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Journal articles on the topic 'German and Austrian history'
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1
Grischany, Thomas R. "Austrians into German Soldiers: The Integrative Impact of Wehrmacht Service on Austrian Soldiers during World War II." Austrian History Yearbook 38 (January 2007): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021470.
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In March 1983, germany annexed the Republic of Austria, incorporating it into the Greater German Reich. Thereafter, about 1.2 million Austrians eligible for military service were draft ed into the German armed forces: the Wehrmacht. Although we know where largely Austrian contingents fought in World War II, little is known about what, if anything, set them apart from their Reich German comrades. Nor do we know much about their attitudes, their “mindset,” or their subjective experience of military service and war.1 Because we know so little about the attitudes of Austrian soldiers in the Wehrmacht, and since army service—in contrast to membership in the SS or NSDAP—was largely mandatory, it is still possible to argue that Austrians were unwilling soldiers, sacrificed in a war that was not theirs, and that discrimination by foreign rulers fostered an Austrian national consciousness.
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Luft, David S. "Austria as a Region of German Culture: 1900–1938." Austrian History Yearbook 23 (January 1992): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002939.
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This Essay Attempts to contribute to our understanding of the intellectual and cultural history of Central Europe by making explicit a variety of themes that haunt discourse about Austrian culture and by making some suggestions about periodizing the relationship between Austria and German culture. I originally developed these thoughts on Austria as a region of German culture for a conference in 1983 at the Center for Austrian Studies on regions and regionalism in Austria. Although the political institutions of Central Europe have undergone a revolution since then, the question of Austria's relationship to German culture still holds its importance for the historian-and for contemporary Austrians as well. The German culture I have in mind here is not thekleindeutschnational culture of Bismarck's Reich, but rather the realm that was once constituted by the German-speaking lands of the Holy Roman Empire. This geographical space in Central Europe suggests a more ideal realm of the spirit, for which language is our best point of reference and which corresponds to no merely temporal state.
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Geary, Patrick J. "Austria, the Writing of History, and the Search for European Identity." Austrian History Yearbook 47 (April 2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000047.
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In his address to the International Author's Congress held in Paris in 1935, Robert Musil—who claimed to have always held himself back from politics because, in his words, like hygiene, he had no talent for it—attempted to describe the problem of being an Austrian writer. A German author, he suggested, is unproblematically German in his writings. But an Austrian writer, he said, was in a more problematic situation. “My Austrian homeland expects from its poets that they be more or less poets of the Austrian homeland, and there are the creators of cultural history who make of show of demonstrating that an Austrian poet has always been something other as a German one.” It is perhaps the fate of Austria to have a surfeit of Kulturgeschichtskonstrukteure, of intellectuals who feel a need to build a cultural history of Austria and to project it into a distant past, and this largely in the face of the overwhelming reality that a unified cultural history of Austria is impossible, unlike, some might think, that of ancient nations such as Germany, France, or Italy.
4
Thaler, Peter. "National History—National Imagery: The Role of History in Postwar Austrian Nation-Building." Central European History 32, no. 3 (September 1999): 277–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021142.
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By all accounts, the Austrians of the late twentieth century live in a stable Western European country with a secure sense of self. The concept of Austrian nationhood finds solid support in the country's population, which consistently displays stronger signs of national pride than its German neighbors. When the Austrian republic was reestablished from the ruins of the Third Reich in 1945, however, historical tradition did not inherently favor the development of a distinctly Austrian national consciousness. Austrians had commonly placed their Austrian identity into a wider German context, not least of all with regard to historical tradition. Thus, the contribution of historical images to the development of an Austrian national identity in the postwar era raises important questions about the interrelationship of history and society.
5
Uhl, Heidemarie. "Of Heroes and Victims: World War II in Austrian Memory." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000117.
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In Tony Judt's historical essay on postwar Europe's political myths, Austria serves as a paradigmatic case for national cultures of commemoration that successfully suppressed their societies’ involvement in National Socialism. According to Judt, the label of “National Socialism's First Victim” was applied to a country that after the Anschluss of March 1938 had, in fact, been a real part of Nazi Germany. “IfAustriawas guiltless, then the distinctive responsibilities of non-German nationals in other lands were assuredly not open to close inspection,” notes Judt. When the postwar Austrian myth of victimhood finally disintegrated during the Waldheim debate, critics deemed the “historical lie” of the “first victim” to have been the basis for Austria's failure to confront and deal with its own Nazi past. Yet, one of the paradoxes of Austrian memory is the fact that soon after the end of the war, the victim thesis had already lost much of its relevance for many Austrians.
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Kastner, Georg. "Adolf Eichmann, German Citizen." Austrian History Yearbook 33 (January 2002): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800013849.
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The scholarly record leaves no doubt that Austrian citizens played a major role in the criminal activities of the Third Reich. Even before the Anschluss, former Austrian citizens held prominent positions within Germany's Nazi hierarchy. Afterward, they played a key—and disproportionately large—role in the death of millions of people, among them Jews, Slavs, Roma, Sinti, homosexuals, and political dissidents of all stripes. Even the millions of Austrians who committed no crimes nonetheless supported Hitler's New World Order, either actively or passively. Hence, in recounting or analyzing the crimes of the Nazi period, no substantive distinction can be made between German citizens and those formerly Austrian citizens who came from the Ostmark.
7
Luft, David S. "Austrian Intellectual History before the Liberal Era: Grillparzer, Stifter, and Bolzano." Austrian History Yearbook 41 (April 2010): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780999004x.
