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Journal articles on the topic 'Geostrategy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 June 2025

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1

Priyono, Juniawan, Herman Herman, and Purnomo Yusgiantoro. "Falsification Test of The National Resilience Concept as Indonesian Geostrategic Doctrine." Jurnal Pertahanan 3, no. 2 (2017): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v3i2.216.

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This study aims to prove the truth of national resilence concept by using deductive phenomenological interpretive qualitative methods with epistemology of geostrategy as a main objective. Popper’s falsification test is intended to gather evidence on which the geostrategic peripheral is applied to the national resilience concept, rather than reject the conception. The required data includes the national resilience concept and an epistemology of geostrategy to explain geostrategic realities in a sistematic hierarchy, using historical documents, scientific publications and also interviews. This study has shown that the national resilience concept sits outside the geostrategic periphery, despite some evidence of geostrategic validity. The evidence indicating the applicability of geostrategy includes (1) Formulation of national objectives and; (2) Consideration of geography and geopolitical conditions

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Kravchuk, Nataliya. "Impact of Global Trends on the Formation of State Competitiveness Geostrategy." Empirio 1, no. 2 (2024): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/3041-1718.2024.1.2.53-64.

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The study of the impact of global trends on the formation of state competitiveness geostrategy is an important context for understanding contemporary issues of global development and is a relevant topic for interdisciplinary discourse. Employing an integrated approach to researching these aspects of global development can lead to a better understanding of the interplay between geopolitics, global trends, and state competitiveness in the geoeconomic space.The article argues for the impact of global trends on the geostrategic positioning of states in the geoeconomic space and outlines the methodological principles of forming the competitiveness geostrategy of a state in the global arena considering its “geostrategic location” and “strategic presence zone.” The concept of competitiveness geostrategy is proposed to encompass a set of strategic measures aimed at defining and ensuring a state’s competitive advantages within the current global conjuncture and trends. The main stages of developing a state’s competitiveness geostrategy are delineated, including analysis of global trends, determination of the state’s “geostrategic location” and its “strategic presence zone” in the global space, selection of strategies, action plan development and resource utilization, as well as strategy monitoring and evaluation. It is argued that the development of competitiveness geostrategy entails identifying the best ways to achieve geostrategic goals of the state, assessing threats and opportunities, and strategic development vectors considering existing resources and constraints.Based on the analysis of the “global risk landscape” and the interrelationship map between them, global trends creating significant challenges for global development in general and significantly impacting state competitiveness under the conditions of the “great reset” in the vast majority of them are outlined. Using an adapted version of the McKinsey matrix, a matrix of state geostrategic positioning in the geospace is constructed. On this methodological basis, scenarios of competitiveness geostrategies for different states in the global space are outlined, considering their “geostrategic location” (current position) and “strategic presence zone” (geostrategic priorities).

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Goltsov, A. "GEOSTRATEGY OF UKRAINE REGARDING THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(57) (May 31, 2023): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2023.1(57).280795.

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The article examines the basic principles of the formation of Ukrainian geostrategy, analyzes the dynamics of the development of the geostrategy of independent Ukraine regarding the Russian Federation (the RF), identifies the leading directions of contemporary Ukrainian geostrategy and its prospective vectors. Geostrategy, in a broad sense, formulates and substantiates the main goals, norms, and principles of the state's foreign policy, as well as defines the main means and methods of realizing its interests in the international arena. In a practical sense, geostrategy performs the functions of determining the most effective means of protecting the security of the state, as well as developing practical recommendations for the implementation of its national interests. The following types of geostrategy are proposed according to their purpose: influence (or control), confrontation, and cooperation. Geostrategy of independent Ukraine in the 90s of the 20th century was “multi-vector”. The “Western” and “Eastern” vectors of cooperation were defined as the main ones in Ukraine's geostrategy. The “Black Sea” vector would be promising for Ukraine in the event of the development of integration processes in the Black Sea basin. During the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko, the “Western” vector became the main one in Ukraine's geostrategy, it was aimed at cooperation with Western countries and at joining the EU and NATO. During the time of President Viktor Yanukovych, Ukraine's geostrategy again became a “two-vector”, combining the “Western” and “Eastern” vectors of cooperation. After the Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014, the leading geostrategic vector of cooperation remained the “Western” one, and regarding the RF, Ukraine's geostrategy turned into a confrontational “containment” one. During the current full-scale war, Ukraine must implement an offensive geostrategy against Russia to restore its territorial integrity. In the post-war period, the geostrategy of “containment” regarding the RF with the help of Western countries will be the most appropriate for Ukraine.

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Goltsov, A. "UKRAINE’S GEOSTRATEGY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(59) (December 27, 2023): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2023.3(59).295001.

