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Journal articles on the topic 'German and Belgian (French)'
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1
de Bousingen, Denis Durand. "French, German, and Belgian doctors unite." Lancet 349, no. 9050 (February 1997): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)61205-6.
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FREEDMAN, JANE. "Women, Islam and rights in Europe: beyond a universalist/culturalist dichotomy." Review of International Studies 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007280.
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In 2004 the French National Assembly and Senate passed legislation which makes it illegal for Muslim women to wear headscarves (the hijab) within French public schools. To be precise the legislation refers to the banning of ostentatious religious symbols within the secular domain of the public school system, but is clearly aimed primarily at Muslim women, following a long-running dispute over this issue. Similar debates are taking place in other European countries such as Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands and Spain. A bill modelled on the recent French legislation has been tabled in the Belgian senate, whilst various court cases have been brought in other European countries by Muslim women who have been banned from wearing headscarves by employers or schools. Following a ruling of the German Supreme Court that a Muslim teacher should be allowed to wear a headscarf, as this did not contravene current legislation, the state of Baden-Wuerttenberg acted to introduce legislation to ban headscarves, and this legislation is likely to be copied by six other German states.
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Das, Erwin. "Het Belgisch ministerieel carrièrepatroon : Proeve tot internationale vergelijking." Res Publica 29, no. 2 (June 30, 1987): 207–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i2.18951.
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The sociography of the Belgian post-war minister is characterized by an upper middle-class or middle-class origin, a French-speaking and male preponderance and a university-education. The most frequent professional occupations are lawyer, professor and executive.The political career which led to a ministerial post, went in the first place through the legislative body (city-council, county-council and parliament) (the legislative type) and in the second place through thepolitical parties (the national and district-party-leader). After their ministerial career 39 % of the ministers played a promine part in the parliament; 35 %, however, prosecuted an extra-parliamentary and prestigious « after-function ».The Belgian ministerial career pattern bears some resemblances to the Dutch, German and French career pattern, but also many differences. The most outstanding difference is the importance of the bureaucratic component in the structure of the ministerial elite in those three countries, where in Belgium this is not very important.
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ALEXANDER, MARTIN S. "War and its Bestiality: Animals and their Fate during the Fighting in France, 1940." Rural History 25, no. 1 (March 10, 2014): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793313000216.
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AbstractThe fighting in France and Belgium in May-June 1940 has generated a large literature. Mostly, however, this has concerned itself with military strategy, the triumph of the German operational methods popularly termed ‘Blitzkrieg’, the British evacuation at Dunkirk and the political consequences of defeat for the French. This article re-evaluates the mobilisation of 1939 and the conduct of combat operations in 1940 from a less conventional perspective: that of the animals in France. It explores what happened to the many domestic pets swept up, or left behind, in the flight of Belgian and French civilians southward to escape the invader; the livestock on the farmland of the Somme, Aisne, Oise and Meuse where the battles raged; and the horses which remained central to the transport of men, munitions and supplies on both the French and German sides. It argues that the recovery of the wartime experiences of the fauna of France should be part of a more holistic understanding of war's impact on the natural world and on all, non-humans as well as humans, who inhabit it.
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COUSIN-ALLERY, A., A. CHARRON, B. DE BARBEYRAC, G. FREMY, J. SKOV JENSEN, H. RENAUDIN, and C. BEBEAR. "Molecular typing of Mycoplasma pneumoniae strains by PCR-based methods and pulsed-field gel electrophoresis. Application to French and Danish isolates." Epidemiology and Infection 124, no. 1 (February 2000): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268899003313.
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Restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) analysis of the amplified P1 gene was used to type 153 strains of Mycoplasma pneumoniae isolated in France between 1977 and 1994, and in Denmark between 1962 and 1994, and an additional group of 28 strains isolated from Belgium and Germany between 1990 and 1993. Random amplified polymorphic DNA (RAPD) analysis was tested on French, Belgian and German strains. Both methods separated the strains into two groups corresponding to the two reference strains M129 (group I) and FH (group II), and gave concordant results. When 75 selected strains of different geographical origin were analysed by pulsed-field gel electrophoresis (PFGE), strains of group II fell into two closely related subgroups, subgroup IIa corresponding to the reference strain FH, and subgroup IIb. Most of the strains isolated in Denmark in the period 1962–86 belonged to group I. Almost all strains isolated in France and Denmark between 1987 and 1988 were from group II, the two subgroups being present. In 1991–3, almost all strains from France as well as Denmark, Germany and Belgium belonged to group I.
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De Sadeleer, Nicolas. "The Enforcement of the Precautionary Principle by German, French and Belgian Courts." Review of European Community & International Environmental Law 9, no. 2 (July 2000): 144–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9388.00245.
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Bailey, Charles E. "The Verdict of French Protestantism Against Germany in the First World War." Church History 58, no. 1 (March 1989): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167679.
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At the end of August 1914, with German troops having violated Belgian neutrality and rapidly advancing toward Paris, German Protestants made a desperate bid for a show of solidarity from the Protestant majority of Britain and the Protestant minority of France. In an “Appeal to Protestant Christians Abroad” leaders of the German Protestant missions movement expressed their hope that the war would not spread to Africa nor result in an “incurable rent” in the Protestant fellowship. Recalling the spirit of cooperation at the international Missionary Conference of Edinburgh in 1910 they urged that the mission fields not become battlefields, lest the gospel message of love be discredited in the eyes of the heathen.1
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Fredericksen, Burton. "The Getty Provenance Index steams ahead." Art Libraries Journal 24, no. 4 (1999): 49–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200019829.
