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1
Georges, Kleiber, and Guy Achard-Bayle. "Introduction au(x) co(n)texte(s). Entretien avec Georges Kleiber." Pratiques 129, no. 1 (2006): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/prati.2006.2093.
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Nancy, Jean-Luc. "L'excrit." Alea : Estudos Neolatinos 15, no. 2 (December 2013): 312–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1517-106x2013000200004.
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Texte publié originellement dans Po&sie, n° 47, 1988, et inclus dans le recueil Une pensée finie (1990). Il se situe dans le contexte des travaux sur la communauté et Georges Bataile. Au printemps de 1983, sortait La communauté désœuvrée, dans la revue Alea (n° 4), par la suite (1986), repris dans le volume de même titre avec deux autres essais. Il s'agit ici comme là d'écrire "en communauté avec Georges Bataille". "Écrire", s'écrit dans ce cas, à partir d'une extériorité, marquée par le préfixe ex-, donc ex-crire; écrit, comme "excrit", où se joint l'homophonie de ex-cri (cri, de crier). Écrire, pour Georges Bataille, ou ex-crire, renvoie à une équivoque essentielle: on écrit toujours le cri (et pas "sur" le cri), la vie, "la chose même", l'être, c'est à dire, ce que par définition ne s'écrit pas, ce qui se passe et exclu une quelconque possibilité d'écrire. Ex-crit, veux dire, écrit dehors, dans une extériorité qui, pourtant, ne renvoie pas à un réfèrent, par exemple, la vie de Georges Bataille, mais à quelque chose qui s'inscrit (ou excrit) toujours et seulement dans l'ex-criture.
3
Crecco, Victor, and William J. Overholtz. "Causes of Density-Dependent Catchability for Georges Bank Haddock Melanogrammus aeglefinus." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 47, no. 2 (February 1, 1990): 385–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f90-040.
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We used population estimates (VPA) fishing effort and catch data for Georges Bank haddock, Melanogrammus aeglefinus, from 1964 through 1984 to test Paloheimo and Dickie's hypothesis which predicts: (1) that the catchability coefficient (q) from the commercial fishery is inversely related to haddock stock size (N) and stock area (Area); (2) that commercial catch per effort (C/f) data are curvilinearly related to stock abundance; and (3) that search time in the Georges Bank haddock fishery is inversely related to stock abundance. The catchability coefficients for the Georges Bank trawl fishery were inversely related to haddock stock size (r = −0.82, P < 0.001) and stock area (r = −0.75, P < 0.001). There was also a significant curvilinear relationship between commercial C/f and absolute and relative haddock stock biomass from 1964 through 1984. The slope estimate (B + 1) from this relationship was less than 1.0 (r = 4.18 to 8.95, P < 0.001), indicating nonlinearity between C/f and N. Finally, the relative search time expended by the haddock commercial fishery was inversely related to stock size from 1964 through 1984 (r = −0.75, P < 0.001). These results are consistent with the three predictions of the Paloheimo and Dickie hypothesis, suggesting that fishing mortality rates on Georges Bank haddock are a depensatory function of stock biomass.
4
Bastin, Georges L. "Bureau, Conrad (1994) : Bibliographie de Georges Mounin, Bref, Coll. « Science », n 1." Meta: Journal des traducteurs 40, no. 4 (1995): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/001997ar.
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Murray, Rachel C., Sarah Mann, and Tim DH Parkin. "Warm-up in dressage competitions: association with level, competition type and final score." Equine and Comparative Exercise Physiology 3, no. 4 (November 2006): 185–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478061506339242.
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AbstractWarm-up of 267 competitors at British Dressage affiliated competitions was observed, including competitors at novice (N) (n = 104), medium (M) (n = 65), Prix St Georges (PSG) (n = 60) and Grand Prix (GP) (n = 38) levels. Competitions were classified as local (n = 103), regional (n = 57) and national championship (n = 107) events. Overall, the mean warm-up duration for competitors at dressage competitions was 29 min 53 s. Total warm-up duration was 25 min 23 s ± 10 min 2 s (mean ± SD) at N level; 31 min 32 s ± 11 min 32 s at M level; 32 min 53 s ± 11 min 19 s at PSG and 34 min 34 s ± 10 min 10 s at GP. Mean proportion of walk, trot and canter at each level was N: walk = 39.26%, trot = 40.31%, canter = 20.43%; M: walk = 43.77%, trot = 32.54%, canter = 23.69%; PSG: walk = 38.53%, trot = 31.03%, canter = 30.43% and GP: walk = 38.79%, trot = 33.26%, canter = 27.95%. There was no effect of rider experience, but level and type of competition affected the proportion of time spent in different paces and total time of warm-up, which was increased at higher levels and championships. Increased warm-up time and specific warm-up design were positively associated with final score at novice and Prix St Georges levels.
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Kftondzinskii, Pavel Vladimirovicft. "The Personalistic Ecclesiology of Arcftpriest Sergey Bulgakov, Arcftpriest Georges Florovsky and V. N. Lossky." Христианское чтение, no. 5 (2020): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.47132/1814-5574_2020_5_10.
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Fry, Brian. "Food web structure on Georges Bank from stable C, N, and S isotopic compositions." Limnology and Oceanography 33, no. 5 (September 1988): 1182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4319/lo.1988.33.5.1182.
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Amadessi, Veronica. "Georges Khoriaty, La vacuité du verbe et le tragique de l’attente dans le théâtre de Georges Schéhadé, «Études Francophones, Dossier plurithématique», n. 1 et 2." Studi Francesi, no. 157 (LIII | I) (May 1, 2009): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.8398.
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Labelle, Ronald. "Noël en Acadie, Georges Arsenault (Tracadie-Sheila, N.-B., La Grande Marée, 2005, 164 p.)." Francophonies d'Amérique, no. 23-24 (2007): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005409ar.
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DeCelles, Gregory R., David Martins, Douglas R. Zemeckis, and Steven X. Cadrin. "Using Fishermen’s Ecological Knowledge to map Atlantic cod spawning grounds on Georges Bank." ICES Journal of Marine Science 74, no. 6 (April 21, 2017): 1587–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fsx031.
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Abstract The spawning dynamics of Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua) on Georges Bank and Nantucket Shoals are not well understood. To address this uncertainty, we combined Fishermen’s Ecological Knowledge (FEK) with traditional scientific data to develop a more holistic understanding of cod spawning on Georges Bank. Data from historical reports, trawl surveys, fisheries observers, and ichthyoplankton surveys were used to describe the spatial and temporal distribution of cod spawning activity. We also collected FEK regarding cod spawning dynamics through semi-structured interviews (n = 40). The fishermen had detailed knowledge of the spatial and temporal distribution of cod spawning, and identified persistent fine-scale (i.e. <50 km2) spawning grounds that were often associated with specific habitat features, including spawning grounds that were previously unreported in the scientific literature. The spawning seasons and locations identified by fishermen generally agreed with information from traditional scientific data, but it was evident that seasonal scientific surveys lack the spatial and temporal resolution needed to fully characterize the distribution of cod spawning activity. Our results will help inform management measures designed to promote the rebuilding of Georges Bank cod, and also provide a basis for further investigations of cod spawning dynamics and stock structure.
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Lits, Marc. "Traces. Travaux du Centre d’études Georges Simenon de l’Université de Liège, n˚17, Les derniers romans." Textyles, no. 32-33 (December 15, 2007): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/textyles.372.
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Lits, Marc. "Traces. Travaux du Centre d’études Georges Simenon de l’Université de Liège n° 13, Simenon à l’écran." Textyles, no. 23 (July 1, 2003): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/textyles.855.
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Irele, F. Abiola. "REVIEW: Alain Guede.MONSIEUR DE SAINT-GEORGES: LE N�GRE DES LUMI�RES, Paris: Actes Sud, 1999." Research in African Literatures 32, no. 2 (June 2001): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2001.32.2.225.
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Marcogliese, D. J. "Evidence for specificity of Steganoderma formosum for its second intermediate host in the Northwest Atlantic." Journal of Helminthology 70, no. 3 (September 1996): 215–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022149x00015431.
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AbstractMetacercariae of Steganoderma formosum Stafford, 1904 infected 17 of 358 Acadian hermit crabs (Pagurus acadianus) on the Scotian Shelf east of Nova Scotia, Canada, in the Northwest Atlantic Ocean in 1989, 1990 and 1995. Overall prevalence and abundance in P. acadianus on the Scotian Shelf were 5% and 0.4 metacercariae per crab, with a maximum intensity of 56. The highest prevalence (34%) and abundance (2.9) were recorded in the winter of 1989. All infected hermit crabs were greater than 9 mm in cephalothorax length. The parasite was not found in Acadian hermit crabs (n = 74) from Georges Bank, nor in any hairy hermit crabs (P. arcuatus and P. pubescens) on the Scotian Shelf (n = 808), on Georges Bank (n = 14), or in the northern Gulf of St. Lawrence (n = 87). A single sand shrimp (Crangon septemspinosa) of 1254 collected from the Scotian Shelf in 1989 and 1990 was infected with a metacercaria of S. formosum. None of 421 pink shrimps (Pandalus spp.) collected from the Scotian Shelf in 1989 and 1995 was infected. Male and female reproductive systems were well developed and spermatozoa were observed in the seminal receptacles of most parasites, suggesting that these metacercariae are progenetic. The distribution of the parasite among potential intermediate hosts suggests that S. formosum demonstrates greater specificity for its second intermediate host in the Northwest Atlantic than it does in the Pacific or in the Northeast Atlantic oceans.
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Vonarx, Nicolas. "Nina GlickSchiller N. et Georges Eugène Fouron, Georges Woke Up Laughing : Long Distance Nationalism and the Search for Home. Durham et Londres, Duke University Press, 2001, 324 p., bibliogr., index." Anthropologie et Sociétés 29, no. 2 (2005): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011906ar.
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Poppe, L. J., and C. W. Poag. "Mesozoic stratigraphy and paleoenvironments of the Georges Bank Basin: A correlation of exploratory and cost wells." Marine Geology 113, no. 3-4 (August 1993): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0025-3227(93)90015-n.
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Moniot, Henri. "Georges Dupré, Un ordre et sa destruction, Paris, ORSTOM, Mémoires, n° 93, 1982, 446 p., 13 pi. photogr." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 40, no. 6 (December 1985): 1444–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900157415.
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Kryvoshein, V. V. "Georges Guerwich is the forerunner of the foundation of a sociological school at the Dnipro University." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 10 (November 14, 2018): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718030.
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The role and place of Georges Guerwich in the foundation of a sociological school at the University of Dnipro. It was found out that at the beginning of his academic career, Georges Guerwich, a coryphae of the Paris School of Sociology, worked for some time at the University of Katerynoslav, thus having laid, at least implicitly, the seeds of sociological education in the Pridneprovsky region. The course of events preceding the opening of the classical university in Katerynoslav is described. It is also noted that when opening the Faculty of Law of the named above, special attention was paid to ensuring the sociological component of the training of future lawyers. Relying on the experience of Western European and especially American universities, it was proposed at the opening of the Faculty of Law in Katerynoslav to establish a department of sociology. For this mission to the University of Katerynoslav, a talented graduate of the Petrograd University George George Gurvich was invited, who is a pupil of intellectual leaders of the Russian law school L. Petrazhitsky, P. Novgorodtsev, F. Taranovsky. While working at the Department of Encyclopedia, History of Philosophy of Law, he laid the foundations of sociological culture at this institution of higher education. It is proved that his general sociological views have a phenomenological basis. G. Gurvich determined that the object of sociology is sui generis phenomena, which are neither reduced to physical nor chemical, biological or psychological phenomena, and the explanation of their main attributes is the main task of sociology. In this case, the main attributes of social phenomena may be in agreement or in conflict. Characterized by the sociological views of Georges Gurvich, it was noted that his sociology is distinguished by the principal attention to theoretical and methodological issues, the phenomenological angle of considering social problems, the elucidation of the historical and genetic foundations of social processes. It was emphasized that it is precisely this focus of the problem’s consideration that is inherent in a sociological school formed at the Dnipro University. Georges Guerwich’s intellectual heritage, academic and scientific-organizational activities are of great importance for the development of world sociology. He co-operated with P. Sorokin, N. Timashev, F. Stepun, P. Struve, and maintained friendly relations with L. Brunswick, L. Lévy-Bruhl, M. Mouss, M. Halbwachs, T. Parsons, R. Merton and others luminaries of modern sociological science. His lectures were attended by J.-P. Sartre and J. Lacan.
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Scully, Jenna, Emilie Mosnier, Aurel Carbunar, Emmanuel Roux, Félix Djossou, Nicolas Garçeran, Lise Musset, et al. "Spatio-Temporal Dynamics of Plasmodium falciparum and Plasmodium vivax in French Guiana: 2005–2019." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 3 (January 26, 2021): 1077. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18031077.