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The article examines the essential features of Ukraine's regional geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe, reveals the main problems, and defines the prospects of Ukrainian geostrategy. In the conditions of war, Ukraine’s geostrategy regarding the RF should be offensive in nature and envisage the return of the entire geopolitical space of the state through the use, first of all, of military force. Ukraine's geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe should be developed on the basis of its national interests, first of all, ensuring its own national security and achieving a sufficiently high level of integral potential development. When developing and implementing its regional geostrategy, Ukraine must take into account the interests of the US, other leading Western countries, and neighboring EU and NATO member states, since it needs their help. Ukraine's geostrategy in Central and Eastern Europe should be largely aimed at the formation of the Baltic-Black Sea regional security system, which will consist of two subsystems: the Baltic (Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland) and the Black Sea (Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, in cooperation with Turkey). In the formation of the Baltic subsystem, Poland can play a particularly significant role, whose military potential is strengthened thanks to the help from the US and the UK. The development of militarypolitical cooperation between Ukraine and the Baltic states, as well as Finland, is of great importance for the realization of its geostrategic interests. Regarding Belarus, Ukraine's contemporary geostrategy should be “confrontational”, aimed at the maximum weakening of this state as a geopolitical satellite of Russia. The Black Sea subsystem can be formed as a result of joint active efforts of Ukraine and Turkey in the field of military security. The involvement of Romania and, to a lesser extent, Moldova in subregional militarypolitical cooperation should also be important. The potential reintegration of Transnistria by the Republic of Moldova corresponds to the geostrategic interests of Ukraine, as it will eliminate the Russian geopolitical bridgehead. As a result of the implementation of its regional geostrategy, Ukraine is potentially able to become a leading “player” in the new security system in Central and Eastern Europe.

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Goltsov, A. "CONTEMPORARY GEOSTRATEGY OF CHINA IN CENTRAL ASIA." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(63) (October 16, 2024): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2024.3(63).313492.

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The article is dedicated to the study of China's contemporary geostrategy in Central Asia (СА). It is shown that the main principles of a state's geostrategy are typically not outlined in official documents but are practically implemented through the state's strategy on the international stage. It has been revealed that China's regional geostrategy is primarily aimed at exerting “effective influence” and securing its geopolitical and geoeconomic interests in Central Asian countries. China's geopolitical interests in the region consist, first of all, in creating a reliable security field on its western geostrategic “flank” and protecting the acquired geoeconomic positions in the region. It has been established that the transregional project “One Belt, One Road” serves as the main economic “core” of China's geostrategy in Eurasia as a whole and in CA in particular. The “Middle Corridor” (Trans-Caspian International Transport Route) for communication between China and Europe through Central Asian countries (bypassing Russia) has the greatest prospects. China has achieved economic power in CA, becoming the main trading partner for the countries of the region and the leading investor for their economies. The PRC is able to effectively use the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as an international institution to secure its interests in CA. China is showing its ability to organize the cooperation of Central Asian countries in the security sphere. The article analyzes the specific features of China's geostrategy toward individual Central Asian states. The “soft power” of the PRC is a set of effective means for implementing geostrategy in the region: creating an attractive image of the Chinese authoritarian regime; demonstration of the benefits of the economic model of the PRC; spread of ideas about the prestige of Chinese culture, education, science, etc. It is suggested that China's expansionist geostrategy may lead to the establishment of its latent hegemony in certain Central Asian countries.

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Lipkan, Volodymyr, Serhii Poteriaiko, and Serhii Mul. "GEOSTRATEGY OF UKRAINE: A MATHEMATICAL MODEL OF BUILDING SECTORAL INSTITUTIONAL-ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURES." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, no. 5 (2022): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-5-58-69.

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Structuring the geostrategic landscape entails using integrated modeling methods to expand strategic horizons to forecast the development vectors of political and economic systems. The reasons for the barbarous war of the Moscow regime against the Ukrainian state have a significant basis both for theoretical study and further practical implementation of the obtained data into political and security practices. Examining the cause-effect complex of articulation of destructive paradigms has become the subject of many sciences. However, requiring their completed conceptualization within the political reality, individual phenomena are poorly studied from the standpoint of economic representation in the context of mathematical modeling of institutional implementing strategic national interests in the most crucial areas of life. Thus, public infrastructure policy is one of the reference areas. The development of the geostrategy of the modern Ukrainian state actualizes the task of elaborating precise mathematical models for assessing geostrategic processes, primarily the economic component. Clarifying the economic foundation of the war against Ukraine makes it possible to identify the facts of falsification in the modern political reality of those economic concepts which focus on the genocide of the Ukrainian nation under the guise of the development concept, reform, modernization, integration, etc. The paper articulates the conditionality of referring to the mathematical dimension of geostrategy implementation as exemplified by state infrastructure policy, analyzes the models of rendering political and economic decisions, specifies essential characteristics of institutional structures, and determines the algorithm for selecting experts. The article extends the central author’s idea of a clear distinction between geopolitics and geostrategy. Therefore, mathematical modeling assists in proving the nullity of argumentation and the lack of logical and other prerequisites for implementing Ukraine’s economic policy in the interests of third countries. It is concluded that the scientific study of alternatives to building institutional structures carrying out geostrategy, combined with articulating the economic dimension of their efficiency in the most important areas of life, constitutes an essential layer of political and economic doctrines. They should lay the groundwork for the design of the geostrategy of the modern Ukrainian state outside the context of stigmatization and attempts to rewrite history, semblance of the geostrategic landscape in a space-time format, and imposing destructive economic models on Ukraine.