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For the past fifteen years the Getty Provenance Index has developed a series of projects that index auction catalogues, beginning with British catalogues of the 19th century and followed by French, Dutch, German and Belgian catalogues of the same period or earlier. This has led to the discovery of many previously unrecorded catalogues, most notably German and Belgian, providing a strong incentive to consider how Frits Lugt’s Répertoire des Catalogues de Ventes should eventually be revised, and even brought up to date. The Getty projects also include automating the individual items in the catalogues, which has led not only to much new data about the provenance of paintings held by museums in many parts of the world, but has also helped to identify the owners of collections found in previously anonymous sale catalogues.
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Aerts, Koen. "De bestraffing van de collaboratie na de Tweede Wereldoorlog: mild in Vlaanderen en streng in Franstalig België? Een pleidooi voor een sociale geschiedenis van de Tweede Wereldoorlog." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 1 (March 18, 2014): 34–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i1.12174.
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De bestraffing van de collaboratie na de Tweede Wereldoorlog is één van de meest gepolitiseerde gebeurtenissen uit het Belgisch nationaal verleden. In Vlaanderen werd de repressie al gauw afgeschilderd als een Belgische, zelfs francofone, wraakoefening om de Vlaamse beweging te breken. Die beeldvorming vindt nog steeds bijval bij het brede publiek. Nochtans heeft de wetenschappelijke geschiedschrijving de zogenaamde anti-Vlaamse repressie al lange tijd ontmaskerd als een mythe. Op basis van de uitkomst van de repressierechtspraak wordt er geconcludeerd dat er in Vlaanderen meer en in Franstalig België zwaarder is gestraft. Dat verschil zou te wijten zijn aan het succes van de politieke collaboratie in het Vlaams landsgedeelte en een meer apolitieke, gemeenrechtelijke samenwerking met de Duitse vijand in Franstalig België. Deze bijdrage stelt vraagtekens bij de gegrondheid van die veronderstelde verklaring vanuit de stelling dat de repressie in Franstalig België simpelweg strenger was. De resultaten van het repressief apparaat zeggen immers meer over het karakter van de bestraffing dan over de aard van de collaboratie. Om die reden is er nood aan een sociale geschiedenis van de Tweede Wereldoorlog die rekening houdt met het mens- en maatschappijbeeld van alle betrokkenen, aan welke kant van de beklaagdenbank ook.
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The prosecution of collaboration after the Second World War: mild in Flanders and severe in French-speaking Belgium? An argument for a social history of the Second World War.The prosecution of collaboration after the Second World War is one of the most politicised events from the Belgian national history. In Flanders the repression would soon be described as a Belgian or even French-speaking revenge intended to destroy the Flemish movement. The public at large still supports that representation of the issue. However, scientific historiography disclosed a long time ago that the so-called anti-Flemish repression was a myth. Based on the results of the repression jurisprudence it has been concluded that prosecution took place more often in Flanders, and that it was more severe in French-speaking Belgium. The difference could be explained by the success of political collaboration in the Flemish part of the country and a more a-political common law-based collaboration with the German enemy in French-speaking Belgium. This contribution questions the merits of that supposed explanation, based on the theory that repression in French-speaking Belgium was simply more severe. After all, the results of the repressive system are more indicative of the character of the prosecution than the nature of the collaboration. For that reason, we need a social history of the Second World War, which takes account of the concept of man and society of all those involved, no matter on which side of the dock they stood.
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Madigan, Edward. "‘An Irish Louvain’: memories of 1914 and the moral climate in Britain during the Irish War of Independence." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 165 (May 2020): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.7.
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AbstractWhen the British government declared war against Germany in August 1914, a great drive to gain popular support by presenting the conflict to the public as a morally righteous endeavour began in earnest. Stories of German violence against French and Belgian civilians, largely based in fact, were central to this process of ‘cultural mobilisation’. The German serviceman thus came to be widely regarded in Britain as inherently cruel and malevolent while his British counterpart was revered as the embodiment of honour, chivalry and courage. Yet by the autumn of 1920, less than two years after the Armistice, the conduct of members of the crown forces in Ireland was being publicly drawn into question by British commentators in a manner that would have been unthinkable during the war against Germany. Drawing on contemporary press reports, parliamentary debates and personal narrative sources, this article explores and analyses the moral climate in Britain in 1920 and 1921 and comments on the degree to which memories of atrocities committed by German servicemen during the Great War informed popular and official responses to events in Ireland.
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Monballyu, Jos. "The force of law of decree-laws in Belgium during and after the First World War." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 248–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p12.
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When Belgium was overrun by Germany in 1914 neither the Belgian constitutional legislator, nor the Belgian legislator had determined how the police powers of the civil authorities could be transferred to the military authorities in the case of a war. Article 130 of the Constitution determined that the Constitution and the constitutional rights and freedoms it provided could never be suspended wholly or in part. This created a problem. There were several statutes which provided merely a limited answer for some situations. When Belgian military authorities instead of civil authorities took measures which invaded upon constitutional rights, disputes arose. In order to avoid these, the Belgian King enacted the decree-law concerning the state of war and the state of siege on 11 October 1916. Many provisions of this decree-law had been taken from the French war laws of 9 August 1849 and 4 April 1878, but – contrary to these French laws – the Belgian decree-law was not based on a formal constitutional stipulation. This decree-law, which contravened the Belgian Constitution of 7 February 1831 and the fundamental rights and freedoms which were safeguarded by this Constitution in several respects, made it possible to take a number of measures during the state of war and the state of siege. As soon as these different provisions were applied, several citizens protested against them. Their protest was mainly aimed at the force of ‘law’ of the decree-law of 11 October 1916 and all of the other decree-laws. The rest of this contribution will detail when and why this protest took place, as well as how the Belgian administration of justice dealt with this protest.
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Luczak, C., J. M. Dewarumez, and K. Essink. "First Record of the American Jack Knife Clam Ensis Directus on the French Coast of the North Sea." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 73, no. 1 (February 1993): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315400032768.
