy. This is a concept of emerging critical interest across media and sound studies and geography (see, for example, James; Pettman; Gallagher and Prior). Sonic intimacy, as Dominic Pettman explains, is composed of two simultaneous yet opposing orientations. On the one hand, sonic intimacy involves a “turning inward, away from the wider world, to more private and personal experiences and relationships” (79). While, on the other hand, it also involves a turning outward, to seek and heed “the voice of the world” (79)—or what Pettman refers to as the “vox mundi” (66). Pettman conceives of the “vox mundi” as an “ecological voice”, whereby “all manner of creatures, agents, entities, objects, and phenomena” (79) have the opportunity to speak to us, if only we were prepared to listen to our surroundings in new and different ways. In a later passage, he also refers to the “vox mundi” as a “carrier or potentially enlightening alterity” (83). Voices, Pettman writes, “transgress the neat divisions we make between ‘us’ and ‘them’, at all scales and junctures” (6). Thus, Pettman’s suggestion is that “by listening to the ‘voices’ that lie dormant in the surrounding world […] we may in turn foster a more sustainable relationship with [the] local matrix of specific existences” (85), be they human or otherwise.This formulation of sonic intimacy provides a productive conceptual frame for thinking through Raaf’s and Lukatoyboy’s use of walkie-talkies. The contention in this article is that these two projects are striking for the way that they both use walkie-talkies to explore, simultaneously, this double articulation or dual orientation of sonic intimacy—a turning inwards to capture more private and personal experiences and conversations, and a turning outwards to capture the vox mundi. Employing Pettman’s notion of sonic intimacy as a conceptual frame, I trace below the different ways that these two projects incorporate walkie-talkies in order to develop mediated forms of wandering that seek to capture place-based sonic ambiances and sonic intimacies.Sabrina Raaf, Saturday (2002)US sound artist Sabrina Raaf’s Saturday (2002) is a sound-based art installation based on recordings of “stolen conversations” that Raaf gathered over many Saturdays in Humboldt Park, Chicago. Raaf’s work harks back to the early marketing of walkie-talkie toys as spyware. In Raaf’s hands, this device is used not for engaging in intimate one-to-one conversation, but for listening in on, and capturing, the intimate conversations of others. In other words, she uses this device, as the Nextel slogan goes, for “communication without permission to communicate” (“Nextel”). Raaf’s inspiration for the piece was twofold. First, she has noted that “with the overuse of radio frequency bands for wireless communications, there comes the increased occurrence of crossed lines where a private conversation becomes accidentally shared” (Raaf). Reminiscent of Francis Ford Coppola’s film The Conversation (1974), in which surveillance expert Harry Caul (Gene Hackman) records the conversation of a couple as they walk through crowded Union Square in San Francisco, Raaf used a combination of walkie-talkies, CB radios, and “various other forms of consumer spy […] technology in order to actively harvest such communication leaks” (Raaf). The second source of inspiration was noticing the “sheer quantity of non-phone, low tech, radio transmissions that were constantly being sent around [the] neighbourhood”, transmissions that were easily intercepted. These conversations were eclectic in composition and character:The transmissions included communications between gang members on street corners nearby and group conversations between friends talking about changes in the neighbourhood and their families. There were raw, intimate conversations and often even late night sex talk between potential lovers. (Raaf)What struck Raaf about these conversations, these transmissions, was that there was “a furtive quality” to most of them, and “a particular daringness to their tone”.During her Saturday wanderings, Raaf complemented her recordings of stolen snippets of conversation with recordings of the “voice” of the surrounding neighbourhood—“the women singing out their windows to their radios, the young men in their low rider cars circling the block, the children, the ice cream carts, etc. These are the sounds that are mixed into the piece” (Raaf).Audience engagement with Saturday involves a kind of austere intimacy of its own that seems befitting of a surveillance-inspired sonic portrait of urban and private life. The piece is accessed via an interactive glove. This glove is white in colour and about the size of a large gardening glove, with a Velcro strap that fastens across the hand, like a cycling glove. The glove, which only has coverings for thumb and first two fingers (it is missing the ring and little fingers) is wired into and rests on top of a roughly A4-sized white rectangular box. This box, which is mounted onto the wall of an all-white gallery space at the short end, serves as a small shelf. The displayed glove is illuminated by a discrete, bent-arm desk lamp, that protrudes from the shelf near the gallery wall. Above the shelf are a series of wall-mounted