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Karsayuda, H. M. Rifqinizamy, and Rahmadi Indra Tektona. "Ketahanan Ideologi Pancasila Dalam Menghadapi Distrupsi Revolusi Industri 4.0." Jurnal Ketahanan Nasional 27, no. 1 (2021): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jkn.65002.

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ABSTRACTThe era of disruption that occurred globally had affected all human life in various fields, both in the economic, social, cultural, political, educational and other fields. Disruption had a positive impact, but it would also have a negative impact if it was not treated wisely. Geostrategy could be used as an effort to maintained ideological resilience, which was one of the basic things needed in realizing national resilience.The research method used in this article was normative research; the research stage, literature study; and deductive analysis, the type of research approach used was the conceptual approach and the statutory approach. This study discussed Pancasila as the source of all sources of law as well as the ideology of Indonesia's geostrategic resilience in the face of an era of global disruption. The author also used the literature methodIn this era of global disruption, Pancasila as the basis of the state and the nation's outlook on life played an important role in being able to filtered new values, by applying Pancasila values in all aspects of national life so as to maintained national resilience while still paying attention to the existence of Indonesian geostrategy which had Pancasila as an ideology of geostrategic resilience which was a reflection of the existing values and lives of the precepts contained in it.ABSTRAKDistrupsi industri 4.0 telah mempengaruhi seluruh kehidupan manusia di berbagai bidang, baik di bidang ekonomi, sosial, budaya, politik, pendidikan, dan bidang lainnya. Memberikan dampak positif dan negatif jika tidak disikapi dengan bijak. Geostrategi dapat dimanfaatkan sebagai upaya menjaga ketahanan ideologi yang merupakan salah satu hal dasar yang diperlukan dalam mewujudkan ketahanan nasional.Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah penelitian normatif; tahap penelitian, studi kepustakaan; dan analisis deduktif, jenis pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan adalah pendekatan konseptual dan pendekatan perundang-undangan. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai Pancasila sebagai sumber segala sumber hukum yang juga sebagai ideologi ketahanan geostrategi Indonesia dalam menghadapi era global. Peneliti juga menggunakan metode kepustakaan (library research).Dalam distrupsi industri 4.0, Pancasila sebagai dasar negara dan pandangan hidup bangsa memegang peranan penting untuk dapat menjadi filter nilai-nilai baru, dengan menerapkan nilai-nilai Pancasila dalam segala aspek kehidupan nasionalnya diharapkan mampu mempertahankan ketahanan nasional dengan tetap memperhatikan eksistensi geostrategi Indonesia.

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8

Mashevskyi, Oleg. "The trajectory of Russian geostrategy: challenges and threats of regional and global security. Review: Oleg Kondratenko’s. Geostrategic Dimension of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation. Monograph. Kyiv: PРС “Kyiv University”, 2017. 607 p." European Historical Studies, № 11 (2018): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.271-275.

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The results of the reviewing the geostrategic aspect of foreign policy activity of the Russian Federation have been presented. The analysis of the level of disclosure given by the author of the methodological principles of Russian geostrategy, its planning and key vectors of implementation, has been provided. The estimated level of presentation of the content of the regional vector of Russian geostrategy comes as follows: its priority is to provide geopolitical influence in the post-Soviet space through its reintegration, as well as through the creation of controlled conflicts. The monograph has separately analyzed the degree of disclosure of the essence of the global dimension of geostrategy of the Russian Federation in the context of the West, Middle East, Asia-Pacific, African, Latin American and Arctic foreign policy directions of Russia. Thus, through a number of such directions, Russia attempts to implement its influence on the international security and the emergence of a new world order.

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Brzezinski, Zbigniew. "America's New Geostrategy." Foreign Affairs 66, no. 4 (1988): 680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043477.

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Ayumaesti, Adelia, and Suryo Ediyon. "Impact of conflict evolution and geostrategy on national resilience of a nation." Brazilian Journal of Development 10, no. 4 (2024): e69123. http://dx.doi.org/10.34117/bjdv10n4-054.

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National resilience is the ability of a nation to maintain the survival of its country and state. Various factors, including conflict evolution and geostrategy, influence national resilience. The evolution of conflict and geostrategy can positively or negatively impact national resilience. On the positive side, the evolution of conflict and geostrategy can encourage increased national resilience. This can happen if the evolution of conflict and geostrategy encourages increased national awareness, social cohesion and national defense capabilities. On the negative side, the evolution of conflict and geostrategy can threaten national security. This can happen if the evolution of conflict and geostrategy leads to national disintegration, political destabilization, and increased national security threats.

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Botir O’g’li, Bakhrom Ergashev. "GEOSTRATEGY IN CENTRAL ASIA." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 5, no. 10 (2023): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume05issue10-06.