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Ensis directus (Bivalvia: Solenidae) was noted for the first time along the French coast of the North Sea in June 1991. High numbers of post larvae after a period of northerly winds indicate that settled larvae originated from adult populations in Belgian or Dutch coastal waters. Future dispersal of Ensis directus could be used as a biological tracer of coastal water movements between the Southern Bight of the North Sea and the English Channel.The American jack knife clam, Ensis directus (Conrad, 1843), synonym Ensis americanus (Binney, 1870)sensu van Urk (1964,1972), was discovered in Europe in the German Bight for the first time in June 1979 (Von Cosel et al., 1982). This species is assumed to have been transported in its larval stage by a ship containing ballast water. Considering the dimensions of the specimens, this probably happened in the first half of 1978 (Von Cosel et al., 1982; Mühlenhardt-Siegel et al., 1983). Since then this species has spread rapidly in the North Sea in subtidal and intertidal areas. Dense populations were found along the German coast within a few years (Von Cosel et al., 1982; Mühlenhardt-Siegel et al., 1983; Swennen et al., 1985). In 1986 Ensis directus was reported from the north and east Danish coasts as far as the Belgian coast (Kerkhof & Dumoulin, 1987) (Figure 1). Since then no new records have been reported.
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Delarue, Erik D., and William D. D’haeseleer. "Influence of possible net transfer capacity expansion on Belgian–French and Belgian–German borders on electricity generation and related greenhouse gas emissions." Energy Conversion and Management 48, no. 5 (May 2007): 1726–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.enconman.2006.10.018.
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Hecq, Jean-Daniel, Irene Krämer, and Jean Vigneron. "European Databases on Stability and Compatibility of Injectable Medicinal Products in Europe." Pharmaceutical Technology in Hospital Pharmacy 4, no. 3-4 (February 25, 2020): 113–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pthp-2019-0012.
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AbstractIn hospitals, the majority of medication therapy is administered intravenously. Especially, in intensive care units, simultaneous of various injectable drugs is a common practice Drug incompatibilities have been reported to be associated with up to 60 % of all serious and life-threatening adverse drug events. Several databases are used by hospital pharmacists to answer the questions of (in)compatibility of co-administered injectable drugs. The objective of this article is to present the European databases on compatibility and stability of injectable drugs. According to a questionnaire which was sent to the National Hospital Pharmacy Associations of the 28 countries of European Community there are three national databases available in EU countries which are in alphabetical order, Belgium, France and Germany. The Belgian database is dedicated to injectable medications, is updated and distributed annually in French language on a USB key. STABILIS® is an international database giving information with pictograms translated into 29 languages. This database contains also monographs of non-injectable drugs. The internet-based ADKA STABIL-Datenbank is focused on anticancer drug therapy, listing detailed datasets in German language on stability and compatibility including the references.
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Vanhoonacker, Sophie. "La Belgique : responsable ou bouc émissaire de l'échec des négociations Fouchet?" Res Publica 31, no. 4 (December 30, 1989): 513–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i4.18859.
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On 17 April 1962, Genera! de Gaulle's proposal to establish a political union between the six EC Member States, better known as the 'Fouchet Proposal', was vetoed by Belgium and The Netherlands who made their further support dependent on British participation in the negotiations on a political union.This article examines the position of Belgium, represented by its Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. P-H. Spaak and more particularly its evolution from a rather favourable position to a rejection of the project. The contradictory Belgian demand for a more supranational political union at the same time as British membership can be considered in the light of Belgium's wish to promote both the process of European integration and the principle of Atlantic solidarity, the basis of its security. The article describes how the final deathblow to the negotiations was not given by Belgium and The Netherlands but by the French veto of British accession to the EC and the signing of the Franco-German Cooperation Treaty of Elysee in ]anuary 1963.
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Jain, Hem C. "Paid Educational Leave in Europe: Its Implications for Canada." Relations industrielles 33, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/028891ar.
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This article reviews the increased educational opportunities provided to workers in a number of Western countries, Belgium, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Sweden and the United Kingdom, through national, regional or local legislation or through collective bargaining and other private mechanisms. An attempt has also been made to analyze and compare the Belgian and the French experiences with regard to P.E.L. Finally, this article examines the relevante of the European experience in respect at P.E.L. for policy makers and other interested parties in Canada.
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Puławska, Karolina. "Financial Stability of European Insurance Companies during the COVID-19 Pandemic." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 6 (June 12, 2021): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14060266.
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The European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority suggests that as the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has caused significant disruption to the economy, businesses, and people’s lives, national supervisory authorities should mitigate the pandemic’s impact on the European insurance sector. The functioning of insurance companies is in danger as they must balance a drastic increase in the number of claims with their capital and solvency stability. In this study, we evaluate the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on insurance companies using European insurance companies’ financial statement data from 2010 to 2020. The results unambiguously demonstrate that the pandemic has negatively affected the functioning of the insurance sector. In particular, the return on assets decreased in German and Italian insurance companies during the pandemic. Furthermore, the solvency ratio decreased in the Belgian, French, and German insurance sectors. Conversely, the Polish insurance sector was unaffected. Moreover, we did not find any effects on the Z-score ratio in our sample. Lastly, the value of receivables owed to Belgian insurance companies increased. Based on this evidence, we argue that European legislators should discuss how to manage the probable financial problems of insurance companies during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Dolderer, Winfried. "Een beleid uit één stuk? Continuïteit en discontinuïteit in de Duitse Flamenpolitik." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 4 (December 3, 2014): 289–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i4.12126.