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In 1960, Robert A. Kann pointed out in A Study in Austrian Intellectual History: From Late Baroque to Romanticism that “[h]istorians of the future will still have to meet the challenging task of writing the comprehensive German-Austrian intellectual history.” The value of the project Kann called for is generally acknowledged, but there is no clear agreement in the field about what a survey of German-Austrian intellectual history should look like. In 2007, I argued in an article for The Austrian History Yearbook that the scope of Austrian intellectual history still needs to be circumscribed and characterized adequately—geographically, linguistically, and comparatively. Rather than concentrating on Vienna or extending the field to the whole of the Habsburg monarchy, including Hungary and Galicia, I proposed that we concentrate our approach to this question on the historic core of the Austrian state: the Austrian and Bohemian Crownlands, a unity from at least 1749 to 1918. This was the region where state-building, centralization, and reform were most coherently pursued in the century after 1749, when the German language was dominant in education and public life. I contrasted this view to the disembodied approach to the German intellectual life of the entire Habsburg monarchy, which relies on conventions that were developed for dynastic and diplomatic history, conventions that also work quite well for economic history or even for cultural history, neither of which is so directly dependent on language. The region I have in mind is the southeastern part of the German Confederation that was included in the Frankfurt Parliament in 1848 but excluded from Bismarck's Germany in 1866. The very existence of this region, let alone its long and rich history since the Middle Ages, often gets lost in political narratives of German nationalism and the Habsburg monarchy (Figure 1).
8
Karpik, Mykola. "ANALYSIS OF PECULIARITY OF USAGE OF AUSTRIAN GERMAN IN SOCIOLINGUISTIC ASPECT." EUREKA: Social and Humanities 6 (November 30, 2019): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2019.001077.
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The article presents the application of sociolinguistic methods of language study. The proposed research aimed at analyzing the functions of the Austrian variant of the German language in public contexts and disclosing some peculiarities of its use. The issue was addressed by analyzing sociolinguistic and statistic data that we had acquired in 2009–2019. A work with informants was one of the stages of our research. Within the framework of the study of Austrian German we surveyed 102 Austrian respondents, native speakers of the language variant, who represent various social groups and reside in different regions of Austria. The analysis of the received responses showed that the majority of respondents comprehend the concept Austriacism not only in theory, but in practice as well for the bulk of Austriacisms, given as examples in the questionnaire, were known for the informants. The respondents gave predominantly affirmative answers to the question “Do you consider Austriacisms to be the recognized word stock of the standard language?” The use of Austriacisms is also majorly not considered obsolete, hens we can conclude, that Austrian German is a modern colloquial language. These results demonstrate the positive attitude to Austriacisms. Approximately half of the surveyed (49%) showed no awareness of Record 10 on the use of the specific Austrian terms in the German language and this result is seen quite expected. Only 7 % of the surveyed were able to name the number of expressions in this Record. Other responses allow us to address Austriacims as an intrinsic part of Austrian culture and history. A surprising response we received to the question “Would you like Austriacisms to be used by the residents of other German speaking countries?” given by 40 % of the respondents answering Yes. However, the following responses show that the Austrians consider Austriacisms a factor of identity formation, so they would object to the usage by the non-Austrians. Therefore, the hypothesis, formed at the beginning of our research, has found some evidence to support it. The results of experimental use of Austriacisms make it possible to draw the following conclusions: Austrian German is an essential however secondary means of communication in Austria; its use reflects Austrian social reality and national culture. Austrian German acts as an element of Austrian national identity, thus, a further research on its communicative role is an essential task for modern German Studies.
9
Lorenz, Dagmar C. G. "Austria, aSonderfall? Defining German and Austrian identity." European Legacy 2, no. 2 (April 1997): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779708579732.
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Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.
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For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.
11
Rath, R. John. "The DollfuΒ Ministry: The Demise of the Nationalrat." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (January 2001): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001119x.
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The demise of Parliament in March 1933 was the most significant single act in the march to semifascism in Austria, which began with the formation of the Heimwehr in the early days of the First Republic and was well under way when significant changes were made in the government on September 21,1933, and a concentration camp was established at Wöllersdorf a few days later. Traditional democratic means were employed to abolish Parliament. Dollfuβ, the Heimwehr, and the Christian Social Party only did what parties in power in democracies do when under attack. They used all the means at their disposal to protect their government from being overthrown. The Social Democrats and Greater Germans, likewise, employed only democratic means in their effort to overthrow the Dollfuβ regime and to preserve a democratically elected Parliament. Dollfuβ and the leaders of all but the National Socialist Party in Austria were well aware of the great danger to Austria that stemmed from the intensification of National Socialist efforts to overthrow a democratic form of government in Austria after Hitler came to power in Germany and knew that the German National Socialists were providing financial support to the Austrian Greater German Party to support them in their efforts to take control of Austria.
12
Utgaard, Peter. "From Blümchenkaffee to Wiener Melange: Schools, Identity, and the Birth of the “Austria-as-Victim” Myth, 1945–55." Austrian History Yearbook 30 (January 1999): 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800015988.
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When the last Allied soldier left Austria in the fall of 1955, Austrians could look back on ten years of profound change. Austria had been reborn in the spring of 1945 with the provisional government's declaration of independence, but from the beginning, Austria was faced with a material crisis and a crisis of identity. In those lean years following the war Austrians drank Blümchenkaffee, coffee so weak that one could see through it to the floral designs on the bottom of coffee cups. By 1955, the physical rebuilding of Austria, greatly assisted by Marshall Plan aid, was largely complete and the shortages of food and fuel were mostly a memory.1 Simultaneously, Austrian political leaders and educators had laid the groundwork for a new Austrian identity based on a mixture of tradition, Austrian uniqueness vis-à-vis Germany, democratic values, and the myth of “Austria-as-victim.” The time of Blümchenkaffee was coming to an end. Austrian coffee was now richly brewed, and more and more Austrians could afford to drink Wiener Melange—strong coffee mixed with steamed milk and often served with sugar and a small glass of water on the side.
13
Judson, Pieter M. "“Not Another Square Foot!” German Liberalism and the Rhetoric of National Ownership in Nineteenth-Century Austria." Austrian History Yearbook 26 (January 1995): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004252.