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This article Central Asia has long been a geostrategic location because of its proximity to the interests of several great powers, great game location, raw materials base, cheap labor and regional powers.

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TOVORNIK, UROŠ. "GEOSTRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES OF SLOVENIA IN A CHANGING WORLD." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES 2022, no. 24/3 (2022): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.24.3.2.

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The article focuses on Slovenia’s geostrategic foundations, and defines its geostrategic paradigm and perspectives. It pays particular attention to identifying the country’s geopolitical core and its underlining elements in order to discern the key influencing factors that could have an impact on its geostrategic position. The main argument is underpinned by using Mackinder´s Heartland and Spykman´s Rimland geopolitical theories. To reinforce it, the author also refers to Friedrich Ratzel’s Organic geopolitical theory, and the work of Saul Cohen, Rudolf Kjellén and Karl Haushofer. The article concludes with possible geostrategic options for Slovenia in the context of an ever-changing world. Key words Geopolitics, Geostrategy, Slovenia, Adriatic, Heartland, Rimland.

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Cebotari, Svetlana, and Carolina Budurina-Goreacii. "Geostrategy: theoretical conceptual approaches." Moldoscopie, no. 3(94) (February 2022): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.3(94).01.

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The concept of strategy in the usual vocabulary has become present, crossing a multitude of spheres of social, political, economic and organizational life, far exceeding the boundaries of a reserved use, including the military field. In contemporary language, the term „strategy” is no longer a quality confined to interaction between states at global level and, even more, to military interaction, but it is used to express the idea of organization, plan or planning. It can be used in the field of business or politics, at local, national or international level. Based on these reasonings, we are currently present in the wider use of the concept of strategy. At present, the concept of “geostrategy” is a topic increasingly used in the discourse of politicians, but it also becomes a topic on the table of representatives of the academic community. Currently, the term “strategy” refers to the relationship between space and strategy, referring to the impact of these areas on international relations. “Geostrategy”. It becomes an object of study of the combinations between the geographical and the strategic factor in determining the position of a state towards its neighbors, towards the region, or towards other international actors. Often, international actors, in order to achieve certain interests, resort to the use of certain strategies. This article aims to analyze the main conceptual-theoretical approaches of the geostrategy phenomenon.

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Brzezinski, Zbigniew. "A Geostrategy for Eurasia." Foreign Affairs 76, no. 5 (1997): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048199.

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Dmitrieva, Elena. "GEOSTRATEGY OF THE CASPIAN STATES." Russia and the moslem world, no. 4 (2021): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.04.05.

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Zotova, Elena. "Russian Middlegame: Economy, Technogenesis, Geostrategy." Moscow University Economics Bulletin 2019, no. 6 (2019): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/013001052019613.

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The article presents a review of plenary session of the international scientific conference “Russian Middlegame: Economy, Technogenesis, Geostrategy” organized by laboratory of philosophy of economy of Faculty of economics of MSU together with scientific council of «Center of social sciences of MSU» on December 5-7, 2018. The reports considering the current state of Russia’s economy from various positions, geostrategies at the middlegame moment, a middle and most responsible part of the big game, that by Russia forcedly leads on world «chessboard», were submitted at plenary session. Presented points of view allow to consider in a new fashion present world processes, their influence on the Russian policy and economy, to offer strategy for Russia in this world game.

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Roulac, Stephen E. "The Geostrategy of Place Branding." Design Management Journal (Former Series) 10, no. 1 (2010): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1948-7169.1999.tb00243.x.

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Lipkan, Volodymyr. "THEORY OF GEOSTRATEGY: DISCOURSE ANALYSIS." Knowledge, Education, Law, Management 48, no. 4 (2022): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51647/kelm.2022.4.34.

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Irsadanar, Rafyoga Jehan Pratama. "Japan’s Security Policy Expansion in Southeast Asia During the Shinzo Abe Administration: Case of Japan–Indonesia Security Cooperation." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 10, no. 2 (2023): 190–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970231173538.

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This research explains how the changing geostrategic realm impacts the security policy of a state. From this context, this article aims to investigate Japan’s geostrategic interest in expanding its security and defence policy to Southeast Asia under the 2012–2020 Abe administration, with Indonesia as the case study. This research employed a disciplined configurative case study method with geostrategic theory as the analysis framework. This research found that Japan’s expanding security and defence cooperation with Indonesia is caused by the increasing geostrategic vulnerability in the Indo-Pacific area, mainly concerning China’s geostrategy under Xi Jinping called China Dream. Japan seeks to prevent China’s growing geostrategic influence in mainland Asia, which is on the northern side, from going southward to the Indo-Pacific area. To that end, expanded security and defence cooperation with Indonesia is important to maintain the stability of Southeast Asia as a connector of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean.

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Pontijas Calderón, José Luis. "Estrategia y Geografía: la Geoestrategia." Araucaria, no. 44 (2020): 399–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2020.i44.19.

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Goltsov, A. "THE PROJECT “GREATER EURASIA” IN GEOSTRATEGY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.41-52.