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Aims: This study examines the dynamics of malaria as influenced by meteorological factors in French Guiana from 2005 to 2019. It explores spatial hotspots of malaria transmission and aims to determine the factors associated with variation of hotspots with time. Methods: Data for individual malaria cases came from the surveillance system of the Delocalized Centers for Prevention and Care (CDPS) (n = 17) from 2005–2019. Meteorological data was acquired from the NASA Goddard Earth Sciences Data and Information Services Center (GES DISC) database. The Box–Jenkins autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) model tested stationarity of the time series, and the impact of meteorological indices (issued from principal component analysis—PCA) on malaria incidence was determined with a general additive model. Hotspot characterization was performed using spatial scan statistics. Results: The current sample includes 7050 eligible Plasmodium vivax (n = 4111) and Plasmodium falciparum (n = 2939) cases from health centers across French Guiana. The first and second PCA-derived meteorological components (maximum/minimum temperature/minimum humidity and maximum humidity, respectively) were significantly negatively correlated with total malaria incidence with a lag of one week and 10 days, respectively. Overall malaria incidence decreased across the time series until 2017 when incidence began to trend upwards. Hotspot characterization revealed a few health centers that exhibited spatial stability across the entire time series: Saint Georges de l’Oyapock and Antecume Pata for P. falciparum, and Saint Georges de l’Oyapock, Antecume Pata, Régina and Camopi for P. vivax. Conclusions: This study highlighted changing malaria incidence in French Guiana and the influences of meteorological factors on transmission. Many health centers showed spatial stability in transmission, albeit not temporal. Knowledge of the areas of high transmission as well as how and why transmission has changed over time can inform strategies to reduce the transmission of malaria in French Guiana. Hotspots should be further investigated to understand other influences on local transmission, which will help to facilitate elimination.
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Frisk, Michael G., and Thomas J. Miller. "Age, growth, and latitudinal patterns of two Rajidae species in the northwestern Atlantic: little skate (Leucoraja erinacea) and winter skate (Leucoraja ocellata)." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 63, no. 5 (May 1, 2006): 1078–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f06-005.
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Vertebral samples of little skate (Leucoraja erinacea) and winter skate (Leucoraja ocellata) were collected from Cape Hatteras, USA, to Canadian waters to estimate age, growth, and length at weight relationships for both species throughout this range. Maximum observed age was 12.5 and 20.5 years for little skate and winter skate, respectively. Significant length at weight relationships were found for both species. von Bertalanffy growth curves for the northwestern Atlantic were estimated for little skate (k = 0.19, L∞ = 56.1 cm, t0 = 1.17, p < 0.0001, n = 236) and winter skate (k = 0.07, L∞ = 122.1 cm, t0 = 2.07, p < 0.0001, n = 229). Additionally, latitudinal patterns in size and growth were observed in little skate, with individuals in northern regions growing slower and reaching a larger asymptotic size: von Bertalanffy growth estimates (mid-Atlantic, k = 0.22, L∞ = 53.26 cm, t0 = 1.04, p < 0.0001; southern New England Georges Bank, k = 0.20, L∞ = 54.34 cm, t0 = 1.22, p < 0.0001; Gulf of Maine, k = 0.18, L∞ = 59.31 cm, t0 = 1.15, p < 0.0001). Although differences were observed for sex-specific growth curves for both species, only winter skate curves were significantly different.
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Djordjevic, Radomir. "Husserl's phenomenological philosophy in Russia." Theoria, Beograd 46, no. 1-4 (2003): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo0304059d.
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The paper reviews phaenomenological influences on Russian philosophical thought. Before the bolyshevique revolution of 1917, Husserl's ideas had attracted the attention of many Russian theoreticians, and during the last two decades effects of this impact are closely investigated. First of all there were several philosophers under very direct influence of phenomenology: N. O. Lossky, the author of numerous books, in his work on logic; S. L. Frank, who had developed an intuitionistic theory of knowledge Gustav Spet, logician, aesthetician, linguist etc, who accepted Husserl's conceptions in his books on interpretation, philosophy of history and philosophy of language; Alexiy Lossev, who wrote some thirty books, and in his early period (works on ancient dialectics, philosophy of language and logics) was phenomenologically oriented; etc. Husserl's philosophy has traced or affected the ideas of several other Russian thinkers, so in USSR as in exile throughout Europe (for instance, Georges Gurvitch).
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Igrek, Apple. "The Performative Space of Festival: From Bataille to Butler." Space and Culture 21, no. 3 (December 18, 2017): 247–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217747196.
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In this article, I attend to several theories of festival, laughter, and performativity in which the suspension of customary norms is analyzed mainly by way of cultural and political strategies (as with Judith Butler and Richard N. Lancaster), or in reference to a performative space that exceeds such tactical and strategic projects. Georges Bataille has been especially influential to the second group, as we have seen in the recent scholarship of Tiina Arppe, Kevin E. McHugh, and Ann M. Fletchall. These writers tend to read the transgressive moments of festival in terms of excess rather than their goals or consequences. In my final observations, I do not reject this concept of overflowing excess, but I do contend that it cannot serve as a way of distinguishing moments of transgression from their containment, precisely because it cannot be measured according to the typical parameters of space and time.
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Pope, David A. "An Analysis of the Repertoire Performed by Youth Orchestras in the United States." String Research Journal 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2019): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948499219851378.
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The purpose of this study was to develop a deeper understanding of repertoire performed by youth orchestras in the United States. Through an online survey, youth orchestra administrators ( N = 39) provided information about repertoire performed by their program’s premier orchestra during their 2015-2016 season. Orchestras performed 302 different pieces of music by 158 different composers. The Firebird by Igor Stravinsky, Carmen Suite No. 1 by Georges Bizet, and Ruslan and Ludmilla Overture by Mikhail Glinka were performed most frequently. Approximately three quarters of all compositions were written after 1850, and only 7.14% were composed after 2000. Compositions by Tchaikovsky, Dvorak, and Brahms were the most frequently performed, and female composers only wrote 0.78% of the repertoire performed by youth orchestras during their 2015-2016 season. Conductors should use these findings as an impetus to identify culturally diverse repertoire appropriate for youth orchestras by non-male composers.
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Gaudet, Jeannette. "A Biographical Novel of the Spanish Civil War: Lydie Salvayre's Pas pleurer (2014)." Dossier spécial Léon-Gontran Damas, no. 116 (August 13, 2020): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1071056ar.
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This article focuses on the biographical novel, Pas pleurer (2014) and the author Lydie Salvayre’s development of two diametrically opposed experiences of the Spanish civil war. Pas pleurer deploys the author’s parallel engagement with Montse, Salvayre’s mother, and with Georges Bernanos through a reading and commentary of the polemical essay, Les Grands Cimetières sous la lune. Biographical material provides the ground for intersecting narratives: on the one hand, the Bernanos intertext with its keen analysis of the complicity of secular and religious institutions to maintain control of Spain through terrorism and violence reverberates throughout and finds its echo in the tragic story of Montse’s older brother José. Set against this is the adolescent Montse’s encounter with the dramatic social revolution underway in the Catalan city and her life-altering experience of passionate love, the memory of which remains intact and luminous despite age and disease. Examining both n arratives highlights the act of resistance at the heart of the novel and captured by its title.
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Johns, D. G., M. Edwards, and S. D. Batten. "Arctic boreal plankton species in the Northwest Atlantic." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 58, no. 11 (November 1, 2001): 2121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f01-156.
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The Continuous Plankton Recorder (CPR) survey has sampled regularly in the Northwest Atlantic since the early 1960s. Over the last decade there has been a dramatic increase in the abundance of a number of arctic boreal plankton species, notably Calanus hyperboreus (Krøyer), Calanus glacialis (Jaschnov), and Ceratium arcticum, and a southerly shift of the copepod C. hyperboreus in the CPR survey. In 1998, C. hyperboreus was recorded at its farthest position south in the survey, 39°N, off the Georges Bank shelf edge. Other studies have reported similar parallel biological responses on three trophic levels. During the late 1990s, production of Labrador Sea Water (LSW) has been at a high, a direct response to the phase of the North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO). The increase in abundance of these species, up to four standard deviations from the long-term mean, is linked to variability in the hydrography of the area and the driving climatic processes of the North Atlantic.
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Budge, Suzanne M., Sara J. Iverson, W. Don Bowen, and Robert G. Ackman. "Among- and within-species variability in fatty acid signatures of marine fish and invertebrates on the Scotian Shelf, Georges Bank, and southern Gulf of St. Lawrence." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 59, no. 5 (May 1, 2002): 886–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f02-062.
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The fat and fatty acid compositions of 28 species of fish and invertebrates (n = 954) from the Scotian Shelf, Georges Bank, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence were determined. Discriminant analysis of the 16 most numerous species (n [Formula: see text] 18 each), using 17 major fatty acids, classified species with greater than 98% accuracy and grouped species into three general clusters (gadids, flatfish, and planktivores) with similar fatty acid compositions, and likely, similar diets. A number of species exhibited changes in fatty acid signatures with increasing size (multivariate analysis of variance), which corresponded with known dietary shifts reported from stomach contents analyses. Location effects were also observed among the three major geographical regions and were probably due to broad-scale variations in prey assemblages and phytoplankton composition in the northwestern Atlantic. Despite these effects, within-species variation was still substantially less than among-species variation. Thus, fatty acid signatures can be used to distinguish and characterize fish and invertebrate species in a given ecosystem, as well as to study finer-scale trophic interactions of these species. These data also have applications at higher trophic levels and will serve as a prey database for studying the diets of other fish and marine mammal predators using fatty acid signatures.
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Stankovic, Vlada. "Tropeoforos kod Mihaila Psela - jedan primer politicke upotrebe retorike." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441133s.