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Early on involume 3 of his massive political memoirs, German Liberal party leader Ernst von Plener offhandedly introduces the reader to a I new word that had entered Austrian political discourse in the 1880s. The word isNationalbesitzstand, or “national property,” and Plener calls it “ a word taken from our party's rhetoric.” Most historians remember Plener as the quintessential Austrian centralist, a Liberal party leader of the bureaucratic mold whose annoyance with German nationalist agitation was equaled only by his discomfort with the public demands forced on him by constituent politics. And yet in the late 1880s and early 1890s we find the sober Plener increasingly resorting to an aggressively nationalist rhetoric organized around this concept ofNationalbesitzstand, a rhetoric often invoked by the very radical nationalists, populists, and anti-Semites he scorned. In this article I explore the growing use of such rhetoric by Liberals like Plener in the 1880s as a way to suggest some new approaches to understanding the development of German nationalism among nineteenth-century Austrians. In particular I consider how the concept ofNationalbesitzstandmediated a transformation in the rhetoric employed by self-identified Germans in the monarchy to justify their privileged position vis-à-vis other national groups. Where formerly German nationalists had rejected arguments based on empirical data like population or land ownership statistics to legitimize their political claims, in the 1880s and 1890s they began to embrace such arguments.
14
G’anievich, Mahmudov Yusup. "History Of Great Discoveries In Physics." American Journal of Interdisciplinary Innovations and Research 03, no. 03 (March 31, 2021): 64–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajiir/volume03issue03-11.
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History of great discoveries in physics french scientist AA Beckerel, german physicist VK Rentgen, english physicist, founder of nuclear physics, polish scientists E. Rutherford, french physicists Maria and Pierre Curie, german scientist G. Schmut, Russian chemist D.I. Mendeleev, english physicist and chemist F. Simple, romanian chemist and physicist G.Heveshi, austrian radiochemist and chemist F.Panet, english physicist J.D.Cockroft, Irish physicist E.T.S. Walton, the english physicist-experimenter J. Chedwick, is directly and indirectly associated with the names of the italian scientist E. Fermi.
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Thaler, Peter. "Seen from the North: Scandinavian Analyses of Austrian History." Austrian History Yearbook 40 (April 2009): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000204.
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Scandinavian historians have traditionally taken a strong interest in the German-speaking world, including Austria. The peripheral status of their own languages often keeps their works hidden from a wider international readership, however. Even if the findings appear in English, their publication in domestic journals and publishing houses limits their reception. This lack of visibility is deplorable, because Scandinavian researchers can add interesting angles to the interpretation of Austrian history.
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Burri, Michael. "Austrian Festival Missions after 1918: The Vienna Music Festival and the Long Shadow of Salzburg." Austrian History Yearbook 47 (April 2016): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237816000114.
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Rising from the ruins of a post-1918 Austria shed of its monarchical leadership and much of its former territory, the Salzburg Festival acquired a symbolic authority during the First Austrian Republic that continues to ensure its privileged place in Austrian politics and culture to this day. At the core of this privileged place are two signature legacies that, while grounded in the festival's prewar history, fortified a particular agenda of the Second Austrian Republic in defining Austrian history and national identity in the decades following World War II. The first, as expressed in 1919 by the festival's most articulate cofounder, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, is that with its Salzburg setting, the festival should be understood as situated in the “heart of the heart of Europe,” a place where the antitheses of Central European geography (German and Slavic, German and Italian), social class (commoner and elite), and aesthetic genre (dramatic theater and opera) encounter one another only to be dissolved through transcendence in an “organic unity.”
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Puff, Roman. "Scientists of the State, Science of the State, and the State: Austrian and German Public Lawyers in the Short 20th Century Part 1: The Age of Catastrophe, 1914-1945." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10076-012-0013-z.
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ABSTRACT Between the First World War and the end of the Cold War, Germany and Austria, whose legal cultures were highly interdependent in terms of persons, conceptions, and institutions, saw eleven or twelve fundamentally different regimes, depending on the interpretation of Austria’s status from 1938-45. Lawyers often ensured the legal functioning of these regimes and legitimized their existence. This again affected their notions of law, legality, and justice, and of the principles underlying these concepts, as well as their personal preferences and societal roles. Based on the analysis of about two hundred biographical sketches of Austrian and German lawyers, mostly from the field of public (international) law, of about 2,500 contributions to the leading “(Österreichische) Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht” from 1914 to 1945, and of the respective legal history-literature, this contribution analyzes the relation of Austrian and German lawyers to their respective states and regimes, and outlines the typical patterns of how they were affected by regime changes and how they reacted to them. Proceeding from this analysis, in the second part of this study, the relation between lawyers and the state until the end of the cold war will be illustrated and it will be shown that some typical patterns in the lawyers’ reaction to regime changes can be identified. Also the impact the state-lawyers-relation had on the development of Austria and Germany to stable, functioning democracies will be outlined.
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Boyer, John W. "Some Reflections on the Problem of Austria, Germany, and Mitteleuropa." Central European History 22, no. 3-4 (September 1989): 301–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020501.
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The dual assignment of this presentation was to review some of the issues facing historians of Austria as they try to situate Austrian history within the wider cultural and social realm of “Central Europe” and to present some brief reflections to my colleagues who study Germany on the possible role of Austrian history in shaping the interpretive choices they may make in the future. Since these remarks were offered in a self-consciously “German” symposium (organized with the support of the DAAD), I took it as a given that internal interpretive problems of Hapsburg and/or successor state history peculiar to those arenas would not necessarily be relevant, even though they did intrude in any event. Although these brief comments were conceived in September 1989 and presented the following month, the events of November 1989 and October 1990 have only enhanced my concerns, and subsequent revisions to this text have not changed the basic character of my remarks.