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De Duitse Flamenpolitik van de Eerste Wereldoorlog was een ambitieuze poging om diepgaande wijzigingen op gang te brengen niet alleen in de structuur van de Belgische staat, maar ook in de geestesgesteldheid van de Vlaamse samenleving. Zij was een hegemoniaal beleid met de bedoeling door inwerking op de Vlaamse beweging de voorwaarden te scheppen om België in een Duitse invloedsfeer in te schakelen. We kunnen nochtans niet vaststellen dat dit beleid van regeringszijde reeds vóór 1914 stelselmatig zou zijn voorbereid. De operatieve fase ging vijf maanden na de Duitse inval in België in januari 1915 van start. Wel konden officiële instanties een beroep doen op dossierkennis die particuliere acteurs al vóór de oorlog of in de beginperiode van de bezetting ter plaatse hadden vergaard.Belangstelling voor Vlaanderen bleef ook na 1918 in Duitsland bestaan. Zij was nu ruimschoots gemotiveerd door de gevreesde bedreiging van het Duitse Westen door een expansionistisch Frankrijk. Vanuit Duits oogpunt was België dankzij de Vlaamse Beweging de zwakste schakel in het Franse systeem van allianties in het tussenoorlogse Europa. De Flamenpolitik, als we ze in die periode zo willen noemen, had nu een anti-hegemoniaal, want tegen het spook van een zegevierend Frankrijk gericht karakter.Van een zonder meer hegemoniaal beleid kunnen we uiteraard weer spreken vanaf 1940. En anders dan de eerste was deze tweede Flamenpolitik reeds vóór de oorlog stelselmatig voorbereid – door een van overheidswege gestimuleerd beleid van inwerking op de westelijke buurlanden sinds 1933.________
A systematic policy? Continuity and discontinuity in the German FlamenpolitikThe German Flamenpolitik during the First World War was an ambitious attempt to bring about profound changes not only in the structure of the Belgian state, but also in the state of mind of Flemish society. It was a hegemonic policy attempting to influence the Flemish movement in such a way as to create the conditions to insert Belgium into the German sphere of influence. However, we are unable to demonstrate that the government had already systematically prepared this policy before 1914. The operational phase kicked-off five months after the German invasion of Belgium in January 1915. However, the official bodies were able to take advantage of the expertise that had already been collected by particular actors before the war or in the early period of the occupation.Even after 1918 Germany continued its interest in Flanders. It was then abundantly motivated by the feared threat to the German West by an expansionist France. According to the German point of view Belgium – due to the Flemish Movement – was the weakest link in the French system of alliances in Europe during the period between the wars. At that time the Flamenpolitik, if we wish to call it thus during that period was anti-hegemonic in nature as it was directed against the spectre of a triumphant France. Obviously, from 1940 we can describe it again as a straightforward hegemonic policy. And in contrast to the first Flamenpolitik this second version had already been systematically prepared before the war by a policy encouraged by the authorities to influence western neighbouring countries from 1933.
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Mortelmans, Tanja. "Indirect evidentiality in Dutch and German: a contrastive corpus study of the seem-type verbs schijnen and scheinen." Kalbotyra 69, no. 69 (January 27, 2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/klbt.2016.10370.
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The present study deals with the seem-type verbs schijnen and scheinen in Dutch and German. On the basis of an in-depth analysis of spoken and written corpus material, the construction types these verbs typically appear in as well as their function and meaning are analysed. As seem-type verbs often develop into evidential markers (this is the case in e.g. English, French and Spanish), I will particularly concentrate on evidential uses (and the syntactic patterns that are associated with those uses). The study will lay bare important differences between German, Belgian Dutch and Netherlandic Dutch regarding both verbs. Moreover, the distinction between spoken and written language will be shown to play a crucial role with respect to the construction types found. Finally, the fact that the verbs exhibit different constructional preferences will be linked to different semantic properties as well.
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Krause, Stephan, and Dirk Suckow. "Der Mitropa-Pokal und die Legende mit den roten Schlafwagen. Fußball, Raumkonstruktion und europäische Eisenbahnverkehrsgeschichte in den 1920er/ 1930er Jahren." STADION 44, no. 2 (2020): 338–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-2-338.
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The Mitropa Cup founded in 1927 was the most important professional football tournament of the interwar period. It was organized by the international Mitropa Cup committee, which was formed of leading protagonists from Central Europe such as Hugo Meisl. This Central European Cup was played out between different combinations of the leading clubs from the participating countries: Austria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Italy, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Switzerland. German teams did not take part in the Mitropa Cup, because the DFB did not accept professional football teams at that time. With this sport historical background the study shows in which way the Mitropa Cup (as well as other tournaments) profoundly influenced the construction of economic and social space, and how it influenced the perception of the German Mitropa company. While it has been claimed that Meisl and his comrades could build on the sponsorship of the German restaurant and sleeping car company Mitropa, the parallel investigation of railway history through primary sources and sport history proves that no such relationship has existed, and furthermore, because of an international treaty the Mitropa was not allowed to provide services beyond Germany and several defined destinations. Thus, the discursive and spacial significance of both the Mitropa Cup’s football-based definition of Central Europe, and the Mitropa company as one of the two European players in sleeping and restaurant car services (the other being the French-Belgian CIWL/ISG), forms a historical coincidence.
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WALTON, DAVID. "Exploring Antarctica - a centennial perspective." Antarctic Science 17, no. 2 (June 2005): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954102005002701.
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We are embarked on a decade of celebrations of the national expeditions of what is now termed the Heroic Age. Exploring the Antarctic – the great unknown continent – a hundred years ago was great adventure and, given what we now know of the primitive state of their equipment, it is surprising that more of these explorers did not die. The tragic death of Captain Scott's polar party must be taken as a key talisman for the title “Heroic Age” but we should not underestimate the courage and fortitude of all the others – British, Swedish, Norwegian, French, German, Belgian, Argentinean, Polish, Romanian, American etc – who sailed, walked and sledged into the unknown for the greater good of their nation.