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(francuski) En raison de sa grande ?rudition, de son talent litt?raire, mais aussi de son caract?re, Michel Psellos est assur?ment un des auteurs byzantins les plus probl?matiques lorsqu'il s'agit de l'interpr?tation et de la compr?hension de ses oeuvres. Le recours ? l'allusion, surtout dans ses ?crits politiques, r?v?le chez un auteur imbu de son savoir le besoin de jouer avec la signification ?officielle?, claire et compr?hensible de tous de ses textes, et une seconde plus profonde en recourant ? des images ?sot?riques, absconses ou difficilement compr?hensibles. Il en est ainsi s'agissant de l'emploi de l'?pith?te tropaiophoros (tropaioph?roz) que Michel Psellos utilise de fa?on sp?cifique, en jouant avec sa signification principale et concr?te. 1. L'emploi du qualificatif tropaiophoros (tropaioph?roz) chez Psellos 1.1. L'?loge ? Constantin Monomaque (Psellus, Orationes, Oratio 2) L'?loge ? Constantin Monomaque r?dig? par Psellos au d?but m?me du r?gne de cet empereur (avril-mai 1043) est caract?ristique lorsqu'il s'agit de l'utilisation du terme tropaiophoros par Psellos. C?l?brant la victoire de l'empereur sur l'usurpateur Georges Maniak?s, Michel Psellos a r?ussi par l'habile emploi de cette ?pith?te ronflante ? qui ? cette ?poque ?tait avant tout utilis?e pour d?signer la fondation de Constantin Monomaque, Saint-Georges Tropaiophoros ? Manganes ? d'exprimer, par le biais de l'ironie, son opinion critique vis-?-vis du nouvel empereur. Proc?dant ? un rappel de l'histoire de Byzance depuis la mort de Jean Tzimisk?s (976) jusqu'? la r?daction de son ?loge, Michel Psellos utilise ? trois reprises l'?pith?te tropaiophoros : 1) associ?e ? Michel IV le Paphlagonien : ...le tropaio- phoros c?leste (immacul?) retourne ? son seigneur, c.-?-d. ? Dieu (ka? tropaioph?roz ana?maktoz pr?z t?n o?ke?on desp?t?n ch?rei ?e??????? x^pei) ; 2) ? Constantin Monomaque : ...et avant le sceptre tu ?tais empereur tropaiophoros (ka? pr? t?n sk?ptr?n basile?z ?stha tropaioph?roz ??o??a????o?) ; 3) et ? l'usurpateur d?fait qui s'?tait dress? contre cet empereur, Georges Maniak?s (symb?llei t? t?z d?se?z strat?g?, nik?, tropaioph?roz ?p?neisi, sobar?teroz t? e?tych?mati g?netai?). Son habile r?partition du terme tropaiophoros dans trois passages ?galement ?loign?s les uns des autres, respectivement dans le premier, deuxi?me et troisi?me tiers de la partie historique de son oratio, met tout particuli?rement en exergue l'importance de ce qualificatif. En tant qu'id?e, la notion de tropaiophoros est sous-jacente ? tout le cours narratif de cet ?loge, constituant d'une certaine fa?on le fondement sur lequel l'orateur a construit et ?labor? son r?cit. Le choix des personnages auxquels Psellos associe l'?pith?te tropaiophoros et les diverses nuances qu'elle rev?t avec chacun d'eux, renforcent l'impression d'un emploi intentionnel d'un terme inhabituel, visant par l? ? transmettre un message politique. Tout d'abord, l'?pith?te tropaiophoros est utilis?e exclusivement pour des personnages contemporains dont le nouvel empereur Constantin Monomaque qu'un lien particulier rattache aux deux autres ? ces deux derniers ayant ?t?, en quelque sorte, l'un comme l'autre ses adversaires, et tous deux l'ayant, du moins provisoirement, d?fait. Autrement dit, seuls les rivaux de Monomaque sont, tout comme lui, qualifi?s de tropaiophoros, alors que ni Basile II, ni Romain Argyre, auquel Psellos dresse des louanges particuli?res dans le cadre de cet ?loge, n'ont re?u cette ?pith?te. Le fait que Michel Psellos ait renonc? par la suite ? utiliser l'?pith?te tropaiophoros dans ses ?loges post?rieurs de Constantin Monomaque et n'ait renou? pleinement avec son emploi qu'apr?s le r?gne de cet empereur, lorsque le temps ?coul? avait ?t? toute actualit? politique ? ce terme, atteste peut-?tre une dose redoubl?e de prudence (voire de crainte?) de la part de cet ?rudit qui redoutait que ne soient d?crypt?es ses allusions et critiques politiques d?guis?es sous formes d'?loges. 1.2. La Chronographie et autres oeuvres de Psellos Le choix m?me des personnages s'?tant vu attribuer l'?pith?te de tropaiophoros dans la Chronographie est d?j? significatif par lui-m?me (Bardas Phocas, Constantin Monomaque, Isaac Comn?ne, Romain Diog?ne et Andronic Doukas, fils du c?sar Jean Doukas), mais Psellos a ?galement exprim? ses positions vis ? vis de ceux-ci ? travers les nuances introduite dans l'emploi de cette ?pith?te avec chacun d'entre eux. Passant de l'ironie non dissimul?e (dans le cas de Romain Diog?ne) ? la moquerie d?guis?e (Andronic Doukas), Psellos joue avec la signification premi?re de l'?pith?te tropaiophoros et ce d'une fa?on qui n'est pas pleinement apparue ? des ?rudits tels que Nic?phore Bryennios et Anne Comn?ne lesquels, proc?dant ? la copie des donn?es fourmes par Psellos, ont repris tel quel ce terme. La possibilit? de l'emploi ambivalent de l'adjectif tropaiophoros nous sont r?v?l?s par Psellos lui-m?me dans sa description de l'empereur H?raclius dans le Logos sur les miracles de l'archange Michel, lorsqu'il dit de cet empereur qu'il ?tait un authentique tropaiophoros (tropaioph?roz ?z ?l?th?z), formule que l'on ne retrouve pour aucun de ses contemporains. 2. Caract?risation de l'emploi du terme tropaiophoros chez Psellos La caract?risation de l'emploi de l'?pith?te tropaiophoros par Psellos, tout en gardant la r?serve qui s'impose, montre que le consul des philosophes a intentionnellement utilis? cette ?pith?te, l'a introduite ? des endroits parfaitement bien choisis et attribu?e ? des personnages bien pr?cis tout en lui conf?rant le plus souvent une connotation ironique. Deux exemples relev?s dans l'?loge de Constantin Monomaque montrent parfaitement que tropaiophoros pouvait ?tre utilis? avec une double signification, ? officielle? (positive) mais aussi ? dissimul?e ? (cachant une critique). L'empereur lui-m?me, alors qu'il n'y va d'aucun m?rite particulier de sa part, et avant m?me de recevoir la couronne imp?riale, est tropaiophoros, qualificatif ? travers lequel Psellos fait, de toute ?vidence, allusion ? l'?rection contemporaine de la fondation du m?me nom de Monomaque, d'une fa?on que l'empereur lui-m?me pouvait comprendre, approuver et r?compenser. Toutefois, l'exemple de Michel IV tir? de ce m?me oratio, montre un autre aspect de l'utilisation de cette ?pith?te ? cet empereur est, en effet, tropaioph?roz ?na?maktoz, ce qui l'?l?ve au-dessus de Monomaque auquel l'?loge est destin?. C'est l? une position conforme ? l'opinion g?n?rale positive de Psellos sur Michel le Paphlagonien que l'on retrouve ?galement exprim?e dans la Chronographie. Dans tous les autres cas ? ? l'exception de celui de l'empereur H?raclius ? une connotation ironique dissimul?e ou un ton moqueur annonce les intentions de l'auteur, en particulier du fait du contraste que Psellos cr?? en attribuant l'?pith?te tropaiophoros ? des empereurs y compris lorqu'il n'y a pas eu de v?ritables victoires. L'?pith?te li?e ? saint Georges, et le plus souvent associ?e dans la rh?torique byzantine ? un empereur ? victorieux a ?t? utilis? par Psellos pour jouer avec sa signification premi?re, mais aussi afin de traduire un message associ? ? son utilisation. 3. Saint Georges Tropaiophoros ? Manganes L'emploi appuy? de l'?pith?te tropaiophoros par Psellos dans son ?loge r?dig? au d?but du r?gne de Constantin Monomaque (avril ? mai 1043) confirme indubitablement que la construction de la fondation de Monomaque ?tait alors commenc?e, 151 mais aussi qu'elle portait d?j? l'?pith?te de tropaiophoros. En outre, le sceau de Skl?raina sur lequel est ?galement mentionn? le sekret?n du saint grand martyr Georges Tropaiophoros, puis l'existence du monast?re du Tropaiophoros avant le mois de mai 1046 (sur la base de la charte de Constantin Monomaque), ainsi que le caract?re et les appellations des ?loges de Mauropous, montrent que l'?glise de Saint-Georges Tropaiophoros a ?t? inaugur?e plus t?t qu'on ne le pensait jusqu'? pr?sent. L'absence de toute description de la nouvelle ?glise, de ses d?corations ou de son luxe dans les r?cits de Jean Mauropous, ce qui ?tait habituel pour les hom?lies qui c?l?braient la sanctification des ?glises depuis l'?poque de patriarche Photius, incite ? conclure qu'il ne s'agissait pas dans ce cas d'un acte aussi solennel. Les imges usuelles et neutres employ?es par Mauropous pour louer les fondations de l'empereur, tel que saint Sion et nouvelle J?rusalem ou la mention stipulant que l'?glise surpassait les autres ?glises par sa taille et ses d?corations, ne doivent en aucun cas ?tre rattach?es avec la c?r?monie de sanctification de l'?glise qui, ? ce qu'il semble, a eu lieu avant mai 1046, et certainement avant le 21 avril 1047 lorsque Jean Mauropous y a prononc? l'?loge de son fondateur, l'empereur Constantin Monomaque.
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Campana, S. E., R. K. Mohn, S. J. Smith, and G. A. Chouinard. "Spatial implications of a temperature-based growth model for Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua) off the eastern coast of Canada." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 52, no. 11 (November 1, 1995): 2445–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f95-835.
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Lengths at age of Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua) off the eastern coast of Canada vary up to three-fold among geographic regions, with Georges Bank and the southern Gulf of St. Lawrence being the regions of fastest and slowest growth, respectively. Colour-coded contour maps of length at ages 2–8 (n = 59 518) based on research vessel surveys between 1971 and 1992 clearly showed the spatial variations in size at age. Corresponding maps of July–September bottom water temperature appeared to reflect relative growth rate, whereas those for depth did not. A polynomial expansion of a temperature-based von Bertalanffy growth model appeared to fit the data well, with no residual patterns across most ages, lengths, temperatures, or years. Model predictions were also consistent with reported lengths at age for cod in other regions and countries. Declines in bottom water temperature over the past 5–10 years appear to be at least partly responsible for observed declines in size at age of the cod stock on the eastern Scotian Shelf.
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MACIOLEK, NANCY J. "Anguillosyllis (Annelida: Syllidae) from multiple deep-water locations in the northern and southern hemispheres." Zootaxa 4793, no. 1 (June 15, 2020): 1–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4793.1.1.
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Numerous specimens belonging to the syllid genus Anguillosyllis Day were collected during several deep-sea studies conducted between 1970 and 2011 in depths ranging from 180 to nearly 5000 m. These quantitative studies demonstrated that members of this genus are not as uncommon as once thought but can be among the 10 most common infaunal species at some deep-sea locations. Study areas included Georges Bank (New England), the North, Mid, and South Atlantic Continental Slope and Rise (east coast of North America), the Gulf of Mexico (off Louisiana), off San Francisco, California, the Clarion-Clipperton Fracture Zone (Pacific Ocean), the South China Sea (off Brunei), the abyssal plain in the South Atlantic Ocean, and Antarctica (Scotia Sea, Weddell Sea). Sixteen new species are described, bringing the total number of described Anguillosyllis species to 20; one additional species that cannot be fully characterized is also noted. The new species include eight with palps that are entirely or partially free (Anguillosyllis aciculata n. sp., A. acsara, n. sp., A. carolina n. sp., A. denaria n. sp., A. hadra, n. sp., A. hampsoni n. sp., A. taleola n. sp., and A. truebloodi n. sp.) and eight species with completely fused palps (A. andeepia n. sp., A. blakei n. sp., A. bruneiensis n. sp., A. elegantissima n. sp., A. enneapoda n. sp., A. hessleri n. sp., A. inornata n. sp., and A. sepula n. sp.). Type specimens of A. palpata (Hartman) from off Cape Horn and A. pupa (Hartman) from off New England were examined; A. capensis Day from South Africa and A. lanai Barroso, Paiva, Nogueira & Fukuda from Brazil are discussed. All adult Anguillosyllis have a fixed number of setigers, either 8, 9, 10, or 11, with 11 setigers being the most common. Species differ in the number of setigers, degree of fusion of the palps, degree of development of parapodial lobes, structure and number of internal and external glands, number of setae in anterior setigers, shape and size of proventricle, and annulation of the dorsum. All species for which the anal cirri had not been lost were found to have four, including two long, thin, ventromedial ones and two shorter, usually oval, lateral ones. Reproduction is poorly known in the genus; the present study shows eggs are found in the posterior (post-proventricle) setigers of most species and enter the parapodia from the coelom of several specimens; egg diameters generally ranged from 50–85 µm with A. sepula n. sp. having eggs up to 120 µm, the largest reported for the genus.
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Giroux, Dalie. "Éléments de pensée politique autochtone contemporaine." Articles 27, no. 1 (May 30, 2008): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018046ar.
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Résumé En parallèle avec les luttes politiques menées par les différents peuples autochtones au Canada et dans le monde au cours des trente dernières années, il s’est développé un discours dans lequel je veux reconnaître ici une « pensée politique autochtone contemporaine ». Cette pensée obtient aujourd’hui une réception qui, il y a encore dix ans, était inimaginable. Cela dit, la pensée politique autochtone contemporaine est encore marginalisée dans la production de recherche canadienne et elle est, de surcroît, très peu connue dans le monde francophone. Cet article vise à contribuer à combler ces deux lacunes en présentant une étude exploratoire d’un pan de la littérature politique autochtone des trente dernières années. En abordant systématiquement les écrits de Howard Adams, de Taiaiake Alfred, d’Olive P. Dickason, de Daniel N. Paul et de Georges E. Sioui, cette étude vise à identifier et à analyser les thèmes organisateurs de cette littérature et à explorer le sens et les limites de l’unité de ce mouvement de pensée contemporain. De manière complémentaire, il s’agit d’explorer l’éclairage nouveau que ce dernier offre sur la relation entre vérité et politique qui caractérise l’Occident.
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Pavlovic, Vojislav. "Franchet d’Espèrey et la politique Balkanique de la France 1918-1919." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849107p.
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L?arriv?e du g?n?ral Franchet d?Esp?rey ? Salonique, en tant que commandant des troupes alli?es sur le front d?Orient, en juin 1918 a cr?? les conditions pour que les arm?es alli?es, men?es par les divisions serbes et fran?aises, r?ussissent ? percer la ligne du front le 15 septembre et obligent la Bulgarie ? signer l?armistice le 29 septembre. La victoire alli?e ? Salonique fut ? l?origine de la d?cision de l??tat-Major allemand d?exiger la fin des hostilit?s vu que l??croulement du front dans les Balkans avait rendu vains tous les efforts pour gagner la guerre. Or, le gouvernement de Georges Clemenceau se refusa d?exploiter les fruits de la victoire audel? de ses retomb?s sur les affaires balkaniques. L?armistice avec l?Empire Ottoman et la lib?ration de la Serbie furent ses objectifs principaux. La rentr?e de la Roumanie dans la guerre fut, en revanche, l?objectif d?une port?e plus grande, car ? travers elle fut pr?vue de r?tablir les contacts avec les forces anti-bolch?viques en Russie.
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Liu, Chang, Crista Bank, Michael Kersula, Geoffrey W. Cowles, Douglas R. Zemeckis, Steven X. Cadrin, and Christopher McGuire. "Movements of Atlantic halibut in the Gulf of Maine based on geolocation." ICES Journal of Marine Science 76, no. 7 (September 17, 2019): 2020–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fsz169.