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Binder, Dieter A. "The Second Republic: Austria Seen as a Continuum." Austrian History Yearbook 26 (January 1995): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004227.
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TheOldAustrofascists returned from the concentration camps and from their time of suffering and brought back with them some democratic convictions. That was the “Austrian miracle,” as Leopold Figl used to say. Those on the Left who had emigrated remained mostly wherever they were, for safety's sake. Only a few returned to their homeland, where, in the beginning, they were not very welcome. In the distressful postwar situation, the politicians, all of whose reputations had become somewhat tarnished since 1934, remembered an aging Social Democrat who was beyond suspicion, a politician who in 1918 had already founded a “Republic of German-Austria’ and who, because of his consistent call for the annexation (Anschluβ) of Austria by Germany, had lived through the Nazi period unmolested in Gloggnitz. That is how Karl Renner first became federal chancellor and later was elected president of Austria. Under pressure from the Allies he discarded his pet idea of Anschluβ, became an Austrian in his old age, and was eventually honored with a monument by Alfred Hrdlička that all of Austria mocked because it was created by a “Communist,” and because it portrayed the sovereign [Landesvater] the way he really looked.
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Weidinger, Bernhard. "“... in order to Keep German Soil German”: Austrian Burschenschaften, Nationalist Ethnopolitics and the South Tirol Conflict after 1945." Austrian History Yearbook 45 (April 2014): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000684.
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Burschenschaften, as a particular type of German-nationalist (völkisch) student fraternity, have partaken in shaping Austrian politics in numerous ways since the nineteenth century. Acting as the standard-bearers of German nationalism in Austria after 1945 and being strongly represented in the ranks of the Freedomite Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs/FPÖ), they have been able to maintain a degree of political relevance up until the present day—their intimate ideological, personal, and institutional entanglement with the National Socialist regime notwithstanding. Nonetheless, their history has so far almost exclusively been written by fraternity members themselves, and mostly in an affirmative, if not apologetic fashion; critical assessments for the post-1945 era in particular are limited to a small number of articles that, for the most part, are based on secondary literature rather than on primary sources.
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BADAEVA, A. S. "Freedom Party of Austria: between Rightwing Populism, Austrian Patriotism and German Nationalism." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-53-66.
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Sixty years old Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) history is very representative for study West European far-right parties and movements. In last decade West Europe are going through the unprecedented rise of right-wing populism in conditions of citizens’ dissatisfaction with traditional parties’ politics and its institutions. Trying to retain their power the governance parties are involving in the common political trend: use narrative of right-wing populism, are ready to previously unthinkable party alliances erasing usual ideological boundaries. FPÖ exclusive characteristic consists in its special interpretation of Austrian identity combining German nationalism and Austrian patriotism. This position loyalty allows FPÖ to have its own stable electoral foundation and to hope for its support in crisis situations. FPÖ went through several intra-party conflict and experienced periods of serious falls and successful upgrades. At present the party is on its political rise supported by almost one third of Austrian electorate. FPÖ chairman Heinz- Christian Strache became the Vice-Chancellor of Austria after Austrian legislative election in 2017. FPÖ had 6 of 13 seats in the government led by Sebastian Kurz. Set of specific to the Austrian society circumstances, such as denazification minimize and imitation of Austrian identity formation in the postwar period, politicization of the immigration issue escalated in 2015 by European migrant crisis, is making FPÖ a dangerous player on the Austrian political scene and an encouraging example for the far-rights parties of neighbor countries.
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Bono, Francesco. "In the Steps of Operetta: Austrian Cinema’s Relation to History." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms-2019.v4i1-531.
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This essay intends to investigate some aspects of the multifaceted relationship between the Viennese operetta and Austrian film in the period from the 1930s to the 1950s. In particular, the essay will try to trace the influence of the operetta on the way in which Austrian films depicted the country’s history. Focusing on some of the most popular Austrian films of the period, including Willi Forst’s Operette (1940), Wiener Blut (1942) and Wiener Mädeln (1944-49), as well as Ernst Marischka’s trilogy from the late 1950s about the Austrian empress “Sissi”, the essay will critically discuss Austrian cinema’s penchant for the past, investigating the affinity of the Austrian (musical) film to the Viennese operetta, which served as its ideological and aesthetic model. In its affection for the past, Austrian cinema followed in the steps of the Viennese operetta. In contrast with the Hollywood musical genre or German musical films like Die Drei von der Tankstelle (1930) or Hallo Janine (1939), to mention just two of the most famous ones from the pre-war era, history was a key component of the Austrian Musikfilm. In Austria, the musical film overlapped with the historical genre, and it strongly influenced the country’s memory of its past. By investigating the connection between the Viennese operetta and Austrian cinema, this essay aims to provide a better understanding of Austrian films in the cultural, political and historical context in which they saw the light of day.
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Morozova, Olga M. "1918: “Zero” German Armed Intervention of the Russian Don." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2021): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-1-141-155.
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The internal situation in the Don region in 1918, during the intervention of armed units of the Austrian and German armies, has been overshadowed in the scholarship by two key phenomena: fates of the Volunteer Movement and formation of the quasi-state, All-Great Don Host. It is important to reconstruct the events that took place in the Don towns and villages in May–November 1918. Historical sources are scattered throughout archives and libraries. The author has used fonds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, the State Archive of the Rostov Region, and the Center for Documentation on the Contemporary History of the Rostov Region. Austrian and German units that appeared on the borders of the Don region in early May 1918 engaged in combat only with the Red Army detachments. Cossacks and foreign troops fought together from the very beginning. In future, the German administration strove to organize uninterrupted supplies of industrial raw materials and products, food and fodder from the Don territory. In order to do this, the Germans occupied key control points and transport communications in the Western part of the region. A double government was introduced in the villages: alongside atamans there appeared German commandants. Re-election of Ataman P. N. Krasnov in August 1918 was ensured by the Germans; his most influential opponents were neutralized; censorship for the press was introduced. The Germans held a neutral position towards Russian officers and the Volunteer Army. The experience of intervention in the South of Russia influenced the fate of Germany, as German soldiers received a practical lesson in revolutionary action. Presence of the Central Powers’ troops in Russia forced the Entente countries to intervene more actively in the affairs of their former ally. Germany assumed that successful results of the armistice on the Eastern Front could be replicated on the Western Front.