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De Vos, Kristof. "Negative Wholesale Electricity Prices in the German, French and Belgian Day-Ahead, Intra-Day and Real-Time Markets." Electricity Journal 28, no. 4 (May 2015): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tej.2015.04.001.
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Pérez-García, Adán, and Thierry Smith. "Identification of the African–European <i>Erymnochelys</i> group (Pleurodira, Podocnemididae) in the Belgian fossil record: first finding of <i>Eocenochelus eremberti</i> outside its type locality." Fossil Record 20, no. 2 (October 11, 2017): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/fr-20-245-2017.
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Abstract. An almost complete plastron, as well as several peripherals and a costal plate of a turtle from the middle Eocene of Saint-Gilles, is presented here. Although this turtle specimen was donated to the Institut royal des Sciences naturelles de Belgique (Brussels, Belgium) more than a century ago, it remained undescribed. Its study allows us to recognize the second pleurodiran in the Belgian fossil record, where, until now, the Eocene Neochelys was the only one known. The Belgian material of Neochelys is known in lower Eocene (early Ypresian) levels, but the new pleurodiran specimen comes from the middle Eocene (early Lutetian). It is the first partial articulate shell of a pleurodiran turtle recognized in Belgium, and the only member of this clade recognized in this country at specific level. The new specimen is a representative of the so-called Erymnochelys group, this lineage being known in Africa from the Upper Cretaceous to the present but in Europe only during the Eocene. It represents the first specimen of Eocenochelus eremberti identified outside its type locality, the French region of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (Yvelines, Île-de-France), where only one specimen was found. The plastron of the Belgian individual corresponds to the most complete for this species. Its analysis allows us not only to broaden the range of paleobiogeographical distribution of Eocenochelus eremberti but also to improve the knowledge about the anatomy and variability of this taxon.
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Millar, Pat. "The tension between emotive/aesthetic and analytic/scientific motifs in the work of amateur visual documenters of Antarctica's Heroic Era." Polar Record 53, no. 3 (March 9, 2017): 245–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224741700002x.
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ABSTRACTVisual documenters made a major contribution to the recording of the Heroic Era of Antarctic exploration. By far the best known were the professional photographers, Herbert Ponting and Frank Hurley, hired to photograph British and Australasian expeditions. But a great number of images – photographs and artworks – were also produced by amateurs on lesser known European expeditions and a Japanese one. These amateurs were sometimes designated official illustrators, often scientists recording their research. This paper offers a discursive examination of illustrations from the Belgian Antarctic Expedition (1897–1899), German Deep Sea Expedition (1898–1899), German South Polar Expedition (1901–1903), Swedish South Polar Expedition (1901–1903), French Antarctic Expedition (1903–1905) and Japanese Antarctic Expedition (1910–1912), assessing their representations of exploration in Antarctica in terms of the tension between emotive/aesthetic and systematic analytic/scientific motifs. Their depictions were influenced by their illustrative skills and their ‘ways of seeing’, produced from their backgrounds and the sponsorship needs of the expedition.
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Raulwing, Peter, and Thomas L. Gertzen. "Friedrich Wilhelm Freiherr von Bissing im Blickpunkt ägyptologischer und zeithistorischer Forschungen: die Jahre 1914 bis 1926." Journal of Egyptian History 5, no. 1-2 (2012): 34–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416612x632517.
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Abstract The extensive bibliography of Friedrich Wilhelm Freiherr von Bissing (1873–1956) lists 621 numbered items, documenting over six decades of Egyptological productivity. Widely unknown to Egyptologists and ancient historians, however, are a handful of publications by F.W. von Bissing, printed between 1914 and 1917, in which he defends the German occupation of Belgium to a French-speaking audience using the pseudonym “Anacharsis le jeune.” This name refers to the antagonist in the novel Les Voyages du jeune Anacharsis en Grèce (1787) by the French antiquarian Jean-Jacques Barthélemy (1716–1795), which reached the status of, what might be called, a Bildungsroman in the late 18th and 19th century in Europe. Furthermore, F.W. von Bissing is the author of numerous political writings published between 1915 and 1922 for a German-speaking audience under his own name, mostly dealing with the relationship between the German Empire and Belgium during World War I.; later with the political situation in post-war Germany.—This study tries to shed light on F.W. von Bissing’s pamphlets, writings, letters and political background and non-academic activities in the last years of the Kaiserreich and the early Weimar Republic until his retirement from the chair at the university in Utrecht in 1926.
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van Impe, Ellen. "The Rise of Architectural History in Belgium 1830–1914." Architectural History 51 (2008): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00003063.
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On the map of nineteenth-century architectural historiographies in Western Europe, Belgium has so far remained a blind spot. While the country’s architectural history of the nineteenth century has already received some (if selective) international attention, with a somewhat disproportionate focus on the Art Nouveau, the historiography arising alongside of it has largely remained outside the picture. Meanwhile, considerations as to Belgium’s particular situation, which presumably influenced its architecture, equally apply to its historiography; for instance its design as a crossroads of influences, as demonstrated in research into the Belgian Catholic Gothic Revival and into nineteenth-century (architectural) history in general, among cases one could cite. While interesting because of its own particularities, Belgium also represents a type of ‘smaller European country’ created in the nineteenth century, whose architectural history has been characterized as ‘often fascinating precisely in the extent to which [these countries] present attempts to resolve the inherent contradictions between the major interpretive models and prescriptions of the English Pugin-Ruskin tradition, French Rationalism, and the more archaeological approach of the Cologne school’. The relatively limited corpus of Belgian architectural historiography — at least when compared with the historiographies of the United Kingdom, France or Germany — is an additional advantage, since it makes the field of study more easily definable and thus allows for more detailed study.