colour images that relate to the project. In order to hear the soundtrack of Saturday, gallery visitors approach the shelf, put on the glove, and “magically just press their fingertips to their forehead [to] hear the sound without the use of their ears” (Raaf). The glove, Raaf explains, “is outfitted with leading edge audio electronic devices called ‘bone transducers’ […]. These transducers transmit sound in a very unusual fashion. They translate sound into vibration patterns which resonate through bone” (Raaf).Employing this technique, Raaf explains, “permits a new way of listening”:The user places their fingers to their forehead—in a gesture akin to Rodin’s The Thinker or of a clairvoyant—in order to tap into the lives of strangers. Pressing different combinations of fingers to the temple yield plural viewpoints and group conversations. These sounds are literally mixed in the bones of the listener. (Raaf) The result is a (literally and figuratively) touching sonic portrait of Humboldt Park, its residents, and the “voice” of its surrounding neighbourhoods. Through the unique technosomatic (Richardson) apparatus—combinations of gestures that convey the soundscape directly through the bones and body—those engaging with Saturday get to hear voices in/of/around Humboldt Park. It is a portrait that combines sonic intimacy in the two forms described earlier in this article. In its inward-focused form, the gallery visitor-listener is positioned as a voyeur of sorts, listening into stolen snippets of private and personal relationships, experiences, and interactions. And, in its outward-focused form, the gallery visitor-listener encounters a soundscape in which an array of agents, entities, and objects are also given a voice. Additional work performed by this piece, it seems to me, is to be found in the intermingling of these two form of sonic intimacy—the personal and the environmental—and the way that they prompt reflection on mediation, place, urban life, others, and intimacy. That is to say that, beyond its particular sonic portrait of Humboldt Park, Saturday works in “clearing some conceptual space” in the mind of the departing gallery visitor such that they might “listen for, if not precisely to, the collective, polyphonic ‘voice of the world’” (Pettman 6) as they go about their day-to-day lives.Lukatoyboy, Walk That Sound (2014)The second project, Walk That Sound, by Serbian sound artist Lukatoyboy was completed for the 2014 CTM festival. CTM is an annual festival event that is staged in Berlin and dedicated to “adventurous music and art” (CTM Festival, “About”). A key project within the festival is CTM Radio Lab. The Lab supports works, commissioned by CTM Festival and Deutschlandradio Kultur – Hörspiel/Klangkunst (among other partnering organisations), that seek to pair and explore the “specific artistic possibilities of radio with the potentials of live performance or installation” (CTM Festival, “Projects”). Lukatoyboy’s Walk That Sound was one of two commissioned pieces for the 2014 CTM Radio Lab. The project used the “commonplace yet often forgotten walkie-talkie” (CTM Festival, “Projects”) to create a moving urban sound portrait in the area around the Kottbusser Tor U-Bahn station in Berlin-Kreuzberg. Walk That Sound recruited participants—“mobile scouts”—to rove around the Kottbusser Tor area (CTM Festival, “Projects”). Armed with walkie-talkies, and playing with “the array of available and free frequencies, and the almost unlimited amount of users that can interact over these different channels”, the project captured the dispatches via walkie-talkie of each participant (CTM Festival, “Projects”). The resultant recording of Walk That Sound—which was aired on Deutschlandradio (see Lukatoyboy), part of a long tradition of transmitting experimental music and sound art on German radio (Cory)—forms an eclectic soundscape.The work juxtaposes snippets of dialogue shared between the mobile scouts, overheard mobile phone conversations, and moments of relative quietude, where the subdued soundtrack is formed by the ambient sounds—the “voice”—of the Kottbusser Tor area. This voice includes distant traffic, the distinctive auditory ticking of pedestrian lights, and moments of tumult and agitation, such as the sounds of construction work, car horns, emergency services vehicle sirens, a bottle bouncing on the pavement, and various other repetitive yet difficult to identify industrial sounds. This voice trails off towards the end of the recording into extended walkie-talkie produced static or squelch. The topics covered within the “crackling dialogues” (CTM Festival, “Projects”) of the mobile scouts ranged widely. There were banal observations (“I just stepped on a used tissue”; “people are crossing the street”; “there are 150 trains”)—wonderings that bear strong similarities with French writer Georges Perec’s well-known experimental descriptions of everyday Parisian life in the 1970s (Perec “An Attempt”). There were also intimate, confiding, flirtatious remarks (“Do you want to come to Turkey with me?”), as well as a number of playfully paranoid observations and quips (“I like to lie”; “I can see you”; “do you feel like you are being recorded?”; “I’m being followed”) that seem to speak to