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Datsenko, Pavel. "The Congress of the German Princes in Frankfurt in 1863: the Last Attempt to Reform the German Confederation." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016086-3.
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The article examines the preparation and holding of the congress of German princes in Frankfurt am Main in 1863. Being an important stage in the Austro-Prussian rivalry for dominance in Germany, the congress was at the same time the highest point in the efforts of the reform group of German states by absorbing the experience of plans for the development of the Federal Constitution of 1815, the plans which had been discussed since 1849. The article pays particular attention to the role of ministers and princes of the middle German states, who tried during the congress to balance the Austrian project and prevent not only the excessive strengthening of Austria and Prussia, but also the rejection of the reform by public opinion. The defeat of the project in this context was a consequence of not only the Bismarck’s politics against the Confederation, but also of mistakes made by the Austria, who didn’t understand all the complexities of the reform and failed to redirect its strategy to support the middle states that fought to keep Germany on the path of a smooth transition from the confederative model to the federative and to preserve the equality between the members of the Confederation as a historical basis of German federalism.
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Wolfram, Herwig. "Austria before Austria: The Medieval Past of Polities to Come." Austrian History Yearbook 38 (January 2007): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021378.
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Throughout the world, historians expand the history of their nations and states into periods when these polities did not yet exist. The French speak of their first dynasty and mean the Frankish Merovingians. Until recently French history textbooks even for students in the French overseas territories started with “Nos ancêtres, les Gaulois.” In the German Kaiserreich between 1871 and 1918, let us say, little Jan Kowalski in Poznan had to accept the Germanic peoples as his forefathers, as every textbook on German history dealt with them at length. Needless to say, not only German medievalists speak of Germans long before theodiscus or teutonicus came to mean deutsch. All over the world people search for the roots of their identity. Take, for instance, the present preoccupation with Celtic ancestors. Not only the Irish, Welsh, Scots, and Bretons, but a great many other Europeans also want to be Celts by origin. “Their successors in Brittany, Wales, or Ireland do not threaten anybody with Anschluss or war. The Celtic origins, therefore, fit the Austrian neutrality perfectly well,” as Erich Zöllner ironically put it in 1976 after Chancellor Bruno Kreisky had openly declared that the Celts and not the Germans were our forefathers.
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Mailänder, Elissa. "Whining and Winning: Male Narratives of Love, Marriage, and Divorce in the Shadow of the Third Reich." Central European History 51, no. 3 (September 2018): 488–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000687.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the social realities that Austrian and German heterosexual men, all in their reproductive age, confronted in the aftermath of World War II; the kind of sexual and gendered configurations produced under Nazism and during the postwar period; and the ways in which these social and emotional realities were publically and privately dealt with after the war. It draws on reports in, and letters-to-the-editor of, the journalLiebe und Ehefrom 1949 to 1951, as well as on a sample of fourteen private letters written by an Austrian policeman in 1951 about his love relationship with a nurse. Such early postwar narratives not only point at issues and conflicts between the sexes, but also suggest the rehabilitation of traditional gender roles in West Germany and Austria. Men struggled to conform to new guidelines of heterosexual domesticity, a development that hints not only at traumatic war experiences, but also at the ideological residuals of Nazism.
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Ziegler, Dieter. "Die Expansion der deutschen Großbanken nach Österreich und in die Tschechoslowakei 1938/39." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 61, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 487–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2020-0020.
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AbstractIn order to integrate the (in part) highly industrialized Austrian and Bohemian economies into the German autarky and war economy it was very important for the German government to take control of all relevant Austrian and Bohemian industrial concerns, that is, big industry in these countries had tobe “Aryanized” and/or “Germanized”. At the time of invasion, many of the major Austrian and Bohemian companies were under the control of Austrian and Czechoslovakian banks respectively. Therefore, the realignment of the finance industry of the occupied territories became a precondition for the intended takeover of these industrial concerns. Simultaneously, it offered the German great banks excellent prospects for expansion. On the other hand, the deep economic crisis of the early 1930s had not yet been overcome in both countries and the German great banks faced substantial risks when they took over the more important native banks. Therefore, the strategies by which the great banks penetrated the Austrian and Bohemian markets differed substantially. This article explains the logic behind the respective strategies of Deutsche Bank, Dresdner Bank and Commerzbank as well as the intensions of the German authorities and assesses the relative success of the respective strategies.
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Höbelt, Lothar. "The Prehistory of the Fourth Party Movement in Austria, 1947–1949." Austrian History Yearbook 31 (January 2000): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800014387.
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My article examines the prehistory of the “Fourth Party” movement in Austria after World War II. Traditionally, Austrian politics was divided into three ideological Lager (literally “camps,” but with more than a whiff of the Boer term laager, too): strongly Catholic Christian Socials, Austro-Marxist Social Democrats, and “Deutschfreiheitliche.” The latter usually consisted of a motley collection of groups that were both Pan-German and anticlerical. They were sometimes grouped together under the formal heading “Drittes Lager” (Third Camp). The three parties licensed in 1945, however, were the Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP), the Socialists, and the Communists. Thus, any attempt to resurrect the traditions of the freiheitlich strand in Austrian politics after 1945 was labeled the “Fourth Party.”
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King, Jeremy. "The Municipal and the National in the Bohemian Lands, 1848–1914." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000075.