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Abstract Atlantic halibut are a “Species of Concern” in US waters and little is known about their movements and stock structure. Recent stock assessments drew attention to the paucity of information for assessing and managing this stock. To investigate movement patterns and stock structure, halibut were tagged off Massachusetts and Maine within US waters of the Gulf of Maine region using pop-up satellite archival tags and data storage tags. A hidden Markov model (HMM) geolocation method previously developed for other groundfish species was adapted to estimate the movement tracks of the tagged halibut (n = 25) based on the tag-recorded depth and temperature. Total distance travelled based on geolocation ranged from 36 to 1701 km, whereas straight line distance between tagging and end locations ranged from 0.4 to 440.7 km. Estimated movement rates varied between 2.7 and 10 km day−1. Two tagged halibut made long-distance movements to putative spawning habitat in the Northeast Channel off Georges Bank. Thirteen (13) out of 25 geolocated individuals were estimated to have reached Canadian waters. Geolocation results revealed home range, return movement, and seasonal migration movement patterns exhibited by the tagged halibut. The HMM geolocation method could be a useful tool in providing information on halibut movements that can inform stock assessment and management decisions.
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Ducharme, Michel. "PAPINEAU, Louis-Joseph, Lettres à Julie (Sillery, Septentrion/Archives nationales du Québec, coll. « Archives québécoises », n 1, 2000), 812 p. Texte établi et annoté par Georges Aubin et Renée Blanchet." Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 55, no. 2 (2001): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/010381ar.
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Pirivatric, Srdjan. "Une hypothèse sur l'origine du tsar de Bulgarie Constantin Asen 'Tich'." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 46 (2009): 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0946313p.
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(francuski) La question de l'origine du tsar bulgare Constantin Asen (1257-1277), plus souvent appel? dans l'historiographie moderne Constantin Tich (Tih), a ?t? depuis longtemps pos?e. Les sources susceptibles d'y r?pondre sont peu nombreuses et parfaitement r?pertori?es. A commencer par Constantin Asen lui-m?me qui, dans sa charte d?livr?e au monast?re Saint-Georges pr?s de Skopje, range 'saint Simeon Nemanja, a?eul de mon empire' au nombre des anciens kt?tors de cet ?tablissement. Pour ce qui est des auteurs byzantins, chez Georges Akropolyt?s, son contemporain, ce tsar est ? plusieurs reprises appel? Constantin fils de Tich ou simplement Constantin; un peu plus tard Georges Pachym?re le d?signe une premi?re fois comme Constantin Tich, puis, par la suite, r?guli?rement comme Constantin avec l'int?ressante pr?cision que celui-ci ?tait par sa naissance pour moitie (ex ?miseias) serbe; plus tard encore, Nic?phore Gr?goras, parle d'un puissant seigneur portant le pr?nom de Constantin et le 'nom' (ep?nymon) de Tich. En 1258/59, dans son inscription de kt?tor appos?e dans une ?glise ? Bojana, un certain s?bastocrator Kalojan fait ?tat, en sa qualit? de 'fils du fr?re du tsar' et de 'petit-fils du saint roi Stefan', de liens de parente avec le tsar r?gnant en Bulgarie, Constantin Asen, et le d?funt roi de Serbie, Stefan le Premier Couronne (Prvovencani). Enfin, dans l'historiographie byzantine, il ressort clairement du r?cit relatif a la crise de succession en Bulgarie en 1257 que Constantin n'?tait pas membre de la dynastie des Asen. Jusqu'a pr?sent, le lien de parente de Constantin Tich (Tih) avec le grand joupan de Serbie Stefan Nemanja (1166-1196), plus tard devenu moine et saint sous le nom de Simeon, a ?t? le plus souvent recherch?e ? travers une lign?e f?minine, soit une hypoth?tique fille de Nemanja inconnue des sources, qui aurait ?t? la m?re ce tsar. Cette solution pourrait cependant ne pas ?tre la seule piste envisageable. Pour cela il faut revenir ? la charte de Saint-Georges et au terme d''a?eul (de mon empire)' qui marquant la parente, peut s'appliquer dans des cas d'ascendance directe mais aussi indirecte. Constantin aurait donc pu tout aussi bien afficher a travers celui-ci une parente quelque peu plus ?loigne avec Nemanja, passant par un des fr?res, voire une tr?s hypoth?tique s?ur, de ce dernier. Ainsi, celui que nous appellerions aujourd'hui un 'grand-oncle', a pu ?tre d?sign? dans cette charte comme un 'a?eul (de mon empire)'. Qu'un tel lien de parente, m?me indirect, surtout avec saint Simeon (notamment au vu de l'essor de son culte), c'est-?-dire non seulement l'existence d'une ascendance et d'un droit de succession directs, ait pu ?tre un raison suffisante pour en appeler ? celle-ci est attest?e par l'exemple chronologiquement proche de l'inscription fun?raire du joupan Stefan Prvoslav, appos?e vers 1220, dans laquelle ce dernier est, entre autre, qualifie de 'neveu de saint Simeon Nemanja'. En ce sens, la pr?cision relev?e chez Pachym?re pourrait, elle aussi, sugg?rer, par sa formulation, que Constantin ?tait d'origine serbe par son p?re et non par sa m?re. Cet auteur s'en tenait assur?ment au principe selon lequel l'origine par le p?re ?tait sous-en-tendue, alors que l'origine par la m?re devait ?tre signal?e si n?cessaire. Les meilleurs exemples en sont les passages o? il rapporte, s'agissant du fils du roi de Hongrie Stefan IV, qu'il ?tait d''origine rom?e (r?mogen?s), par sa m?re' la fille de l'empereur Th?odore Ier, et, s'agissant du tsar de Bulgarie Th?odore Svetoslav, qu'il ?tait 'Bulgare par sa m?re, car son p?re Terter ?tait Coman'. Hormis ces remarques de nature g?n?rale, une m?me conclusion concernant l'origine du tsar de Bulgarie Constantin s'impose ?galement ? la lecture du r?cit de Pachym?re. Sa relation des troubles survenus en 1257 lors de la succession au tr?ne de Bulgarie montre qu'en l'absence de descendant male de la lign?e des Asen, les liens de parente et l'origine nationale des pr?tendants ont jou? un r?le cl? dans la r?solution de la question de la l?galit? du pouvoir et, plus g?n?rale, de la crise de succession. On y apprend que le premier candidat Myts?s (Mico), ?tait ? la fois gendre d'Ivan II Asen (1218-1241), ainsi que beau-fr?re de Th?odore II Lascaris (1254-1258) et Bulgare (Boylgaros ?n), et pouvait pr?tendre - ? ce double titre - ? exercer le pouvoir sur les Bulgares, mais que les puissants se sont ranges aux cotes de Constantin, qui ?tait pour moitie serbe (ek Serb?n ex ?miseias to genos echonta). De fait, ne pouvant se pr?valoir de quelque lien de parente avec les Asen et d'un droit quel qu'il soit ? la succession au tr?ne, Constantin a par la suite pris pour ?pouse Ir?ne, fille de Th?odore II Lascaris et ni?ce de Ivan II Asen, ce qui lui a conf?re le m?me droit au tr?ne des Asen qu'a son concurrent Myts?s (ep' is?n eiche to pros t?n toy Asan basileian dikaion t? Mytz?). Et c'est pr?cis?ment le fait que tout en ayant un p?re serbe, et une m?re, par cons?quent bulgare, c'est lui qui a ?t? d?sign? tsar gr?ce ? son prestige de puissant seigneur de Bulgarie, qui a amen? la remarque de Pachym?re. On peut difficilement imaginer que la situation inverse, ? savoir si Constantin avait eu un p?re bulgare et une m?re serbe, aurait pu avoir quelque incidence de nature politique sur le r?sultat de la crise de succession au tr?ne, au point de trouver ensuite un ?cho dans l'historiographie. Dans l'historiographie moderne il a depuis longtemps ?tait avanc? que Tich (Tih) devait ?tre une abr?viation de Tihomir, Tihoslav, Tihota ou Tihotica. Ceci nous am?ne ici ? supposer que le p?re de Constantin s'appelait en fait Tihomir. Il nous appara?t, en effet, en raison d'une similitude, voire identit?, de pr?nom que le fr?re a?n? de Nemanja, dont on pense que le pr?nom ?tait Tihomir et qui a ?t?, en son temps, grand joupan (1163/65-1166), pourrait ?tre un ?l?ment tout particuli?rement int?ressant s'agissant de la question de l'origine du tsar Constantin. Son activit? entre 1166 et 1168, apr?s que son fr?re Stefan Nemanja l'a destitu? du pouvoir, pourrait m?me ?tre rattach?e ? la Skopje byzantine. Par ailleurs, un document de l'archev?que de Ochrid Dimitrius Chomatianos, en date de 1220, fait mention d'un certain archonte de Skopje du nom de Jovan Tihomirov ou Jovan Tihomir (?toy ?I?annoy toy Teichomoiroy) - Tihomir est ici tr?s vraisemblablement un patronyme, puisqu'il est peut probable qu'il s'agisse de deux nom propres - qui, vers la fin du XIIe si?cle, r?gnait quasiment en ma?tre sur la ville. Il est donc permis de supposer l'existence d'un lien de parente entre ce Jovan et, d'une part l'ancien grand joupan Tihomir (fils) et, d'autre part, le tsar de Bulgarie Constantin (oncle ou p?re). Cette construction ne repose toutefois, pour l'essentiel, que sur une similitude de pr?noms. Partant de cette suppos?e parente entre le tsar Constantin et l'archonte de Skopje Jovan Tihomir certains chercheurs ont d?j? avance l'hypoth?se que Constantin est mont? sur le tr?ne bulgare en 1257 en tant que puissant seigneur de Skopje ou gouverneur de la r?gion de Skopje. On note cependant que d'autres chercheurs consid?rent que cette m?me ann?e 1257 a vu une br?ve domination du roi de Serbie Uros sur Skopje. Cette information, qui n'est en fait connue que d'apr?s une seule source tardive, ? savoir la charte du fils d'Uros, Milutin d?livr?e au monast?re de Chilandar en 1299/1300, a ainsi ?t? rapproch?e des ?v?nements mentionn?s dans l'Histoire de Georges Acropolit?s pour l'ann?e 1257, lorsque le roi de Serbie, en tant qu'allie du despote Michel II Ange, a pris Kicevo et d?vast? les environs de Prilep. Or, dans une charte de Milutin d?livr?e au monast?re skopiote - d?j? nomme - de Saint-Georges (Gorg) datant de cette m?me ann?e 1299/1300, le tsar bulgare Constantin figure avant le roi Uros au nombre des anciens kt?tors et donateurs du monast?re. Et il s'entend que les kt?tors sont ici tr?s certainement mentionnes selon l'ordre chronologique de la domination exerc?e sur Skopje. La charte de Constantin d?livr?e au m?me monast?re, dont la date n'est pas conserv?e, ne fait, elle non plus, nullement ?tat d'une charte ant?rieure de Uros. Et Il convient ici de prendre avec r?serve le suppose itin?raire - passant par Skopje et Polog pour atteindre Kicevo et Prilep - de l'exp?dition du roi de Serbie Uros en 1257, car des t?moignages attestent parfaitement l'existence d'un itin?raire alternatif, mais tout aussi important et utilise, allant de Prizren ? Tetovo en logeant les contreforts du massif de la Sara, de sorte qu'il ?tait possible d'atteindre Kicevo depuis les territoires du roi de Serbie sans passer par Skopje. Compte tenu de tout cela, il para?t permis d'accepter la supposition voulant que l'origine du tsar Constantin soit li?e ? Skopje et ? la r?gion de Skopje. Dans les travaux s'?tant int?ress?s ? l'origine du tsar Constantin Tich, la r?ponse ? cette question a ?galement ?t? rattach?e, sur la base de l'inscription de l'?glise de Bojana, ? celle concernant l'origine du s?bastocrator Kalojan. Il ne fait aucun doute que lui non plus n'?tait pas un Asen, car, si cela avait ?t? le cas, il aurait eu le droit de pr?tendre au tr?ne laiss? vacant ? la suite des meurtres de Michel Asen et de Kaliman, or les auteurs byzantins nous apprennent pr?cis?ment que le pouvoir n'avait pas d''h?ritier l?gal' en Bulgarie. Le t?moignage apport? par l'inscription de Bojana, selon laquelle Kalojan est un 'fils du fr?re du tsar' (? savoir le tsar Constantin) et 'petit-fils du saint roi de Serbie Stefan' (? savoir Stefan le Premier Couronn?), semblerait ?tre contradictoire. Cela n'est toutefois le cas que si nous perdons de vue le fait que la notion de parent? induite par 'fils du fr?re' (bratoucad), pouvait ?galement se rapporter ? des personnes appartenant ? diff?rentes g?n?rations. Nonobstant notre connaissance encore insuffisante des d?tails prosopographiques concernant le tsar Constantin Tich et le s?bastocrator Kalojan, ces deux Nemanjic, porteurs de titres particuli?rement ?lev?s, sont deus personnages int?ressants qui attestent parfaitement de la mobilit? horizontale et verticale au sein du monde byzantin, autrement du 'commenwealth byzantin', compris au sens le plus large.