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Geostrategy of state involves in particular the projects of its activities concerning certain regions of the world, countries and territories. Contemporary geostrategy of Russia in the world is based on the conceptual basis of the formation of a multipolar order. In 2016, Russia initiated the creation of the “great Eurasian economic space”. The implementation of geoeconomic (and at the same time geopolitical) project of the “Greater Eurasia” is to ensure the interests of Russia and increase its positions in the continent. The project “Greater Eurasia” makes provisions for economic association of leading Asian countries like Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran, and many others. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) may become the main basis for the “Greater Eurasia”. China as a main powerful economic actor in the Eurasia implements the transregional project “One Belt, One Road” that will lead to a significant strengthening of its geopolitical influence in the continent. Russia has risk to become a dependent partner of China. It is assumed that geostrategy of Russia towards China provides geopolitical “balancing” of the latter by involving to the interaction of India, Iran and other countries. In geostrategy of Russia the project “Greater Eurasia” is associated with the further development of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in the post-Soviet space. Quite significant contradictions among the leading actors may prevent the realization of the project “Greater Eurasia”. Contemporary Russia has insufficient economic potential for implementation of its geostrategy in Eurasia.

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Simić, Dejan. "Geostrategy of transition and security challenges." Vojno delo 69, no. 7 (2017): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1705057s.

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Noonan, Michael P. "American Geostrategy in a Disordered World." Orbis 59, no. 4 (2015): 600–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2015.08.005.

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Goltsov, A. H. "Geostrategy of Ukraine in East Asia." Politicus, no. 2 (2023): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616.2023-2.12.

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Goltsov, A. H. "Geostrategy of the state: applied dimension." Politicus, no. 1 (2023): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616.2023-1.12.

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Oumarou, Abdoulaziz. "Russia's geostrategy in Central Africa CEMAC." ChronAfrica 1, no. 2 (2024): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.62841/chronafrica.2024.224.

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Born from the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia emerged in the early 2000s with a strategy for African countries. It implements its “friendship-solidarity” partnership strategy with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. With the coming to power of President Vladimir Putin, new cooperation between Russia and the African continent has emerged. The sub-Saharan African space in general, in particular the countries of the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC), is becoming a geostrategic and geoeconomic issue for the reconstruction of Russia's power. So, Moscow is committed to conquering the African space with other powers. Thus, the challenges of Russia's strategy in the area of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC), the better its power strategy is constructed in the CEMAC zone using theoretical currents such as classical realism and transnationalism. Thus, Russia's presence in the CEMAC zone is visible through diplomatic-military activity and also by the economic and social actors who contribute to building its power in this zone of Africa.

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Smith, H. D., and D. Pinder. "Geostrategy, naval powerand naval port systems." Oceanographic Literature Review 45, no. 1 (1998): 141. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0967-0653(98)80648-0.

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Hernández, Rubén. "Prácticas políticas, poder y geoestrategia en las civilizaciones del siglo XX y primeras décadas del siglo XXI. Practices, power and geostrategy in the civilizations of the 20th century and first decades of the 21st century." Psicoespacios 9, no. 14 (2015): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.25057/21452776.349.

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Practices, power and geostrategy in the civilizations of the 20th century and first decades of the 21st century. Resumen Este artículo reflexiona respecto a las distintas concepciones geopolíticas y geoestratégicas que orientaron y orientan el discurrir del ordenamiento político mundial durante el siglo XX y parte del nuevo siglo. Estas geopolíticas y geoestratégicas puestas en la escena del teatro de la guerra evidencian los distintos intereses agenciados por los Estados que controlan los hilos del poder y la política en la arena internacional y nacional. Se pretende con la reflexión posibilitar una mayor comprensión de los acontecimientos más impactante de la civilización del siglo pasado y parte del presente, de tal manera que hagamos memoria y nos convenzamos que esto no puede volver a ocurrir. Metodológicamente es un artículo soportado por fuentes bibliográficas, documentales y audiovisuales. Palabras clave: Geopolítica, geoestratégia, capitalismo, socialismo, fascismo, panafricanismo, colonialismo. Abstract This article reflects on the different geopolitical and geostrategic conceptions that guided and directed the flow of the global political order during the twentieth century and part of the new century. These geopolitical and geostrategic placed at the scene of the theater of war show the different interests brokered by States that control the strings of power and politics in the international and national arena. It is intended to enable a greater understanding reflection of the most shocking events of the civilization of the past century and part of this, so we do memory and convince us that this can not happen again. Methodologically it is supported by literature, documentaries and audiovisual resources article. Keywords: Geopolitics, geostrategy, capitalism, socialism, fascism, Pan-Africanism, colonialism.

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Goltsov, A. "LEADERSHIP AND HEGEMONY IN GEOSTRATEGY OF INFORMAL NEO-EMPIRES." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 130 (2017): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.130.0.39-49.