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Between the Revolution of 1848 and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914, imperial Austria experienced an extraordinary expansion of nationalism and of national conflict. German, Czech, Polish, Ukrainian, Italian, Slovene, and other national movements became major players and rivals, transforming public life in the process. This essay examines that process through a municipal lens. What was particular about the intersection of the national in imperial Austria with the municipal? How did municipal and national politics affect one another, and what can we understand, through their dynamics, about Austrian politics more generally?
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Löffler, Marion. "Neutral Masculinity: An Analysis of Parliamentary Debates on Austria’s Neutrality Law." Men and Masculinities 22, no. 3 (May 2018): 444–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x18768667.
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After World War II, postfascist Austria went through a transitional period of nation building. While the political parties (re)installed the democratic institutions and supported the idea of an independent Austria, they still disagreed on the nature of the “Austrian nation.” Moreover, the postwar period experienced a “crisis of masculinity” caused by the Allied occupation which signaled that Austria had lost the war. The official rhetoric, in contrast, claimed Austria’s status as a victim of Hitler’s aggression and hence, as a land not defeated, but liberated by the Allied forces. Self-victimization delegitimated both German nationalism and heroic masculinity. This article analyzes two debates on the neutrality act in the Austrian parliament in 1955, with a particular focus on the discursive construction of “neutral masculinity” as novel political identity and potential solution to the “masculinity crisis.” It deals with the question whether neutral masculinity contributed to a postheroic society and to “gender democracy.”
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Penny, H. Glenn. "Germany at the Fin de Siècle: Culture, Politics, and Ideas." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906240068.
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This is a fascinating book, partly because of the excellent contributions, and partly because of the ways in which the editors have chosen to engage the topic and organize their volume. Marchand and Lindenfeld open the collection with a loaded question: Was there a German fin de siècle? Did Germans, in other words, share the kinds of reactions to modernity that have so fascinated historians of Austria and France? Their answer is yes and no. Many German intellectuals embraced the modernist currents Carl Schorske identified more than forty years ago in his work on fin de siècle Vienna, reacting to the depressing problems of modernization in ways similar to their Austrian counterparts. And yet much of the German population was largely unbowed by their putatively perplexing condition. As the editors argue, despite the worries of many an intellectual, “the later Wilhelmine world was characterized by enormous ambition and optimism, booming industries and bustling new urban spaces, cultural and political activism on a new scale, and the promise, if not the immediate realization, of a ‘place in the sun’ on the world stage” (p. 1). That optimism is the perplexing bit, because many of us, schooled in the dark side of Weimar culture and its intellectual antecedents, have learned to imagine Germans at the end of the nineteenth century (or at least our favorite representatives) as people caught up in a pessimistic, existential, Nietzschean funk. Indeed, the editors themselves have not avoided that position entirely.
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Stelzl-Marx, Barbara. "Death to Spies! Austrian Informants for Western Intelligence Services and Soviet Capital Punishment during the Occupation of Austria." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (October 2012): 167–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00279.
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Using recently declassified sources from Russian archives, this article discusses the status of the Soviet-controlled eastern zone of Austria during the postwar occupation (1945–1955) as a principal spying ground in Central Europe. The Western occupation powers hired many Austrians to gather information on the deployments of the Soviet Army and the Soviet authorities' exploitation of the “German assets” they had seized at war's end. The Austrians' principal incentive to spy was financial; they were well paid by their Western handlers. Austrian women had love affairs with Soviet soldiers and officers and then served as double agents for the West until the Soviet counterintelligence services caught up with them. From 1947 onward, some 500 Austrians disappeared after being detained by Soviet state security personnel and accused of spying. More than 100 of these Austrians were sentenced to death by Soviet Military Tribunal No. 28990 in Baden from 1950 until Iosif Stalin's death in March 1953, and they were then executed in Moscow. In retrospect the mismatch between the actions of these Austrian “spies” and the penalties meted out to them is striking. The Soviet penal system was exported to occupied areas during the Cold War in intelligence “games” against the West, with tragic consequences for “Stalin's last victims.”
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Sked, Alan. "Austria, Prussia, and the Wars of Liberation, 1813–1814." Austrian History Yearbook 45 (April 2014): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000623.
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The purpose of this articleis to clarify the relative roles of Austria and Prussia during the Wars of Liberation of 1813 and 1814. It uses the very latest research concerning the military strategy adopted and emphasizes the input of Radetzky, using his handwritten account of the campaign, a document previously ignored by historians, despite the general's position as chief of staff of the allied coalition. The fact is that Anglo-American historians have failed to investigate the politics of the military alliance of 1813–1814 that constituted the Fourth Coalition. Myself apart, the only historian to examine that alliance with any regard to the Austrian viewpoint has been Gordon A. Craig in a brief but excellent analysis published as long ago as 1966. German historians have done little better. They simply neglect the Austrian archives.
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Lustiger, A. "German and Austrian Jews in the International Brigade." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 35, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/35.1.297.
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Ireton, Sean. "Dialektik der Erschließung: The German–Austrian Alps between Exploration and Exploitation." Humanities 10, no. 1 (January 18, 2021): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10010017.
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Focusing on the so-called Nördliche Kalkalpen or Northern Limestone Alps of Germany and Austria, I will discuss how human interaction with these mountains during the age of the Anthropocene shifts from scientific and athletic exploration to commercial and industrial exploitation. More specifically, I will examine travel narratives by the nineteenth-century mountaineers Friedrich Simony and Hermann von Barth, juxtaposing their respective experiences in diverse Alpine subranges with the environmental history of those regions. This juxtaposition harbors a deeper paradox, one that can be formulated as follows: Whereas Simony and Barth both rank as historically important Erschließer of the German and Austrian Alps, having explored their crags and glaciers in search of somatic adventure and geoscientific knowledge, these very sites of rock and ice were about to become so erschlossen by modernized tourism that one wonders where the precise boundaries between individual-based discovery and technology-driven development lie. In other words, during the nineteenth century a kind of Dialektik der Erschließung (a variation on Horkheimer and Adorno’s Dialektik der Aufklärung) manifests itself in the increasing anthropogenic alteration of the Alps.