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Thaning, Kaj. "Hvem var Clara? 1-3." Grundtvig-Studier 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 11–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v37i1.15940.
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Who was Clara?By Kaj ThaningIn this essay the author describes his search for Clara Bolton and her acquaintance with among others Benjamin Disraeli and the priest, Alexander d’Arblay, a son of the author, Fanny Burney. He gives a detailed account of Clara Bolton and leaves no doubt about the deep impression she made on Grundtvig, even though he met her and spoke to her only once in his life at a dinner party in London on June 24th 1830. Kaj Thaning has dedicated his essay to Dr. Oscar Wood, Christ Church College, Oxford, and explains why: “Just 30 years ago, while one of my daughters was working for Dr. Oscar Wood, she asked him who “Mrs. Bolton” was. Grundtvig speaks of her in a letter to his wife dated June 25th 1830. Through the Disraeli biographer, Robert Blake, Dr. Wood discovered her identity, so I managed to add a footnote to my thesis (p. 256). She was called Clara! The Disraeli archives, once preserved in Disraeli’s home at Hughenden Manor but now in the British Museum, contain a bundle of letters which Dr. Wood very kindly copied for me. The letters fall into three groups, the middle one being from June 1832, when Clara Bolton was campaigning, in vain, for Disraeli’s election to parliament. Her husband was the Disraeli family doctor, and through him she wrote her first letter to Benjamin Disraeli, asking for his father’s support for her good friend, Alexander d’Arblay, a theology graduate, in his application for a position. This led to the young Disraeli asking her to write to him at his home at Bradenham. There are therefore a group of letters from before June 1832. Similarly there are a number of letters from a later date, the last being from November 1832”.The essay is divided into three sections: 1) Clara Bolton and Disraeli, 2) The break between them, 3) Clara Bolton and Alexander d’Arblay. The purpose of the first two sections is to show that the nature of Clara Bolton’s acquaintance with Disraeli was otherwise than has been previously assumed. She was not his lover, but his political champion. The last section explains the nature of her friendship with Alex d’Arblay. Here she was apparently the object of his love, but she returned it merely as friendship in her attempt to help him to an appointment and to a suitable lifelong partner. He did acquire a new position but died shortly after. There is a similarity in her importance for both Grundtvig and d’Arblay in that they were both clergymen and poets. Disraeli and Grundtvig were also both writers and politicians.At the age of 35 Clara Bolton died, on June 29th 1839 in a hotel in Le Havre, according to the present representative of the Danish Institute in Rouen, Bent Jørgensen. She was the daughter of Michael Peter Verbecke and Clarissa de Brabandes, names pointing to a Flemish background. On the basis of archive studies Dr. Michael Hebbert has informed the author that Clara’s father was a merchant living in Bread Street, London, between 1804 and 1807. In 1806 a brother was born. After 1807 the family disappears from the archives, and Clara’s letters reveal nothing about her family. Likewise the circumstances of her death are unknown.The light here shed on Clara Bolton’s life and personality is achieved through comprehensive quotations from her letters: these are to be found in the Danish text, reproduced in English.Previous conceptions of Clara’s relationship to Disraeli have derived from his business manager, Philip Rose, who preserved the correspondence between them and added a commentary in 1885, after Disraeli’s death. He it is who introduces the rumour that she may have been Disraeli’s mistress. Dr. Wood, however, doubts that so intimate a relationship existed between them, and there is much in the letters that directly tells against it. The correspondence is an open one, open both to her husband and to Disraeli’s family. As a 17-year-old Philip Rose was a neighbour of Disraeli’s family at Bradenham and a friend of Disraeli’s younger brother, Ralph, who occasionally brought her letters to Bradenham. It would have been easy for him to spin some yarn about the correspondence. In her letters Clara strongly advocates to Disraeli that he should marry her friend, Margaret Trotter. After the break between Disraeli and Clara it was public knowledge that Lady Henrietta Sykes became his mistress, from 1833 to 1836. Her letters to him are of a quite different character, being extremely passionate. Yet Philip Rose’s line is followed by the most recent biographers of Disraeli: the American, Professor B. R. Jerman in The Young Disraeli (1960), the English scholar Robert Blake, in Disraeli (1963) and Sarah Bradford in Disraeli (1983). They all state that Clara Bolton was thought to be Disraeli’s mistress, also by members of his own family. Blake believes that the originator of this view was Ralph Disraeli. It is accepted that Clara Bolton 7 Grundtvig Studier 1985 was strongly attracted to Disraeli, to his manner, his talents, his writing, and not least to his eloquence during the 1832 election campaign. But nothing in her letters points to a passionate love affair.A comparison can be made with Henrietta Sykes’ letters, which openly burn with love. Blake writes of Clara Bolton’s letters (p. 75): “There is not the unequivocal eroticism that one finds in the letters from Henrietta Sykes.” In closing one of her letters Clara writes that her husband, George Buckley Bolton, is waiting impatiently for her to finish the letter so that he can take it with him.She wants Disraeli married, but not to anybody: “You must have a brilliant star like your own self”. She writes of Margaret Trotter: “When you see M. T. you will feel so inspired you will write and take her for your heroine... ” (in his novels). And in her last letter to Disraeli (November 18th 1832) she says: “... no one thing could reconcile me more to this world of ill nature than to see her your wife”. The letter also mentions a clash she has had with a group of Disraeli’s opponents. It shows her temperament and her supreme skill, both of which command the respect of men. No such bluestockings existed in Denmark at the time; she must have impressed Grundtvig.Robert Blake accepts that some uncertainty may exist in the evaluation of letters which are 150 years old, but he finds that they “do in some indefinable way give the impression of brassiness and a certain vulgarity”. Thaning has told Blake his view of her importance for Grundtvig, and this must have modified Blake’s portrait. He writes at least: “... she was evidently not stupid, and she moved in circles which had some claim to being both intellectual and cosmopolitan.”He writes of the inspiration which Grundtvig owed to her, and he concludes: “There must have been more to her than one would deduce by reading her letters and the letters about her in Disraeli’s papers.” - She spoke several languages, and moved in the company of nobles and ambassadors, politicians and literary figures, including John Russell, W.J.Fox, Eliza Flower, and Sarah Adams.However, from the spring of 1833 onwards it is Henrietta Sykes who portrays Clara Bolton in the Disraeli biographies, and naturally it is a negative portrait. The essay reproduces in English a quarrel between them when Sir Francis Sykes was visiting Clara, and Lady Sykes found him there. Henrietta Sykes regards the result as a victory for herself, but Clara’s tears are more likely to have been shed through bitterness over Disraeli, who had promised her everlasting friendship and “unspeakable obligation”. One notes that he did not promise her love. Yet despite the quarrel they all three dine together the same evening, they travel to Paris together shortly afterwards, and Disraeli comes to London to see the them off. The trip however was far from idyllic. The baron and Clara teased Henrietta. Later still she rented a house in fashionable Southend and invited Disraeli down. Sir Francis, however, insisted that the Boltons should be invited too. The essay includes Blake’s depiction of “the curious household” in Southend, (p. 31).In 1834 Clara Bolton left England and took up residence at a hotel in the Hague. A Rotterdam clergyman approached Disraeli’s vicar and he turned to Disraeli’s sister for information about the mysterious lady, who unaccompanied had settled in the Hague, joined the church and paid great attention to the clergy. She herself had said that she was financing her own Sunday School in London and another one together with the Disraeli family. In her reply Sarah Disraeli puts a distance between the family and Clara, who admittedly had visited Bradenham five years before, but who had since had no connection with the family. Sarah is completely loyal to her brother, who has long since dropped Clara. By the time the curious clergyman had received this reply, Clara had left the Hague and arrived at Dover, where she once again met Alexander d’Arblay.Alex was born in 1794, the son of a French general who died in 1818, and Fanny Burney. She was an industrious correspondent; as late as 1984 the 12th and final volume of her Journals and Letters was published. Jens Peter .gidius, a research scholar at Odense University, has brought to Dr Thaning’s notice a book about Fanny Burney by Joyce Hemlow, the main editor of the letters. In both the book and the notes there is interesting information about Clara Bolton.In the 12th volume a note (p. 852) reproduces a letter characterising her — in a different light from the Disraeli biographers. Thaning reproduces the note (pp. 38-39). The letter is written by Fanny Burney’s half-sister, Sarah Harriet Burney, and contains probably the only portrait of her outside the Disraeli biographies.It is now easier to understand how she captivated Grundtvig: “very handsome, immoderately clever, an astrologer, even, that draws out... Nativities” — “... besides poetry-mad... very entertaining, and has something of the look of a handsome witch. Lady Combermere calls her The Sybil”. The characterisation is not the letter-writer’s but that of her former pupil, Harriet Crewe, born in 1808, four years after Clara Bolton. A certain distance is to be seen in the way she calls Clara “poetry-mad”, and says that she has “conceived a fancy for Alex d’Arblay”.Thaning quotes from a letter by Clara to Alex, who apparently had proposed to her, but in vain (see his letter to her and the reply, pp. 42-43). Instead she pointed to her friend Mary Ann Smith as a possible wife. This is the last letter known in Clara’s handwriting and contradicts talk of her “vulgarity”. However, having become engaged to Mary Ann Alex no longer wrote to her and also broke off the correspondence with his mother, who had no idea where he had gone. His cousin wrote to her mother that she was afraid that he had “some Chére Amie”. “The charges are unjust,” says Thaning. “It was a lost friend who pushed him off. This seems to be borne out by a poem which has survived (quoted here on p. 45), and which includes the lines: “But oh young love’s impassioned dream /N o more in a worn out breast may glow / Nor an unpolluted stream / From a turgid fountain flow.””Alex d’Arblay died in loneliness and desperation shortly afterwards. Dr. Thaning ends his summary: “I can find no other explanation for Alexander d’Arblay’s fate than his infatuation with Clara Bolton. In fact it can be compared to Grundtvig’s. For Alex the meeting ended with “the pure stream” no longer flowing from its source. For Grundtvig, on the other hand the meeting inspired the lines in The Little Ladies: Clara’s breath opened the mouth, The rock split and the stream flowed out.”
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De Paep, Diedert L., Freya Van Hulle, Zhidong Ling, Marian Vanhoeij, Jacques Pirenne, Bart Keymeulen, Daniel Pipeleers, and Daniel Jacobs-Tulleneers-Thevissen. "Lower beta cell yield from donor pancreases after controlled circulatory death prevented by shortening acirculatory warm ischemia time and by using IGL-1 cold preservation solution." PLOS ONE 16, no. 5 (May 3, 2021): e0251055. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0251055.
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Organs from donors after controlled circulatory death (DCD III) exhibit a higher risk for graft dysfunction due to an initial period of warm ischemia. This procurement condition can also affect the yield of beta cells in islet isolates from donor pancreases, and hence their use for transplantation. The present study uses data collected and generated by our Beta Cell Bank to compare the number of beta cells in isolates from DCD III (n = 141) with that from donors after brain death (DBD, n = 609), before and after culture, and examines the influence of donor and procurement variables. Beta cell number per DCD III-organ was significantly lower (58 x 106 versus 84 x 106 beta cells per DBD-organ; p < 0.001) but their purity (24% insulin positive cells) and insulin content (17 μg / 106 beta cells in DCD III-organs versus 19 μg / 106 beta cells in DBD-organs) were similar. Beta cell number correlated negatively with duration of acirculatory warm ischemia time above 10 min; for shorter acirculatory warm ischemia time, DCD III-organs did not exhibit a lower beta cell yield (74 x 106 beta cells). Use of Institut Georges Lopez-1 cold preservation solution instead of University of Wisconsin solution or histidine-tryptophan-ketoglutarate also protected against the loss in beta cell yield from DCD III-organs (86 x 106 for IGL-1 versus 54 x 106 and 65 x 106 beta cells respectively, p = 0.042). Multivariate analysis indicates that both limitation of acirculatory warm ischemia time and use of IGL-1 prevent the reduced beta cell yield in islet cell isolates from DCD III-organs.
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Lopez, Alexandre, Arnau Panisello-Rosello, Carlos Castro-Benitez, and René Adam. "Glycocalyx Preservation and NO Production in Fatty Livers—The Protective Role of High Molecular Polyethylene Glycol in Cold Ischemia Injury." International Journal of Molecular Sciences 19, no. 8 (August 12, 2018): 2375. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijms19082375.