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Miller, Michael B. "The Business Trip: Maritime Networks in the Twentieth Century." Business History Review 77, no. 1 (2003): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30041099.
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Global maritime business networks channeled the flows of people and goods for modern production and consumption societies. The principal instrument for constructing and sustaining these networks was the business trip. In the course of their travels, shipping-company and trading-company executives founded new commercial networks, established new routes and services, inspected agents, gathered business intelligence, and promoted new contacts and connections. These trips relied on a business culture that combined cosmopolitanism with national preferences and competitiveness with gentlemanly codes. Personal relationships remained fundamental to the networking process, despite a bureaucratization of business structures. An examination of the business trips of Belgian, British, Dutch, French, and German maritime firms reveals the centrality of global networks in modern economies, shows how such networks were constructed and maintained, and argues that face-to-face relationships continued to characterize business life deep into the twentieth century.
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Deneva, Aneta, and Jānis Grasis. "Bulgarian Mining Industry between Tradition and Innovation." E3S Web of Conferences 174 (2020): 01026. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202017401026.
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Extractive activities are traditional for the Bulgarian economy and are part of the economic activity of the population since the establishment of the Bulgarian state. As an autonomous sector of the economy, they are approved after 1878. The initial extractive activities are carried out with the direct participation of foreign capital, mainly French, German and Belgian. The extraction of raw materials has always been among the priority economic areas. Not surprisingly with the first economic laws adopted by the Bulgarian Government is supported its development. A typical example in this respect is the law on the promotion of the local industry since 1909. Among the promotion activities are mining, metal industry, as well as the quarry and that for the processing of soil materials. The mining industry is an indispensable part of the structure of the Bulgarian economy, regardless of its transformations.
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Verhoeyen, Etienne. "Een Duits netwerk bij de voorbereiding van de Militärverwaltung in België (1939-1940)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 69, no. 4 (January 26, 2011): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v69i4.12342.
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Nadat Hitler in oktober 1939 beslist had een aanval in het Westen te ondernemen, werden in Keulen twee studiegroepen opgericht, die het toekomstig bezettingsregime van België en Nederland moesten voorbereiden. Er was een studiecommissie die geleid werd door de toekomstige leider van het Duits Militair Bestuur in België, Regierungspräsident Reeder, en daarnaast bestond een geheime studiegroep die de Sondergruppe Student werd genoemd. Deze bijdrage belicht het voorbereidend werk van de leden van deze studiegroep op het gebied van handel, industrie, recht, Volkstum en cultuur in België. De groep legde een grote belangstelling voor de Flamenfrage aan de dag en trok daarbij lessen uit de ervaringen met de bezetting van België tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Ofschoon er van diverse zijden in Duitsland werd op aangestuurd, hebben zowel de 'commissie Reeder' als de Sondergruppe de wederinvoering van de bestuurlijke scheiding van het Vlaams en Franstalig landsgedeelte, één van de 'verworvenheden' van het Vlaams activisme uit 1914-18, beslist afgewezen. De bijdrage laat ook de tegenstellingen zien die in Duitsland bestonden op het gebied van de beïnvloeding (ten voordele van Duitsland) in de te bezetten gebieden.
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A German network in the preparation of the Militärverwaltung (Army administration) in Belgium (1939-1940)After Hitler had decided in October 1939 to carry out an attack on the West, two study groups were set up in Cologne in order to prepare the future occupational regime of Belgium and the Netherlands. The future leader of the German Army Administration in Belgium, President of the Government Reeder chaired the study group, and in addition there was a secret study group called the Sondergruppe Student (Special Student Group).This contribution illuminates the preparatory work of the members of this study group in the area of trade, industry, law, Volkstum (nationality) and culture in Belgium. The group demonstrated a lot of interest in the Flamenfrage (Flemish question) and in doing so drew lessons from the experience of the occupation of Belgium during the First World War.Although people from various quarters in Germany aimed for the reintroduction of the governmental separation between the Flemish and French speaking parts of the country, one of the 'achievements' of Flemish activism from the period of 1914-1918, both the 'Reeder committee' and the 'Sondergruppe' definitely dismissed it. This contribution also demonstrates the contradictions present in Germany in the area of influencing the territories to be occupied (in favour of Germany).
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Vasilyeva, Galina. "The German Language in the International Cultural Space." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 3-2 (September 23, 2020): 314–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.3.2-314-336.
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The author considers the factors, which determine interest to the German language in different regions of the world. The object of research is the role of the German language in international sociocultural contacts and the humanitarian sphere development, in the world educational space formation. The subject matter is practical experience of mastering the German language, linguistic achievements and problems of specific nations in this area. The author considers practical application of the German language in the language policy of several countries, studies intercultural interaction difficulties, analyses international research projects in ethno-social dynamics. The goal of the research determined the tasks: to present a socio-anthropological approach to the consideration of the language situation in the countries, to comment on the institutional aspects of the German language dissemination, to substantiate the multilingualism significance as a tool of intercultural education. The chronological framework of the study covers the first decades of the XXI century. At the same time, if we consider the problem in a historical aspect, we will inevitably turn to the earlier periods. A systematic approach allows us to establish a logical relationship and interdependence of these periods, traces changes in the status of the official language in Germany. This issue is not only linguistic, but also historical and cultural. The author analyzes the problems of the ethnolinguistic situation associated with the study of the German language in a number of countries: among them, the United Kingdom, in which other languages (but English) have a lesser degree of social prestige and are being squeezed out of the language space. The French Republic, along with the Federal Republic of Germany, as the leader of Europe, has always been on the axis of European construction. The country continues the policy of promoting internationalization of the French language. At the same time, Francophonie is a movement for cultural diversity. The Kingdom of Belgium and the Swiss Confederation are related to Germany in institutional architecture. It is necessary to study the situation in these ethnically heterogeneous and multilingual federal states, where German is one of the official languages. The author appeals to the history of Spain and the Republic of Korea because the citizens of these countries participated in the reconstruction of Germany after the Second World War. Issues related to the individual linguistic rights implementation determine national and political processes, educational and cultural policies. Learning several languages forms the idea that a multilingual society is the standard model of communication.