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Gray, William Glenn. "Foreign Relations: Where Germans Sell." Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891800016x.
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By now there is not much resistance to the notion that historians of modern Germany should pay heed to events outside the borders of the Reich or nation-state (though, even now, Austria and Switzerland often remain an afterthought). At the 2006 annual conference of the German Studies Association in Pittsburgh, Michael Geyer spoke of transnational history as “the new consensus.” His keynote address bore the title “Where Germans Dwell”—a clear indication that the subject matter of German history must include transplants such as Jürgen Klinsmann and Arnold Schwarzenegger, as well as the German diaspora of prior centuries. In keeping with this agenda, H. Glenn Penny has played a significant role in organizing scholarship on Germans abroad, whereas Kira Thurman is exploring how African Americans experienced German musical culture. The scope of transnational German history remains vast.
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AGUADO, IAGO GIL. "THE CREDITANSTALT CRISIS OF 1931 AND THE FAILURE OF THE AUSTRO-GERMAN CUSTOMS UNION PROJECT." Historical Journal 44, no. 1 (March 2001): 199–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001728.
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This article reveals that the diplomatic and financial history of 1931 was even more turbulent than believed to date. New documents found at the Bank of England show that an intricate system of cross-deposits was set up by the Austrian Central Bank covertly to direct funds to the Creditanstalt via American and British banks – to compensate it for taking over the bankrupt Bodencreditanstalt – suggesting that the received accounts of the collapse of the Creditanstalt need to be revised. Further, documents have come to light which show that France exacerbated the 1931 run on the Austrian schilling in order to force Austria to abandon the Austro-German customs union project of that year. This article considers the relationship between the collapse of the Creditanstalt and the abandonment of the Austro-German customs union, incorporating the new evidence to provide a novel interpretation of the financial diplomacy of that year.
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Grandner, Margarete. "Conservative Social Politics in Austria, 1880–1890." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (January 1996): 77–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780000583x.
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During the government of Count Eduard Taaffe a series of social laws were enacted in Austria that set maximum hours in factories and mines, placed restrictions on the employment of women and young people, and introduced accident and sickness insurance. With this legislation, Austria obtained a unique position: no other country had both extensive protective labor legislation, including the ”normal workday,” and obligatory sickness and accident insurance for industrial workers on its law books in the early 1890s. Despite this progressive record, social policymaking in the Taaffe era has drawn surprisingly little attention. My article begins to fill this gap. The first section briefly examines the historiography of social legislation to demonstrate that the interpretations of the early development of Austrian social politics in the 1880s have been unduly determined by the ”Bismarckian paradigm.” The second section discusses the models that Austrian legislators in the 1880s used for their social policies. They were influenced not only by German social insurance but also by the Swiss Factory Act of 1877. Austrian politicians thus followed two quite distinct strategies in tackling the ”labor question”: they promoted both protective legislation, which infringed upon the employer's authority to organize production at his own discretion, and social insurance, which involved state interference with the lives of workers outside the workshop or factory. The third section examines the motives of Austrian politicians behind this twofold labor policy by looking into the background and procedures of legislation. The final section offers a tentative assessment of social politics during the Taaffe era.
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Šimetin Šegvić, Filip, and Tomislav Branđolica. "The Age of Heroes in Historiography: The Example of Prince Eugene of Savoy." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000131.
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Almost every national historiography has at one time or another emphasized a certain era dominated by the alleged extraordinary feats of particular individuals. Modern nationalists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries often sought support for their founding myths in their histories, exploiting imagery of heroic eras and their heroes for the needs of the present. The work of historians played an integral part of this mythmaking process. The German word Heldenzeitalter [Age of Heroes] is a concept with exactly such strong historiographical dimension. The term is not precise. It has variously been used to denote the mythic era of German sagas, the time of the Völkerwanderungen [migrations of peoples], and the Ostrogoth king Theodoric (sixth century). The same concept of an “age of heroes” is also fundamental to understanding Austrian historiography. This age constitutes a basic element of the Austrian national idea, and as with the other applications of the term “Age of Heroes,” the Austrian version, which was largely a nineteenth-century historiographical construct, was also fed by epics and poetry and myth making. The ruling Habsburg dynasty also actively supported the design of an Austrian Age of Heroes, at whose center could be found the figure of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1663–1736).
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Bryant, Chad. "Habsburg History, Eastern European History … Central European History?" Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000225.
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Germany and all things German have long been the primary concern ofCentral European History(CEH), yet the journal has also been intimately tied to the lands of the former Habsburg monarchy. As the editor stated in the first issue, published in March 1968,CEHemerged “in response to a widespread demand for an American journal devoted to the history of German-speaking Central Europe,” following the demise of theJournal of Central European Affairsin 1964. The Conference Group for Central European History sponsoredCEH, as well as the recently mintedAustrian History Yearbook(AHY). Robert A. Kann, the editor ofAHY, sat on the editorial board ofCEH, whose second issue featured a trenchant review by István Deák of Arthur J. May'sThe Passing of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1914–1918. The third issue contained the articles “The Defeat of Austria-Hungary in 1918 and the Balance of Power” by Kann, and Gerhard Weinberg's “The Defeat of Germany in 1918 and the Balance of Power.” That same year,East European Quarterlypublished its first issue.
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Pulzer, Peter. "THIRD THOUGHTS ON GERMAN AND AUSTRIAN ANTISEMITISM." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 4, no. 2 (July 2005): 137–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725880500133293.
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Holzer, Werner, and Rainer Münz. "Ethnic Diversity in Eastern Austria: The Case of Burgenland." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 697–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408412.