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The article analyzes the controversial issues of the relationship between leadership and hegemony in international relations, especially in the context of geostrategy of the informal neo-empires. Ideally, leadership of the certain actor means that other actors voluntarily accept its proposed values, norms and rules, recognize its authority to implement a policy for the realization of common goals. Hegemony is the dominance of a particular actor (hegemon) over other actors, establishing his controls over them, imposing its political, economic and cultural values. Hegemony in international relations is carried out usually covertly and often presented as a leadership. Leadership and hegemony are possible at various levels of the geopolitical organization in the world. We treat leadership and hegemony as mechanisms of implementation of a geostrategy of powerful actors of international relations, particularly of informal neo-empires. Each of the contemporary informal neo-empires develops and implements geostrategy, aimed at ensuring its hegemony, usually covert, within a certain geospace and realizes it as a means of a both “hard” and “soft” power. The USA, which is the main “center” of the Western macro-empire, trys to maintain its world leadership, and at the same time secure a covert hegemony over the strategically important regions of the world. The EU is a neo-imperial alliance and has geostrategy of “soft” hegemony. Russia opposes the hegemony of the West and advocates the formation of a multipolar world order with the “balance of power”. The RF carries in the international arena neo-imperial geostrategy in the international arena directed to increase its role in the world and ensure its hegemony in the post-Soviet space.

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30

Goltsov, A. "LEADERSHIP AND HEGEMONY IN GEOSTRATEGY OF INFORMAL NEO-EMPIRES." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 130 (2017): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.130.1.39-49.

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The article analyzes the controversial issues of the relationship between leadership and hegemony in international relations, especially in the context of geostrategy of the informal neo-empires. Ideally, leadership of the certain actor means that other actors voluntarily accept its proposed values, norms and rules, recognize its authority to implement a policy for the realization of common goals. Hegemony is the dominance of a particular actor (hegemon) over other actors, establishing his controls over them, imposing its political, economic and cultural values. Hegemony in international relations is carried out usually covertly and often presented as a leadership. Leadership and hegemony are possible at various levels of the geopolitical organization in the world. We treat leadership and hegemony as mechanisms of implementation of a geostrategy of powerful actors of international relations, particularly of informal neo-empires. Each of the contemporary informal neo-empires develops and implements geostrategy, aimed at ensuring its hegemony, usually covert, within a certain geospace and realizes it as a means of a both “hard” and “soft” power. The USA, which is the main “center” of the Western macro-empire, trys to maintain its world leadership, and at the same time secure a covert hegemony over the strategically important regions of the world. The EU is a neo-imperial alliance and has geostrategy of “soft” hegemony. Russia opposes the hegemony of the West and advocates the formation of a multipolar world order with the “balance of power”. The RF carries in the international arena neo-imperial geostrategy in the international arena directed to increase its role in the world and ensure its hegemony in the post-Soviet space.

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Tózsa, István, and János Sallai. "Geostrategy at the EU's South-Eastern Gate." Administrative consulting, no. 6 (2018): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2018-6-20-32.

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Simón, Luis, and James Rogers. "BRITISH GEOSTRATEGY FOR A NEW EUROPEAN AGE." RUSI Journal 156, no. 2 (2011): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2011.576475.

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33

Lipkan, Volodymyr, Oksana Kuznichenko, and Andrii Ivanov. "GEOECONOMICS AS A TOOL OF MODERN GEOSTRATEGY." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 9, no. 1 (2023): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2023-9-1-113-123.

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The scholarly article presents different analytical approaches to modern understanding and manifestation forms of geoeconomics as a tool of geostrategy. It contains a comprehensive list of conceptual tools, empirical roots, and case studies on the political-economic essence of geoeconomics. The paper’s particular contribution is its direct connection with the practice and rooting of international political economy and poorly studied determination of geoeconomics with geostrategy in the evolving structure of the global world order and new vectors of geoeconomic dynamics of Ukraine. Based on the evolutionary method, the author has developed a matrix of approaches to understanding geoeconomics, demonstrated its progress, conducted a critical analysis of each of them, and put forward an original version and model of interpreting the relevant dynamic phenomenon following the strategic national interests of Ukraine. The myth of static assumptions about the existence of geoeconomics as a self-sufficient system that should have replaced geopolitics was debunked. Using the case study method, the key factors facilitating the geoeconomic expansion of China, the USA, and Russia are highlighted. Emphasis is placed on the role of other states in the formation of geoeconomics, and the issue of strategic autonomy is elucidated. The author justifies the genuine interest in geoeconomics as a component of geostrategy, demonstrates its determination, and specifies the main modern tools of geoeconomics. The impact of the military discourse on geoeconomics is proven, and the vectors of geoeconomic de-sovereignization of some countries in the context of economic globalization, geosecurity expansion, and the growing role of services in the GDP structure. The importance of studying the role of artificial intelligence, android robots and humanoids in GDP formation was separately emphasized; options of their influence on the world’s geoeconomics and the development of humanity as a whole amidst neo-economics are modeled.