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Kissane, Dylan Matthew. "What next for the Peaceful Power?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 12 (June 30, 2006): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.12.4.
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It would be impossible for the great powers of Europe to come together in peaceful association after centuries of conflict. The French would not trust the Germans, the Poles would never agree to a demilitarised western border and anyway, without a common language the whole experiment would be doomed to failure from the start. But half a century later the dream has become reality. It is today impossible to imagine the German army contemplating the conquest of Belgium or the French attempting to once again take the British crown. Europe has enjoyed more peace for more people for longer than at any point in the past 500 years and Fins, Maltese, Portuguese and Latvians find themselves committed to a common project of understanding and positive cross-cultural interaction.
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Lilkoff, Lubin. "Le règlement des litiges commerciaux dans un système sans tribunaux de commerce : l'expérience québécoise." Les Cahiers de droit 24, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 505–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042559ar.
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Quebec's Civil Code acknowledges the existence of a dual regime including both civil and commercial juridical operations. This distinction, which is derived from French Law, also exists in Belgian and German Law. These countries have created specialized commercial courts or tribunals with jurisdiction over commercial matters. They are staffed with judges drawn from business. One may ask how in fact a dualistic system of this nature functions in Quebec, given the absence of such special commercial tribunals. It may be noted that although there is no body of commercial law dealing exclusively with traders, there exists in fact a system of business law comprehensive enough to apply also to non-traders (Part I). In addition, the informal nature of the procedural rules, as well as the background of the judges who are selected mainly from the ranks of practising lawyers, permits one to discern a close resemblance between litigation before these courts and the conduct of trials before commercial tribunals (Part II).
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Theil, Stefan. "What Red Lines, If Any, Do the Lisbon Judgments of European Constitutional Courts Draw for Future EU Integration?" German Law Journal 15, no. 4 (July 1, 2014): 599–635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019064.
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The lingering European financial crisis continues to threaten the Eurozone and, in the opinion of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, the very survival of the European idea. With this apocalyptic rhetoric, it is easily forgotten that only nine years earlier Europe overcame a predicament that was, at the time, equally described as the most challenging in its history. Two failed referendums in Member States of the European Union (Member States)—namely, in France and the Netherlands—stopped the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (Constitutional Treaty) in its tracks and led to an extended “period of reflection” for Europe's leaders. From this emerged a reboot of the Constitutional Treaty, now dubbed the Treaty of Lisbon, with few substantial changes, but more success throughout the ratification procedures. The final hurdle presented itself in the form of institutionally strong Constitutional Courts (CC) and Tribunals (CT) of the European Member States. Of these, the following were at one time or another seized with complaints against the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty: The AustrianVerfassungsgerichtshof(Austrian CC), the Belgian CC, theÚstavní soud České republiky(Czech CC), the FrenchConseil Constitutionnel(French CC), the GermanBundesverfassungsgericht(German CC), the Hungarian CC, theLatvijas Republikas Satversmes tiesa(Latvian CC), the PolishTrybunał Konstytucyjny(Polish CT), and theTribunal Constitucional de España(Spanish CT).
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Clijsters, Edi. "Pleidooi ondergraaft wetenschap." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 74, no. 1 (March 12, 2015): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v74i1.12118.
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ULB-historica Dr. Céline Préaux promoveerde met een studie waarin zij het lot van de Franstaligen in Antwerpen vergeleek met dat van Engelstaligen in Montréal, en beide beschouwde als “le déclin d'une élite”. Uit de theoretische hoofdstukken in Préaux' boek blijkt dat zij wel meer en recentere theoretische 'klassiekers' theeft doorgenomen; toch neemt zij als uitgangspunt het begrippenpaar 'Gesellschaft / Gemeinschaft' zoals de Duitse socioloog Tönnies (1855-1936) dat naar het eind van de 19de eeuw als analyse-schema vooropstelde, en dat – grof vereenvoudigd – kan worden herleid tot 'staat / volk'. In België gold decennia lang als ideaalbeeld dat de Vlaamse en de Franstalige 'Gemeinschaft' zich konden vinden in één 'Gesellschaft'. Preaux stelt zelfs dat de Franstalige elite in Vlaanderen het bindteken had kunnen zijn tussen beide componenten. Dat is niét gebeurd, vooral omdat de Franstalige elite in Vlaanderen haar geprivilegieerde positie bedreigd zag door de toenemende emancipatie van het Nederlands en de Nederlandstaligen, en zich daartegen bleven afzetten. Zodat in het laatste kwart van vorige eeuw een einde kwam aan 'la Flandre belge'. Dat is een merkwaardige – en onthullende – formulering, aangezien ze het vooroordeel lijkt te onderschrijven dat Belgisch gelijkstaat met Franstalig.________Plea undermines science ULB-historian Dr. Céline Préaux obtained her doctorate with a study in which she compared the fate of the French speakers in Antwerp with that of the English speakers in Montréal, and in which she considered both as “le déclin d'une élite”. The theoretical chapters in Préaux' book demonstrate that she had reviewed various and more recent ‘classical’ theoretical works; yet she uses as her the starting point the twin concepts of 'Gesellschaft / Gemeinschaft' that the German sociologist Tönnies (1855-1936) introduced towards the end of the 19th century as an analytical model. Greatly simplified this model may be reduced to the concept of ‘nation / people’. For decades there was an ideal concept in Belgium that the Flemish and the French speaking ‘Gemeinschaft’ could be unified in one ‘Gesellschaft’. Préaux even suggests that the French speaking elite in Flanders could have been the liaison between both components. This did not happen, in particular because the French speaking elite in Flanders viewed the increasing emancipation of Dutch and the Dutch speakers as a threat to their privileged position, which they continued to resist. For that reason 'la Flandre belge' ceased to exist during the last quarter of the last century. This is a peculiar - and revealing – statement, because it appears to subscribe to the prejudice that Belgian equals Francophone.