the fraught history of Berlin in particular as well as the complicated character of urban life in general—as Pettman asks, “what does ‘together’ signify in a socioeconomic system so efficient in producing alienation and isolation?” (92).In sum, Walk That Sound is a strangely moving exploration of sonic intimacy, one that shifts between many different registers and points of focus—much like urban wandering itself. As a work, it is variously funny, smart, paranoid, intimate, expansive, difficult to decipher, and, at times, even difficult to listen to. Pettman argues that, “thanks in large part to the industrialization of the human ear […], we have lost the capacity to hear the vox mundi, which is […] the sum total of cacophonous, heterogeneous, incommensurate, and unsynthesizable sounds of the postnatural world” (8). Walk That Sound functions almost like a response to this dilemma. One comes away from listening to it with a heightened awareness of, appreciation for, and aural connection to the rich messiness of the polyphonic contemporary urban vox mundi. ConclusionThe argument of this article is that Sabrina Raaf’s Saturday and Lukatoyboy’s Walk That Sound are two projects that both incorporate walkie-talkies in order to develop mediated forms of wandering that seek to capture place-based sonic ambiances and sonic intimacies. Drawing on Pettman’s notion of “sonic intimacy”, examination of these projects has opened consideration around voice, analogue technology, and what Nick Couldry refers to as “an obligation to listen” (Couldry 580). In order to be heard, Pettman remarks, and “in order to be considered a voice at all”, and therefore as “something worth heeding”, the vox mundi “must arrive intimately, or else it is experienced as noise or static” (Pettman 83). In both the projects discussed here—Saturday and Walk That Sound—the walkie-talkie provides this means of “intimate arrival”. As half-duplex communication devices, walkie-talkies have always fulfilled a double function: communicating and listening. This dual functionality is exploited in new ways by Raaf and Lukatoyboy. In their projects, both artists turn the microphone outwards, such that the walkie-talkie becomes not just a device for communicating while in the field, but also—and more strikingly—it becomes a field recording device. The result of which is that this simple, “playful” communication device is utilised in these two projects in two ways: on the one hand, as a “carrier of potentially enlightening alterity” (Pettman 83), a means of encouraging “potential encounters” (89) with strangers who have been thrown together and who cross paths, and, on the other hand, as a means of fostering “an environmental awareness” (89) of the world around us. In developing these prompts, Raaf and Lukatoyboy build potential bridges between Pettman’s work on sonic intimacy, their own work, and the work of other experimental artists. For instance, in relation to potential encounters, there are clear points of connection with Blast Theory, a group who, as noted earlier, have utilised walkie-talkies and sound-based and other media technologies to explore issues around urban encounters with strangers that promote reflection on ideas and experiences of otherness and difference (see Wilken)—issues that are also implicit in the two works examined. In relation to environmental awareness, their work—as well as Pettman’s calls for greater sonic intimacy—brings renewed urgency to Georges Perec’s encouragement to “question the habitual” and to account for, and listen carefully to, “the common, the ordinary, the infraordinary, the background noise” (Perec “Approaches” 210).Walkie-talkies, for Raaf and Lukatoyboy, when reimagined as field recording devices as much as remote transmission technologies, thus “allow new forms of listening, which in turn afford new forms of being together” (Pettman 92), new forms of being in the world, and new forms of sonic intimacy. Both these artworks engage with, and explore, what’s at stake in a politics and ethics of listening. Pettman prompts us, as urban dweller-wanderers, to think about how we might “attend to the act of listening itself, rather than to a specific sound” (Pettman 1). His questioning, as this article has explored, is answered by the works from Raaf and Lukatoyboy in effective style and technique, setting up opportunities for aural attentiveness and experiential learning. However, it is up to us whether we are prepared to listen carefully and to open ourselves to such intimate sonic contact with others and with the environments in which we live.ReferencesAnon. “Die Welt als Labyrinth.” Internationale Situationiste 4 (Jan. 1960). International Situationist Online, 19 June 2019 <https://www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/si/diewelt.html>Blast Theory. “Can You See Me Now?” Blast Theory, 19 June 2019 <https://www.blasttheory.co.uk/projects/can-you-see-me-now/>.———. “You Get Me.” Blast Theory, 19 June 2019 <https://wwww.blasttheory.co.uk/projects/you-get-me/>.Cory, Mark E. “Soundplay: The Polyphonous Tradition of German Radio Art.” Wireless Imagination: Sound, Radio, and the Avant-garde. Eds. Douglas Kahn and Gregory Whitehead. 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