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Unlike the Habsburg Empire, the Republic of Austria established in 1918 saw and sees itself basically as an ethnically homogeneous state—as did the Weimar Republic and Federal Republic of Germany. Austria's constitution of 1920 made German the official language, just as Hungarian became the official language in Hungary. The relatively high degree of ethnic homogeneity in Austria and Hungary were a result of the collapse of the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire and the new borders of these two successor states. Before 1918, the German-speaking and Hungarian-speaking population of the Empire were politically dominant, but. from a quantitative point of view, “minorities.” It was only the borders established by the Entente in the peace treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon that reduced Austria and Hungary geographically to two territories, in which the German-speaking population on one side and the Hungarian on the other also became numerically superior, while creating large German and Hungarian minorities in the neighboring countries of Italy, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and SHS-Yugoslavia.
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Bachleitner, Norbert. "The Politics of the Book Trade in Nineteenth-Century Austria." Austrian History Yearbook 28 (January 1997): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016337.
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For centuries Austria has enjoyed an enviable reputation for music and the fine arts, but not for literature. During the Enlightenment it was already widely regarded as a land devoid of books. This characterization was not totally fair. There had always been Austrian authors of high standing, but even they accepted their indiscriminate identification with a much larger German literary establishment. By the nineteenth century, it was not unusual for commentators like Ludwig Börne to characterize Austria as the “China of Europe,” where no literature could flourish. Only at the turn of this century–with the emergence of a new generation of writers who, over the past decades, have won belated recognition as important stimuli of modernism—did Austria finally shed the image of a country where dancing the waltz and eating famous cakes were foremost on people's minds.
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Haines, Brigid. "The Eastern Turn in Contemporary German, Swiss and Austrian Literature." Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 16, no. 2 (August 2008): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651560802316899.
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Pásztorová, Barbora. "Rakouská anexe Krakova v roce 1846: Příspěvek k dějinám rakousko-německých vztahů v době předbřeznové." Acta FF 11, no. 2 (2019): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/actaff.2019.11.2.4.
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Dehm, Sara. "Legal Exclusions: Émigré Lawyers, Admissions to Legal Practice and the Cultural Transformation of the Australian Legal Profession." Federal Law Review 49, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 327–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x211016574.
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Legal histories of Australia have largely overlooked the exclusion of European émigré lawyers from legal practice in Australia. This article recovers part of this forgotten history by tracing the drawn-out legal admission bids of two Jewish émigré lawyers in the mid-20th century: German-born Rudolf Kahn and Austrian-born Edward Korten. In examining their legal lives and doctrinal legacies, this article demonstrates the changing role and requirement of British subjecthood in the historical constitution and slow cultural transformation of the Australian legal profession. This article suggests that contemporary efforts to promoting cultural diversity in the Australian legal profession are enriched by paying attention to this long and difficult history of legal exclusions.
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Fox, J. P. "German and Austrian Jews in Britain's Armed Forces and British and German Citizenship Policies 1939-1945." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 415–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/37.1.415.
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Gehler, Michael. "From Non-alignment to Neutrality: Austria's Transformation during the First East-West Détente, 1953–1958." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 4 (October 2005): 104–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397055012451.
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This article deals with Austria during the first phase of détente from 1953 to 1958, a period in which the country was still formally under Four-Power control. The article recounts and analyzes the conclusion of the Austrian State Treaty (and Austria's accompanying declaration of neutrality) in 1955 and the positions taken by Austria during the crises in East Germany in 1953, Hungary in 1956, and Lebanon in 1958. Austria's neutrality was spurred not so much by the Cold War as by the East-West “thaw” after Stalin's death. Neutrality helped usher in a remarkably successful period of national self-assertion that facilitated Austria's efforts at nation building.
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Nikel, Joanna. "Ewolucja zawodu i kształcenia architektów w Niemczech od II połowy XVIII wieku do 1933 roku." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 16, no. 3 (2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2020.3.1.
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The aim of this article is to show the range of responsibilities, professional and business titles and the evolution of the system of architectural education, functioning on the territory of selected German states, which in 1871 formed the Second German Reich. Other German-speaking countries, such as Austria or Switzerland, have been omitted, as were those Polish territories under the Prussian and Austrian partition. These issues, despite numerous German-language publications (Bolenz 1991; Schnier 2009; Mai 2012) and English publications (Kostofa 1986), pose many problems for Polish researchers, especially those researching the history of architecture of former German-speaking regions, and the lack of research is not compensated for by modest Polish publications (Serdyńska 2015). The main research questions that are posed concerned issues related to the education of architects and the conditions within their profession. The 18th century was the starting point for my reflections, when the first academic centres for the education of architects in the German-speaking area were established. The thought of the 18th century as a caesura for the architectural profession is also dictated by the effects of the Industrial Revolution, which determined the emergence of professional specialisations in construction and, in the long term, determined the modern understanding of the words architect and engineer. The year 1933 marks the endpoint of the ensuing paper, when, as a result of the takeover of power by the National Socialists, a violent and radical process of building a totalitarian society began in Germany, in which higher education and the fine arts, especially architecture, were subordinated to Nazi ideology.
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Wodak, Ruth. "History in the making/The making of history." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 1 (April 14, 2006): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.1.08wod.
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This paper considers narratives about traumatic pasts, using interviews with visitors of the two exhibitions about the war crimes of the German Wehrmacht, shown in Germany and Austria 1995 and 2002, as examples. Numerous justification and legitimization strategies are involved in public and private discourses. The study claims that official genres, such as school books or TV documentaries, still launch narratives which exculpate the German Wehrmacht as institution, although the evidence provided by historians and the exhibitions is overwhelming. The topoi used (such as ‘doing one’s duty’; ‘all wars are the same’; and so forth) are to be found in similar debates in other countries as well. Hence, this case study illustrates patterns of argumentation which occur much more generally than only in the specific national contexts studied in detail here.