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Improving the protection of marginal liver grafts during static cold storage is a major hurdle to increase the donor pool of organs. The endothelium glycocalyx quality of preservation influences future inflammatory and oxidative responses. One cellular pathway responsible for the formation of nitric oxide by endothelial cells is dependent on the stimulation of proteoglycans present in the glycocalyx. We investigated the impact of the glycocalyx preservation in static cold storage of fatty liver preserved in different preservation solutions on the endothelium-mediated production of NO. Zucker fatty rat livers were preserved 24 h in static cold storage in either Institut Georges Lopez-1 (IGL-1) (n = 10), IGL-0 (i.e., without PEG35) (n = 5) or Histidine-Tryptophan-Ketoglutarate (HTK) (n = 10) preservation solutions before being processed for analysis. For Sham group (n = 5), the fatty livers were immediately analyzed after procurement. The level of transaminases and nitrites/nitrates were measured in the washing perfusate. Glycocalyx proteins expressions, Syndecan-1, glypican-1 and heparan sulfate (HS), were determined in the tissue (ELISA). Steatotic livers preserved 24 h in IGL-1 preservation solution have a significant lower level of transaminases (aspartate aminotransferase (AST), alanine aminotransferase (ALT)) and less histological damages than steatotic livers preserved 24 h with HTK (p = 0.0152). The syndecan-1 is significantly better preserved in IGL-1 group compared to HTK (p < 0.0001) and we observed the same tendency compared to IGL-0. No significant differences were observed with glypican-1. HS expression in HTK group was significantly higher compared to the three other groups. HS level in IGL-1 was even lower than IGL-0 (p = 0.0005) which was similar to Sham group. The better protection of the glycocalyx proteins in IGL-1 group was correlated with a higher production of NO than HTK (p = 0.0055) or IGL-0 (p = 0.0433). IGL-1 protective mechanisms through the formation of NO could be due to its better protective effects on the glycocalyx during SCS compared to other preservation solutions. This beneficial effect could involve the preservation state of syndecan-1 and the internalization of HS.
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Rioux, France M., Nadya Savoie, and Jacques Allard. "Is There a Link Between Postpartum Anemia And Discontinuation of Breastfeeding?" Canadian Journal of Dietetic Practice and Research 67, no. 2 (July 2006): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3148/67.2.2006.72.
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Purpose: Factors associated with early cessation of breastfeeding were identified and patterns of infant feeding were examined. Feeding practices were compared with the 1998 guidelines in Nutrition for Healthy Term Infants and with recent Health Canada recommendations. Methods: To recruit participants, a letter was sent to every mother (n=424) who gave birth at Dr. Georges-L. Dumont Regional Hospital in Moncton from April 1998 to February 1999. Eighty-five mothers agreed to participate with their infants. Information on infant feeding patterns and socioeconomic background was gathered with semi-structured questionnaires. Only healthy infants from singleton pregnancies were included in this study. Results: At birth, almost 83% of infants were breastfed. The proportions of infants breastfed for at least four, six, and nine months were 43%, 22%, and 9%, respectively. As many as 34% of infants were introduced to baby cereals before age four months, and 21% were introduced to cow’s milk before age nine months. Lower family income, lower level of parental education, and reduced postpartum hemoglobin level (below 95 g/L) were associated with discontinuation of breastfeeding before infants were four months old. Conclusions: Early postpartum nutrition interventions may be effective in ensuring follow-up care for mothers with compromised iron status, in supporting breastfeeding for at least six months, and in promoting better infant feeding practices.
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Janssens, Thomas, Zora Van de Moortel, Wolfgang Geidl, Johannes Carl, Klaus Pfeifer, Nicola Lehbert, Michael Wittmann, Konrad Schultz, and Andreas von Leupoldt. "Impact of Disease-Specific Fears on Pulmonary Rehabilitation Trajectories in Patients with COPD." Journal of Clinical Medicine 8, no. 9 (September 13, 2019): 1460. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jcm8091460.
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Disease-specific fears predict health status in chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), but their role in pulmonary rehabilitation (PR) remains poorly understood and especially longer-term evaluations are lacking. We therefore investigated changes in disease-specific fears over the course of PR and six months after PR, and investigated associations with PR outcomes (COPD assessment test (CAT) and St. Georges respiratory questionnaire (SGRQ)) in a subset of patients with COPD (n = 146) undergoing a 3-week inpatient PR program as part of the STAR study (Clinicaltrials.gov, ID: NCT02966561). Disease-specific fears as measured with the COPD anxiety questionnaire improved after PR. For fear of dyspnea, fear of physical activity and fear of disease progression, improvements remained significant at six-month follow-up. Patients with higher disease-specific fears at baseline showed elevated symptom burden (CAT and SGRQ Symptom scores), which persisted after PR and at follow-up. Elevated disease-specific fears also resulted in reduced improvements in Quality of Life (SGRQ activity and impact scales) after PR and at follow-up. Finally, improvement in disease-specific fears was associated with improvement in symptom burden and quality of life. Adjustment for potential confounding variables (sex, smoking status, age, lung function, and depressive symptoms) resulted in comparable effects. These findings show the role of disease-specific fears in patients with COPD during PR and highlight the need to target disease-specific fears to further improve the effects of PR.
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Gruber, Joachim. "Der Mordfall Markovic – Delon, Pompidou, Nacktfotos und eine Staatsaffäre." Journal der Juristischen Zeitgeschichte 15, no. 3 (September 17, 2021): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jjzg-2021-0033.
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Abstract Im Jahr 2018 jährte sich zum 50. Mal der Mord an Stevan Markovic Dazu J.-P. Méfret, Une sale affaire. Markovic, Marcantoni, Delon, Pompidou et les autres … (2007). Zur Sicht des Beteiligten Pompidou siehe dessen posthum herausgegebene Autobiographie: G. Pompidou, Pour rétablir une vérité (1982); die Markovic-Affäre wird ausführlich auf S. 251 ff. behandelt. Ferner fr.wikipedia.org unter „Affaire Markovic“; eine kürzere Darstellung findet sich auf der deutschsprachigen Wikipedia-Seite unter „Markovic-Affäre“. . Aus diesem Mordfall entwickelte sich eine der mysteriösesten Nachkriegs-Affären Frankreichs, die in Deutschland In Frankreich ist dieser Fall so bekannt, dass Léo Malet in seinem 1971 veröffentlichten Kriminalroman „Nestor Burma court la poupée“ (Titel der deutschen Übersetzung: Blutbad in Boulogne) eine entsprechende Anspielung untergebracht hat. Sein Held, der Privatdetektiv Nestor Burma, wird bei einem Besuch bei der Kriminalpolizei von einem Polizisten angestarrt. Malet legt Burma die Äußerung in den Mund: „Hat man endlich den Mörder von Markovic identifiziert und sehe ich ihm ähnlich?“ (die Äußerung findet sich in der Ausgabe Editions Laffont, 2007, Bd. 4, S. 463). allerdings wenig bekannt ist, obwohl sowohl die Beteiligten als auch die Vorgänge äußerst schillernd sind Einige Elemente dieser Affäre wurden im Drehbuch des Films „Il n´y pas de fumée sans feu“ (1973, Regie André Cayatte) aufgegriffen, in dem u. a. Mireille Darc (15. Mai 1938 bis 28. August 2017) mitspielte, die langjährige (1968–1983) Freundin von Alain Delon. . Da dieser Fall auch politische Auswirkungen hatte (fast wäre die Wahl von Georges Pompidou zum französischen Staatspräsidenten durch die Begleitumstände der Ermittlungen verhindert worden), sollen die Begebenheiten im Folgenden geschildert werden.
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Hoven, René. "Jean Salmon Macrin, Épithalames et Odes. Édition critique avec introduction, traduction et notes par Georges Soubeille, Paris : Champion, 1998, 754 pp. (Textes de la Renaissance, n° 20), ISBN 2-85203-905-2, ISSN 1262-2842, 680 FF." Moreana 37 (Number 143-, no. 3-4 (December 2000): 197–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2000.37.3-4.17.
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McLean, Hugh. "L'oeuvre Journalistique et Littéraire De N. S. Leskov: Bibliographie. By Inès Muller de Morogues. Slavica Helvetica, vol. 23 (edited by Peter Brang, Georges Nivat, and Robert Zett). Bern, Frankfurt a. M., and New York: Peter Lang, 1984. xi, 168 pp. $14.35, paper." Slavic Review 45, no. 1 (1986): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498006.
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Basile, Debora, Maurizio Polano, Silvia Buriolla, Claire Gallois, Francesco Cortiula, Carla Corvaja, Marco de Scordilli, et al. "Prognostic role of macrophage infiltration and monocyte-to-lymphocyte ratio in stage III colon cancer: The MIRROR study." Journal of Clinical Oncology 38, no. 15_suppl (May 20, 2020): e16118-e16118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2020.38.15_suppl.e16118.
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e16118 Background: Changes in peripheral blood cells composition may reflect immune microenvironment and its role in cancer growth. High monocyte-to-lymphocyte ratio (MLR) could be a marker of tumor’s recruitment of suppressive cells, showing a prognostic role. This study aimed to assess the prognostic impact of macrophage infiltration and MLR in stage III colon cancer (CC) patients (pts). Methods: This multicentric study retrospectively analyzed a consecutive cohort of 423 CC pts treated between 2008-2019 at the Cancer Centre of Aviano (Italy) (n = 300) and at the European Georges Pompidou Hospital of Paris (France) (n = 123). The association of MLR with disease-free survival (DFS) and overall survival (OS) was evaluated with Cox regression analyses. Random Forrest was implemented on python using h2oai. Performance was assessed in terms of accuracy (ACC) and Matthews Coefficient (MCC). Analyses was adjusted on classical prognostic factors of stage III CC such as pT, pN, grade, location, ECOG PS. Results: Overall, 77% had pT1-3, 30% pN2 and 73% G1-2 tumors. Interestingly, 25% had a lymphatic and vascular invasion, 42/230 (18%) had MSI status, 69/152(45%) and 19/114 (13%) were KRAS and BRAF mutant. 56% had CEA > 5. Pts were treated with fluoropyrimidine and oxaliplatin as adjuvant therapy. Notably, 130 cases were analyzed according to lymphocytic and macrophage infiltration (CD163, CD68, CD3, CD8). Of them, 78% had a CD163/CD8 ratio ≤3 and 74% a CD8/CD3 ratio ≤1.5. At median follow-up of 57 months, median DFS and OS were not reached, 31% of pts relapsed and 23% dead. By multivariate analysis, including statistically significant prognostic variables, CD163/CD8 ratio (HR 1.15, p = 0.039, 95%C.I. 1.1-1.32) and MLR > 0.45 (HR 2.98, p = 0.008, 95%C.I. 1.33-6.67) were associated with worse DFS. By multivariate analysis for OS, including statistically significant confounding variables, MLR > 0.45 (HR4.32, P = 0.012, 95%C.I. 1.37-9) and BRAF mutation predicted worse OS. According random survival forest for OS, CD68/CD3 were the first variable of importance (0.06), followed by MLR (0.009) and CD8 (0.007). Interestingly, high MLR followed by CEA, MSI, KRAS were the features linked with organotropism on liver (ACC 0.6 ±0.3), while high MLR, KRAS, pN, pT were mainly linked with lung colonization (ACC 0.6 ±0.2). Conclusions: High pre-treatment levels of MLR and CD163/CD8 ratio in stage III CC are independently associated with worse prognosis. The present study paves the way to a prospective validation of these promising cost-effective biomarkers.
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Zivojinovic, Mirjana. "Les Dragas et le mont Athos." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643041z.