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Supartono, Supartono, Purwanto Purwanto, and M. Harry Riana Nugraha. "GEOSTRATEGY OF BITUNG PORT AREA ON INDONESIA'S MARITIME SECURITY PERSPECTIVE (STUDY ON THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION IN 2018-2019)." Jurnal Pertahanan & Bela Negara 10, no. 3 (2020): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jpbh.v10i3.1113.

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<p><em>The Port of Bitung area has a number of potentials that can impact the structure of national security and national defense, because it has a strategic concept for the Indo-Pacific Region. The Bitung Port area as an international hub port, stated in the Minister of Transportation Decree Number 54 of 2002 concerning the Implementation of Sea Ports. The method in this study used a qualitative descriptive approach and data analysis techniques used an interactive of model analysis. This study analyzes the Geostrategy concept for the Port of Bitung Region as part of a national security strategy to strengthen national defense based on the maritime security side and the economic implications of the Indo-Pacific Region. The results show that in general the analysis of the strategy of the </em><em>B</em><em>itung port area in maritime security studies for national national security and national defense shows several things: 1) the strategic conditions of the Bitung Port area need to be supported by strategic and integrated policies between the Central government and the North Sulawesi Province Bitung City; 2) the development of special economic zones (KEK) requires accelerated implementation of policies in a sustainable manner with full support from the budget side, this is to strengthen the territorial basis in the geostrategic concept; and 3) there needs to be an approach towards the community in supporting the realization of the strategic area of </em><em></em><em>Bitung City, North Sulawesi. The fulfillment of these requirements has made the Bitung Port area capable of supporting geostrategy through strategic maritime security studies and economic implications, because it is located in the Indo-Pacific Region as a center for political and economic defense so as to strengthen national security and national defense.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>: geostrategy, port area, Bitung Harbor, Indo-Pacific region<strong></strong></em></p>

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Mühəddin qızı Mustafayeva, Leyla. "The south caucasus: stage for a new game between states." SCIENTIFIC WORK 67, no. 06 (2021): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/67/50-53.

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The article analyzes the security problems in the South Caucasus and examines the interests of international actors in the region. The article provides detailed analyse of possible impacts of the world states to potitical issues in the South Caucasus region. Paper underscores the geopolitical symbol of South Caucasus as clashing and conflicting centre of the interests of the big players. Throughout history Caucasus was a playground for many regional and global actors with enduring interests. Each actor tries to capitalize on the geostrategic benefits of the region. Though the South Caucasus occupies a small area on the world map, the scale of the interest in the region is much bigger than its geographical size. Key words: security, South Caucasus, geostrategy, states, political interests, policy

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36

Amirul Haqiqi, Frisky. "Optimalisasi Geostrategi Indonesia di Selat Malaka." Transformasi Global 7, no. 2 (2020): 258–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.2020.007.02.5.

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The Strait of Malacca is the busiest in the world. It happens because the Malacca Strait is one of the essential keys in energy trading. It started from being the target of pirates and armed robbery to the target of foreign intervention in the Malacca Strait. Feeling that its sovereignty was threatened, Indonesia did several things to maintain the sovereignty of the Malacca Strait as part of Indonesian territory. It was starting from the refusal to cooperate with foreigners to cooperate with the littoral state. This paper will explain the importance of the Malacca Straits in world trade and why Indonesia's sovereignty is threatened due to foreign activities in the Malacca Strait. This paper is based on Indonesia's geostrategy and National Resilience which is part of Indonesia's geostrategy itself.

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37

Irsadanar, Rafyoga Jehan Pratama. "Japan and Indonesia as Middle Powers in Indo-Pacific: Towards AOIP – FOIP Synergy." JURNAL HUBUNGAN LUAR NEGERI 8, no. 2 (2023): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.70836/jh.v8i2.12.

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This paper studies how a strategic bilateral relations between middle powers could advance the realization of a larger regional geostrategy. This paper took Indonesia - Japan relations to study how the two countries’ strategic partnership could accelerate the realization of an inclusive, safe and well-connected Indo – Pacific area. Using middle power framework in international relations, this qualitative research paper sees that Indonesia and Japan are “assembler” type of middle powers in Indo-Pacific. This paper argues that two or more middle powers with solid regional leadership and shared geostrategic vision could get more partners to be on board to support the shared geostrategic agenda. This paper found that intensified engagement between Indonesia and Japan, as assembler middle powers, could advance the implementation of ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and accelerate the synchronization of ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP). Contributing to the study of middle power in international relations, this finding implies that middle powers have a significant role in realizing a geopolitical vision, despite not as influential and powerful as great powers.

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38

Lipkan, Volodymyr. "GEOSTRATEGY OF THE MODERN UKRAINIAN STATE: FORMATION PRINCIPLES." Visnyk of the Lviv University, no. 42 (2022): 268–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/pps.2022.42.35.

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39

Zeleneva, I. "Russia’s energy geostrategy in the Baltic Sea region." Baltic Region 2 (2013): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2013-2-1.

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40

Hartanto, Agus, and Nur Fatwa. "THE GEOSTRATEGY OF SHARIA BANKING MERGER IN INDONESIA." Scientific Research Journal 8, no. 12 (2020): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31364/scirj/v8.i12.2020.p1220829.

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41

Dolman, Everett C. "Geostrategy in the space age: An astropolitical analysis." Journal of Strategic Studies 22, no. 2-3 (1999): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402399908437755.

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42

Smith, Hance D., and David Pinder. "Geostrategy and naval port systems: Frameworks for analysis." Marine Policy 21, no. 4 (1997): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0308-597x(97)00026-2.

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43

KHIDIRBEKUGHLI, DOULATBEK. "U.S. Geostrategy in Central Asia: A Kazakh Perspective." Comparative Strategy 22, no. 2 (2003): 159–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495930390202562.

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44

Pedrason, Rodon. "Indo-Pasifik dalam perspektif geopolitik dan geostrategi." JPPI (Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Indonesia) 7, no. 1 (2021): 88–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.29210/02021830.

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Indo-Pacific cannot be interpreted as a form of integration based on a region or regional areas such as Asia, or Southeast Asia, and Europe, which is based on the geographical shape of the region. The Indo-Pacific emerged as part of a geopolitical and geostrategic study based on competition patterns and state perspectives and behavior based on a broader scope of maritime interests. Indo-Pacific analysis as an object from a geopolitical and geostrategic perspective does not refer to national or regional coverage but to the global area and level. Therefore, the Indo-Pacific analysis used document analysis. In document analysis, this study combines the analysis of three primary data and 50 secondary data from national journals and international journals. In this analysis more directed at the strategic meaning of each country towards the Indo-Pacific strategic value which is then related to the maritime interests of each actor. This study describes the struggles of interests in the framework of competition through geopolitical policies and geostrategy, especially by countries that have influence. Global or the ability to shape political and security structures in the Indo-Pacific.

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45

Kondratenko, Oleg. "Latin-Caribbean America in geostrategy of the Russian Federation." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.48-64.

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The policy and implementation of geostrategy of the Russian Federation in relation to the countries of the Latin-Caribbean region are considered. Russia is increasingly trying to demonstrate the status of a strategic partner with respect to Latin American Caribbean countries through the conclusion of various partnership agreements. On this basis, since the 2000s, the Russian Federation has sought to regain its influence in those Latin American countries that were the traditional sphere of presence of the USSR during the Cold War. It has been established that Russia is trying to gain favour among Latin American countries by establishing economic relations, mainly of a commercial nature. The Russian Federation has significant contracts for the supply of weapons to Latin American countries and is involved in the implementation of a number of energy projects, including the construction of nuclear power plants. Russia is also trying to demonstrate its presence in the region through the manoeuvres of its long-range strategic aviation and naval forces. At the same time, Russia is resorting to the support of bankrupt Latin American regimes such as the government of N. Maduro in Venezuela. All this has only exacerbated the crisis in Venezuela and its autocratic rule and led to a double rule in the country. However, Russia risks being pushed out of the region by China and the United States, which consider Latin America as a proving ground for a strategy of geo-economic “conquest”. The key countries for implementing the strategy of restoring Russia’s presence in the region are: Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and partly Brazil. The Russian Federation views these countries as strategic partners and a foothold for the further expansion of geopolitical and geo-economic influence in Latin America, as well as restrictions in the region of US influence. Against the backdrop of isolated manoeuvres by the Russian Air Force and the Navy, Moscow makes periodic statements about the rebuilding of former Soviet military bases in Latin American countries. However, such rhetoric of the Russian Federation can be regarded more as geopolitical PR in order to represent the virtual grandeur of Russia.

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46

Rogers, James. "European (British and French) geostrategy in the Indo–Pacific." Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 9, no. 1 (2013): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19480881.2013.795014.

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47

Kreutz, Joakim. "Human Rights, Geostrategy, and EU Foreign Policy, 1989–2008." International Organization 69, no. 1 (2014): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000368.

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AbstractIs foreign policy influenced by humanitarian concerns, or are concepts such as human security merely rhetoric for traditional power politics? Using a multilevel modeling technique and a unique data set of military and economic European Union (EU) intervention 1989–2008, I find that military and economic interventions by the EU are conducted in response to humanitarian atrocities but that geostrategic concerns also influence EU action. While the EU consistently is more likely to act against countries with greater civilian victimization, the size of the effect is influenced by spatial considerations. The EU is most attentive to human rights violations in non-EU European states, followed by countries in sub-Saharan Africa, while it has been least active in Asia and the Americas.

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Hagan, Kenneth J. "Global Geostrategy: Mackinder and the Defence of the West (review)." Journal of Military History 70, no. 2 (2006): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0098.

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Rimmer, Peter J. "US Western Pacific geostrategy: Subic Bay before and after withdrawal." Marine Policy 21, no. 4 (1997): 325–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0308-597x(97)00012-2.

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Broeze, Frank. "Geostrategy and navyports in the Indian Ocean since c. 1970." Marine Policy 21, no. 4 (1997): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0308-597x(97)00013-4.

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