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(francuski) L'auteur de ce travail consid?re les rapports des Dragas avec certains monast?res athonites: Saint-Pant?l??m?n, Chilandar, Iviron, Kutlumus et Vatop?di. En l'occurrence, on sait qu'outre la confirmation d'anciens privil?ges fonciers, ils ont octroy? de nouveaux droits ? ces ?tablissements ? travers la donation de nombre de villages et d'?glises sis sur le territoire de leur Etat, tr?s agrandi apr?s la bataille de la Maritsa (26 septembre 1371), et, le cas ?ch?ant, ont r?solu les litiges fonciers les opposant entre eux. Cette activit? est attest?e par plusieurs documents d?livr?s ? ces monast?res, dont les indications chronologiques subsistant sur les originaux endommag?s ne sont pas toujours fiables, alors qu'elles font totalement d?faut sur les copies. L'auteur estime que Chilandar et Saint Pant?l??m?n sont les premiers monast?res athonites ? avoir sollicit? l'intervention des nouveaux ma?tres de la r?gion de la Strumica, tout d'abord pour r?soudre un litige concernant le village de Breznica, qui opposait ces deux ?tablissements depuis approximativement 1364. On sait que ce village est vraisemblablement ?chu au monast?re russe un peu apr?s juin 1374. A cette ?poque, d'apr?s des copies conserv?es, les fr?res Dragas ? le despote Jovan et gospodin Konstantin ? ont offert ? Saint-Pant?l??m?n une dizaine de villages sis dans la r?gion de la Strumica, dont la majorit? existent encore aujourd'hui, ainsi qu'un ou deux hameaux; la donation de ces villages incluait celle de neuf ?glises patrimoniales, auxquelles ils ont ?galement ajout? une ?glise situ?e ? Strumica et deux respectivement ? P?trie et dans les environs de cette ville. Pour sa part, le gospodin Konstantin semble avoir rattach? ? Saint-Pant?l??m?n jusqu'? 18 villages, 3 hameaux et 6 ?glises sis dans la r?gion de Tikves. En fait, nous poss?dons uniquement une seule copie faisant ?tat de la donation ? cet ?tablissement de l'?glise Saint-Georges sise ? Polosko avec les villages de Polosko, Kosane et Dragozelj. Cependant cette donation pourrait justement ?tre mise en doute compte tenu que nous savons que l'empereur Dusan a rattach? cette ?glise avec les trois villages mentionn?s au monast?re de Chilandar en f?vrier 1340. L'auteur attire toutefois l'attention sur le fait que l'?glise Saint-Georges avec ces villages, dans ce cas, se serait retrouv? comme une possession isol?e de Chilandar, entour?e de possessions de Saint-Pant?l??m?n de sorte qu'il n'exclut non plus la possibilit? qu'il soit question d'une donn?e digne de foi. Par cons?quent, une solution serait que Chilandar s'est peut-?tre vu d?dommag?e la perte de ces villages et de cette ?glise sis ? Polosko par la cession de villages sis dans une autre r?gion. Finalement, Konstantin a ?galement offert au monast?re athonite russe deux autres ?glises ? une sise ? Stip et la seconde ? Zletovo avec les droits leur appartenant. Les litiges apparus entre les moines de Chilandar et ceux de Saint-Pant?l??m?n au sujet de leur possessions limitrophes, sises sur la rive droite de la Strumica ont ?t? r?solus, sur ordre du gospodin Konstantin et du conseil de ses seigneurs par les ?v?ques de Strumica et de Vodoca en 1375/76. Puis, vers 1376/77, les fr?res Dragas avec leur m?re, l'imp?ratrice Evdokija, ont confirm? ? Saint-Pant?l??m?n la possession de villages sur la seule rive droite de la Strumica, ce faisant leur acte consigne de fa?on pr?cise les droits de ces villages tr?s probablement aux fins de pr?venir tout nouveau litige avec les voisins de ces biens dans la jouissance de ceux-ci. Les donations des fr?res Dragas en faveur de Chilandar s'av?rent ?galement tr?s nombreuses. Par un acte dat? du 1er juin 1377 le despote Jovan et le gospodin Konstantin ont confirm? ? Chilandar la possession durable et inali?nable de l'?glise Saint-Biaise ? Stip et de trois villages sis dans les environs de cette ville. Ensuite, vers 1379 ou en 1380/81, l'imp?ratrice Evdokija et le gospodin Konstantin ont donn? ? Chilandar leur ?glise patrimoniale d?di?e ? la Vierge sise au lieu dit Arhiljevica et 19 villages avec leurs droits; au printemps 1380, Konstantin, ? la demande des moines de Chilandar, a rattach? ? leur monast?re quelques villages sis dans la r?gion de Vranje; une seconde importante possession de Chilandar sise ? Lesnovo, en l'occurrence l'?glise du Saint-Archange (Michel), a ?t? restitu?e par Konstantin ? ce monast?re le 15 ao?t 1381, ? la demande de ses moines et par l'interm?diaire du milosnik vo?vode Dmitar. L'?glise du Saint-Archange a ?t? remise avec 10 villages, 5 hameaux, 4 villages abandonn?s, ainsi qu'avec tous leurs droits dans la r?gion de Lesnovo, de Bregalnica et de Stip; parall?lement, Konstantin a confirm? ? l'?glise du Saint-Archange une donation de Dusan, en l'occurrence un revenu annuel de 100 hyperpres provenant du march? de Zletovo. Enfin vraisemblablement vers la fin de la neuvi?me d?cennie du XIV?me si?cle satisfaisant une requ?te du vo?vode Dmitar alors entr?e en religion Konstantin a rattach? ? Chilandar trois autres villages sis dans les environs de Stip. En plus des villages offerts par les fr?res Dragas ou par Konstantin seul, les monast?res se sont vu attribuer tous les imp?ts et corv?es rattach?s ? ces biens. Pour tout ce qu'il a fait pour leur monast?re les moines de Chilandar reconnaissants ont rang? gospodin Konstantin au nombres des fondateurs de leur ?tablissement. Les fr?res Dragas ?taient en relation avec le monast?re d'Iviron par le biais de son m?toque d?di? ? la Vierge El?oussa, situ? non loin de Strumica, auquel ils ont c?d? (le 13 janvier 1380) deux importants privil?ges, exemptant pour toujours ses hommes de l'obligation de la bigla (bigliatikori) et de la moisson de froment (zetva zitna) ? corv?es au profit de l'Etat, dont les souverains serbes exemptent d'habitude les habitants des villages appartenant ? des monast?res. Une donn?e (juin 1393) nous apprenant que le gospodin Konstantin ?tait un bienfaiteur de Kutlumus appara?t toute ? fait digne de foi; ce seigneur y est mentionn? comme son 'protecteur et fondateur'. Toutefois, nous ne poss?dons aucune information sur les donations, assur?ment importantes pour justifier ces titres honorifiques, faites par Kontantin ? cet ?tablissement. A la diff?rence des actes par lesquels les Dragas ont proc?d? ? des donations ? Saint-Pant?l??m?n, Chilandar et Iviron, et qui, par leur formulation, sont tr?s proches des actes imp?riaux, ce qui pourrait attester qu'ils sont issus de la chancellerie de souverains ind?pendants, l'acte par lequel Konstantin a confirm? ? Vatop?di, en octobre 1393, le monast?re de la Sainte-Vierge Pantanassa sis ? Melnik, petit ?tablissement gravement d?labr?, montre clairement que le donateur a une position de vassal par rapport au sultan ottoman, qu'il mentionne comme. Pour cette raison l'auteur en conclut que le despote Jovan, jusqu'? son entr?e en religion un peu apr?s 1377, et le gospodin Konstantin, vraisemblablement jusqu'? la bataille de Kosovo (13 juin 1389) ont prot?g? les int?r?ts des moines hagiorites, ? ce qu'il semble en qualit? de souverains ind?pendants satisfaisant ? leur requ?tes. Si le gospodin Konstantin s'est trouv? dans quelque position d?pendante par rapport au sultan ottoman, il est toutefois certain que celle-ci n'atteignait pas le degr? que sugg?re notre acte d'octobre 1393. .
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Bruckart, W. L., F. M. Eskandari, and W. A. Lane. "First Report of Leaf Necrosis on Microstegium vimineum Caused by Bipolaris microstegii in Maryland." Plant Disease 98, no. 6 (June 2014): 852. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-11-13-1122-pdn.
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Japanese stiltgrass (JSG, Microstegium vimineum) is an invasive weed causing significant ecological changes in the United States. Severely diseased plants in a shaded location 2 × 4 m in size were discovered in August 2012 at a residence on Indian Springs Rd., Frederick, MD (39.46747° N, 77.46106° W). JSG in larger monoculture stands at sunny locations within 6 to 10 m of diseased plants had a few, small, necrotic spots. Diseased plants had leaves with brown, often large, elliptical, necrotic spots up to 0.5 × 1.5 cm. Lesions were surrounded by a diffuse chlorotic margin, and larger lesions had tan centers. Diseased plants were smaller in stature than neighboring, non-symptomatic plants. Symptoms were similar to those on JSG reported by Kleczewski and Flory (2). Field samples of diseased leaves in moist chambers at room temperature and lighting produced dematiaceous conidiophores and conidia typical of Bipolaris within 2 days. Subcultures of the isolate (FDWSRU 12-049) were made from the conidia. Cultures growing on modified potato carrot agar (broth from 140 g each of potatoes and carrots and 20 g agar in 1 L water), were gray, velutinous or tomentose, and had clumps of short aerial hyphae on the upper surface. Healthy plants were grown in potting soil from seeds collected at the disease site. A minimum of five 4-week-old plants were spray-inoculated in each of three replications by conidia from detached leaves in a suspension of 105 spores/ml, given a 16-h dew period at 25°C, and placed in a 25°C greenhouse for observation. Non-inoculated plants were included for comparison. Brown or dark tan necrotic, irregular, often linear, spots with entire margins developed on all inoculated individual plants and not on control plants. The Bipolaris species was recovered from inoculated plant samples incubated in moist chambers, thus fulfilling Koch's postulates. Conidia were produced sympodially on dematiaceous conidiophores, often in clusters of two to three spores at the terminus, were medium to dark brown, straight or slightly curved, nearly fusiform with obtuse apices, and typically had 8 to 10 distoseptate cells that were 74.8 ± 2.3 × 16.4 ± 0.3 μm, and Q = 4.6 ± 0.1 (mean ± ci, P = 0.05; n = 100). A sequence of the ITS1-5.8S-ITS2 region of DNA, extracted using a DNeasy Plant Mini Kit (QIAGEN), was 100% identical to that of the type specimen of B. microstegii from M. vimineum (BPI 883727; GenBank Accession No. JX089579), using BLAST. On the basis of fungal morphology and molecular characteristics (1), along with symptomatology and published information (2), the causal agent of this disease has been determined to be B. microstegii. Dried specimens of both the isolate and diseased leaves were deposited in the U.S. National Fungus Collections (BPI 892680) and sequence information was submitted to GenBank (KF150215). Bipolaris leaf spot was also found on JSG in Howard and Prince Georges counties, MD, in 2009, but the causal agents were not formally characterized (K. Rane, Univ. Maryland; personal communication). This is the first confirmed identification of B. microstegii on JSG in Maryland, a plant that occurs as extensive monocultures in natural areas. These results provide a basis for characterization of this disease in the mid-Atlantic region. References: (1) P. W. Crous et al. Fungal Planet description sheets: 128-153. Persoonia 29:146, 2012. (2) N. M. Kleczewski and S. L. Flory. Plant Dis. 94:807, 2010.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 78, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2004): 123–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002521.
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-Chuck Meide, Kathleen Deagan ,Columbus's outpost among the Taínos: Spain and America at La Isabela, 1493-1498. New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 2002. x + 294 pp., José María Cruxent (eds)-Lee D. Baker, George M. Fredrickson, Racism: A short history. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002. x + 207 pp.-Evelyn Powell Jennings, Sherry Johnson, The social transformation of eighteenth-century Cuba. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001. x + 267 pp.-Michael Zeuske, J.S. Thrasher, The island of Cuba: A political essay by Alexander von Humboldt. Translated from Spanish with notes and a preliminary essay by J.S. Thrasher. Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener; Kingston: Ian Randle, 2001. vii + 280 pp.-Matt D. Childs, Virginia M. Bouvier, Whose America? The war of 1898 and the battles to define the nation. Westport CT: Praeger, 2001. xi + 241 pp.-Carmelo Mesa-Lago, Antonio Santamaría García, Sin azúcar no hay país: La industria azucarera y la economía cubana (1919-1939). Seville: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Universidad de Sevilla y Diputación de Sevilla, 2001. 624 pp.-Charles Rutheiser, Joseph L. Scarpaci ,Havana: Two faces of the Antillean Metropolis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. x + 437 pp., Roberto Segre, Mario Coyula (eds)-Thomas Neuner, Ottmar Ette ,Kuba Heute: Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Vervuert, 2001. 863 pp., Martin Franzbach (eds)-Mark B. Padilla, Emilio Bejel, Gay Cuban nation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001. xxiv + 257 pp.-Mark B. Padilla, Kamala Kempadoo, Sun, sex, and gold: Tourism and sex work in the Caribbean. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999. viii + 356 pp.-Jane Desmond, Susanna Sloat, Caribbean dance from Abakuá to Zouk: How movement shapes identity. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002. xx + 408 pp.-Karen Fog Olwig, Nina Glick Schiller ,Georges woke up laughing: Long-distance nationalism and the search for home. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2001. x + 324 pp., Georges Eugene Fouron (eds)-Karen Fog Olwig, Nancy Foner, From Ellis Island to JFK: New York's two great waves of immigration. Chelsea MI: Russell Sage Foundation, 2000. xvi + 334 pp.-Aviva Chomsky, Lara Putnam, The company they kept: Migrants and the politics of gender in Caribbean Costa Rica, 1870-1960. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. xi + 303 pp.-Rebecca B. Bateman, Rosalyn Howard, Black Seminoles in the Bahamas. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002. xvii + 150 pp.-Virginia Kerns, Carel Roessingh, The Belizean Garífuna: Organization of identity in an ethnic community in Central America. Amsterdam: Rozenberg. 2001. 264 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Susanna Regazzoni, Cuba: una literatura sin fronteras / Cuba: A literature beyond boundaries. Madrid: Iberoamericana/Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Vervuert, 2001. 148 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Lisa Sánchez González, Boricua literature: A literary history of the Puerto Rican Diaspora. New York: New York University Press, 2001. viii + 216 pp.-Kathleen Gyssels, Ange-Séverin Malanda, Passages II: Histoire et pouvoir dans la littérature antillo-guyanaise. Paris: Editions du Ciref, 2002. 245 pp.-Sue N. Greene, Simone A. James Alexander, Mother imagery in the novels of Afro-Caribbean women. Columbia MO: University of Missouri Press, 2001. x + 215 pp.-Gert Oostindie, Aarón Gamaliel Ramos ,Islands at the crossroads: Politics in the non-independent Caribbean., Angel Israel Rivera (eds)-Katherine E. Browne, David A.B. Murray, Opacity: Gender, sexuality, race, and the 'problem' of identity in Martinique. New York: Peter Lang, 2002. xi + 188 pp.-James Houk, Kean Gibson, Comfa religion and Creole language in a Caribbean community. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001. xvii + 243 pp.-Kelvin Singh, Frank J. Korom, Hosay Trinidad: Muharram performances in an Indo-Caribbean Diaspora.Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003. viii + 305 pages.-Lise Winer, Kim Johnson, Renegades: The history of the renegades steel orchestra of Trinidad and Tobago. With photos by Jeffrey Chock. Oxford UK: Macmillan Caribbean Publishers, 2002. 170 pp.-Jerome Teelucksingh, Glenford Deroy Howe, Race, war and nationalism: A social history of West Indians in the first world war. Kingston: Ian Randle/Oxford UK: James Currey, 2002. vi + 270 pp.-Geneviève Escure, Glenn Gilbert, Pidgin and Creole linguistics in the twenty-first century. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2002. 379 pp.-George L. Huttar, Eithne B. Carlin ,Atlas of the languages of Suriname. Leiden, The Netherlands: KITLV Press/Kingston: Ian Randle, 2002. vii + 345 pp., Jacques Arends (eds)
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Rotta, Marcello, Barry E. Storer, Thoralf Lange, Michael Pulsipher, Judith Shizuru, Benedetto Bruno, Peter A. McSweeney, et al. "Nonmyeloablative Allogeneic HCT From Unrelated Donors for Multiple Myeloma (MM)." Blood 114, no. 22 (November 20, 2009): 3391. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v114.22.3391.3391.
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Abstract Abstract 3391 Poster Board III-279 BACKGROUND: We previously reported on the outcome of unrelated donor nonmyeloablative hematopoietic cell transplantation (HCT) in 24 patients (pts) with poor-risk multiple myeloma treated by Seattle Consortium Centers (Georges et al BBMT 2007). Here we update our observation to 43 pts with a median follow up of 3.3 years after allografting. PATIENTS: Pts with stage II-III MM (n=43) received AlloHCT at 9 centers between May 2000 and September 2008. Forty pts (93%) were matched with their donors for 10 of 10 HLA alleles, and 3 (7%) had single HLA-C allele-level mismatches. Median age at allotransplant was 53 (range 35–67) years. Median number of prior treatments was 2 (1–3), and median number of prior treatment cycles was 8 (5–22). All pts but 2 received at least 1 (range 1-3) high dose-Autograft regimen. Fifteen pts (35%) received planned tandem Auto/AlloHCT as consolidation to first line therapy. Allogeneic conditioning was with 2 Gy TBI plus fludarabine 90 mg/m2 and post allografting immunosuppression was with mycophenolate mofetil (MMF) and cyclosporine or tacrolimus. Disease status at allogeneic HCT included complete remission (CR, 6 pts, 14%), very good partial remission (VGPR, 12 pts, 28%), partial remission (PR, 14 pts, 33%) and refractory disease (RD, 11 pts, 26%). RESULTS: All pts had sustained donor engraftment. Twenty-eight (65%) developed grade 2 to 4 acute graft-versus-host-disease (GVHD) and 6 pts (14%) developed 3 to 4 acute GVHD. Twenty-six pts (60%) had extensive chronic GVHD. The overall response rate was 86%, with 18 pts (42%) achieving CR, 14 (33%) VGPR and 5 (12%) PR. With a median follow-up of 3.3 (0.3–8.1) years from allografting, median time to progression was 1.1 years. Median overall survival (OS) has not been reached. Median progression-free survival (PFS) was 1.5 years. Five-year estimated OS and PFS were 51% and 21% respectively. Cumulative incidence of nonrelapse mortality (NRM) at 100 days, 1 and 5 years were 2%, 16% and 19% respectively. The subgroup of 15 pts receiving upfront tandem Auto/AlloHCT had five-year estimated OS and PFS of 72% and 37%, respectively. These results are similar to the outcomes we observed in a series of 102 patients with MM who received upfront tandem Auto/AlloHCT from HLA-identical sibling donor (Rotta et al, Blood 2009) where five-year OS and PFS were 64% and 36%, respectively. CONCLUSION: The use of unrelated donors leads to sustained donor engraftment and is associated with a low 1-year NRM (16%). As consolidation of first remission, Tandem Auto/Allo HCT leads to similar 5-year outcomes as HCT from HLA-identical sibling donors. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.
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Leroux, Georges. "Georges A. Legault et Luc Bégin. Le Québec face à la formation morale. Sherbrooke, Service à l’Édition et à la Recherche de la Faculté des Arts de l’Université de Sherbrooke, 1983 (Cahiers de philosophie, n 1) ; 186p. Anita Caron, et collaborateurs. Les parents et le statut confessionnel de l’école au Québec. Québec, Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1984 ; 206p." Philosophiques 13, no. 2 (1986): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/203328ar.
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Gibot-Leclerc, S., C. Reibel, and S. Legros. "First Report of Branched Broomrape (Phelipanche ramosa) on Celeriac (Apium graveolens) in Eastern France." Plant Disease 98, no. 9 (September 2014): 1286. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-02-14-0148-pdn.
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Branched broomrape, Phelipanche ramosa (L.) Pomel (syn. Orobanche ramosa L.), is a chlorophyll-lacking, obligate root parasitic plant that infests Brassicaceae, Solanaceae, and legumes (3). In western France, P. ramosa has invaded oilseed rape fields since the 1990s, causing significant yield losses (1). This crop has now become the primary host for the parasite, along with buckwheat (Fagopyrum esculentum L.), hemp (Cannabis sativa L.), and tobacco (Nicotania tabacum L.). In September 2013, a field survey indicated that a celeriac (Apium graveolens L. var. Prinlz) crop on clay soil in the Champagne-Ardennes region (48°20′19″ N, 04°01′57″ E, 140 m above sea level, eastern France) was infested with branched broomrape where hemp had been grown 4 years before. The celeriac field was planted to wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) in 2012 in rotation with lentils (Lens culinaris Medik.) in 2011. About 2% of the total celeriac field was infested and the estimated yield losses were approximately 25% for this infested area. The host symptoms observed were a slower growth of celeriac, along with leaf chlorosis, lower fruit production, and numerous abortions. The infestation of the celeriac crop was confirmed by verifying the attachment of branched broomrape to the celeriac roots. Broomrape plant heights were between 4.5 and 21 cm. The stems were erect, branched, frail, rather hairy, and bulging. Scale leaves were limited to 4 to 10 mm long, thick, acuminate, alternate scales. The flowers were numerous (between 4 and 51) and were 8.3 to 14.5 mm long. They were borne in the axils of scaly bracts. They had an irregular, curved shape, and a light mauve color. They did not have distinct peduncles and were grouped in rather long floral scapes during advanced flowering. The corolla tube was 10 to 15 mm long and its restricted part stood higher than the divisions of the calyx. It had ciliate, if not hairy, lobes. The calyx was more or less hairy, zygomorphous, with four lobes, and 6 to 8 mm long. Two bracteoles were situated on either side of the calyx. The four stamens observed were didynamous and borne 4 to 5 mm above the corolla base. The dorsifixed bilocularis, longitudinally dehiscent anthers were glabrous or covered with a fine down along sutures. Georges Sallé, (retired) Professor of Botanics at the University Pierre et Marie Curie, Paris, confirmed the identity of P. ramosa based on morphological characteristics (1). Celeriac infection by branched broomrape was confirmed using a developed assay (2). P. ramosa infecting celeriac roots was described by counting the numbers of individuals having reached ontogenic stages according to Gibot-Leclerc et al. (2). To our knowledge, this is the first study reporting P. ramosa infection on celeriac in eastern France. Since celeriac is produced in rotation with lentils, branched broomrape could pose a serious threat to production of these crops. References: (1) M. Blamey and C. Grey-Wilson. La Flore d'Europe Occidentale. Edition Flammarion, Paris, 2003. (2) S. Gibot-Leclerc et al. Flora 207:512, 2012. (3) M. C. Press and G. K. Phoenix. New Phytol. 166:737, 2005.
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Dzelebdzic, Dejan. "Pisma Jovana Apokavka Teodoru Duki." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 45 (2008): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0845126d.
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(francuski) Durant ses 15 ann?es de r?gne, le souverain d'Epire et plus tard empereur de Thessalonique, Theodore Doukas, fort de ses nombreuses victoires face aux Latins et aux Bulgares lui ayant valu de repousser dans une large mesure les fronti?res de son Etat, a acquis un grand prestige aupr?s de ses sujets. Pourtant, on ne lui conna?t aucun ?loge le c?l?brant comme cela est le cas pour ses homologues, et ce non seulement de la dynastie des Comn?nes et des Anges au XIIe si?cle, mais aussi parmi les Lascaris de Nic?e. Les raisons pour lesquelles la propagande de Th?odore Doukas a omis de recourir a la rh?torique doivent ?tre, a ce qu'il semble, recherch?es dans les circonstances historiques, voire le d?sint?r?t de ce souverain pour cette discipline, et non dans l'absence d'orateurs instruits et de talents. Le r?le d'?crivain aulique aurait pu ?tre endosse, par exemple, par Apokaukos Chomatenos et Georges Bardanes, qui occupaient d'importantes fonctions eccl?siastiques dans l'Etat ?pirote, mais aussi Michel Choniates et Euthyme Tornikes, qui avaient d?j? ?cris des ?loges pour deux empereurs respectivement Isaac II et Alexis III. Toutefois, quand bien m?me la rh?torique n'existait pas en tant qu'?l?ment du c?r?monial aulique en vigueur dans l'Etat ?pirote, elle gardait toute sa place dans les lettres des dignitaires eccl?siastiques ?rudits. Il est ainsi permis de consid?rer que l'absence d'?loges de Th?odore Doukas a ?t?, en partie, compens?e par les lettres que lui a adress?es le m?tropolite de Naupacte, Jean Apokaukos. Sur plus de 150 lettres de sa main, aujourd'hui conserv?es, pas moins de 21 ?taient adress?es au souverain d'Epire. Bien que ces derni?res aient quasiment toujours ?t? r?dig?es pour des raisons pratiques - Apokaukos y exposant des revendications personnelles ou au nom d'autrui - leur partie introductive renferme tr?s r?guli?rement un ?loge de Theodore Doukas qui n'est pas sans rappeler, parfois, les discours ?pidictiques. Une lecture et analyse attentives de ces lettres laissent apparaitre que, des le d?but du r?gne de Theodore Doukas, et au plus tard a partir de 1218, soit avant sa proclamation en tant qu'empereur (1225/26), Apokaukos a soutenu les ambitions imp?riales de ce souverain. Dans la p?riode 1218-1220 on rel?ve plusieurs allusions au fait que Theodore Doukas se verra conf?rer le pouvoir imp?rial par exemple lorsqu'il pr?voit que Theodore rev?tira bient?t les chausses rouges (cf. Epirotica 245.23-24) et qu'il recevra l'onction imp?riale (cf. Epirotica 247.23-27). Plus encore, durant cette m?me p?riode, et ce a deux reprises, Apokaukos appelle explicitement Theodore Doukas notre empereur, une premi?re fois dans une lettre adress?e a Theodore lui-m?me (cf. NP 271.11-20) et une seconde fois dans une lettre adress?e au patriarche de Nic?e, Manuel Ier, en 1222 (cf. Epirotica 272.30-31). N?anmoins, ce n'est qu'avec la proclamation de Theodore Doukas en tant qu'empereur que les lettres d'Apokaukos rev?tent le ton d'enkomia du souverain ?pirote, ce qu'Apokaukos annonce lui-m?me dans sa premi?re lettre adress?e a Theodore imm?diatement ?pres sa proclamation en tant qu'empereur (cf. NP 289.24-31). A partir de cet instant, lorsqu'il s'adresse directement a l'empereur, il emploie le terme de basileus, ce qui n'a jamais ?t? le cas auparavant. Parall?lement, on note l'apparition de plusieurs lieux communs, caract?ristiques des ?loges adresses aux empereurs, jusqu'alors absents dans ses lettres. Apokaukos, par exemple exprime sa crainte que son art de la rh?torique ne soit pas suffisant pour louer, comme il se doit, les vertus de l'empereur (cf. Bees 77.25-31) Theodore Doukas est compare aux empereurs ant?rieurs, en affirmant qu'il a surpasse tous ses pr?d?cesseurs par sa vertu et ses actes (cf. Bees 69) l'empereur de Thessalonique est compare au Christ (cf. Bees 71.1-3) et aux guides v?t?rotestamentaires du peuple ?lu. Enfin, Apokaukos introduit alors un nouveau motif exprimant l'espoir que Theodore Doukas lib?rera Constantinople et recouvrera le tr?ne imp?rial. .