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Yammine, Bruno. "Nieuw licht op de Duitse propaganda tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. De genese van het controversiële pamflet 'La Politique Belge après la crise'." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 76, no. 3 (September 27, 2017): 224–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v76i3.12023.
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Tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog deden heel wat ophefmakende pamfletten de ronde. Eén daarvan was getiteld Un Parti National – La Politique Belge après la Guerre. Het heette daarin onder andere dat de Godsvrede – het staken van de ideologische twisten gedurende de oorlog – ook in vredestijd voortgezet moest worden. Waren de taalkwestie, de sociaaleconomische problemen alsook de liberaal-katholieke fricties immers niet opgelost? Volgens de Vlaams-nationalistische historiografie (en de Duits-activistische propaganda) was dit pamflet uit 1915 het werk van ‘franskiljons’ die een anti-Vlaamse campagne opgestart waren. Deze visie werd achetraf wel genunanceerd, maar ten gronde nooit betwist. In dit artikel formuleren we een nieuwe hypothese, waarbij we met name onderzoeken of dit pamflet wel door Belgen geschreven was. We weten immers dat de Duitse bezetter in het kader van zijn Flamenpolitik opruiende en anti-Vlaamsgezinde vlugschriften opstelde die aan de ‘franskiljons’ toegeschreven werden. Behoorde Un Parti National daar ook toe? Zo ja, kunnen we het dan kaderen binnen een ruimer, Duits propagandaoffensief, waarbij er eventueel een samenhang bestond in de verspreiding en inhoud van dit vlugschrift en gelijkaardige pamfletten? Hoe verliep de verspreiding dan en wie was erbij betrokken? En welke lessen vallen er desgevallend uit te trekken aangaande de Duitse propaganda naar Vlaamsgezinden toe tijdens de oorlog?________
New Light on German Propaganda during the First World War. The Genesis of the Controversial Pamphlet ‘La Politique Belge après la Crise’During the First World War, a lot of sensational pamphlets made the rounds. One of these was title Un Parti National – La Politique Belge après la Guerre (“A National Party – Belgian Politics after the Crisis”). It said that the union sacrée – the suspension of ideological disputes during the war – must be continued in peacetime as well. Were the language question, socioeconomic problems as well as Liberal-Catholic frictions not resolved, after all? According to Flemish nationalist historiography (and German-Activist propaganda [activists = a small section of the Flemish movement which collaborated with the German occupier]) this 1915 pamphlet was the work of “fransquillons” (nickname for people in favour of the dominance of the French language in Flanders) who were starting up an anti-Flemish campaign. This vision was later nuanced, but never fundamentally challenged. In this article, I formulate a new hypothesis, in which we investigate whether or not this pamphlet was in fact written by Belgians. We do know that the German occupier, in the framework of their Flamenpolitik (“Flemish policy”), drafted sensational and anti-Flemish pamphlets which were ascribed to “fransquillons”. Does Un Parti National belong among these? If so, can we frame it within a broader German propaganda offensive, in which there was eventually a connection between the propagation and content of this pamphlet and those of similar pamphlets? How did the propagation proceed, and who was responsible for it? And what lessons might it be necessary to draw from German propaganda toward the Flemish during the war?
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Roos, Julia. "Women's Rights, Nationalist Anxiety, and the “Moral” Agenda in the Early Weimar Republic: Revisiting the “Black Horror” Campaign against France's African Occupation Troops." Central European History 42, no. 3 (August 24, 2009): 473–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909990069.
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In the months and years following ratification of the Versailles Treaty, the Allied occupation of the Rhineland became a focal point of German nationalist propaganda. The campaign against the so-called “black shame on the Rhine” (schwarze Schmach am Rhein), a racist slogan referring to the stationing of soldiers from northern Africa, Senegal, and Madagascar in the French zone of occupation, was one of the ugliest outgrowths of German opposition to the peace treaty. Support for the movement against France's African troops was disquietingly broad. An interpellation to the Reich government of May 1920 launched by the Majority Social Democrats (SPD) and endorsed by all parties in the national assembly except the Independent Socialists (USPD) is illustrative of the racist fears motivating “black horror” protests: “Even after the armistice, the French and Belgians continue to use colored troops in the occupied territories. … For German women and children, men and boys, these savages pose a horrifying danger. Their honor, health and life, purity and innocence are being destroyed. … This situation is disgraceful, humiliating, and insufferable!”
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Debruyne, Emmanuel. "“Girls were seen crying when soldiers departed.” Belgian and French women and German soldiers: transgressive relationships under the gaze of the occupied population." First World War Studies 9, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2019.1651213.
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Kulikov, Volodymyr A. "French Industrial Enterprises in the Russian Empire: Big Business in a Transnational Perspective." Economic History 16, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 375–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.051.016.202004.375-387.
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Introduction. The article explores the presence of French enterprises in the late Russian Empire in order to better understand the role and weight of French firms in global big business on the eve of World War I. The author argues that the presence of large industrial enterprises operated by French businesses should be taken into consideration when discussing the organizational capabilities of modern French enterprises. This may change the perception of France as a “follower in Western Europe” in the historiography of big industrial businesses. Materials and Methods. Large French enterprises operated in the late Russian Empire are identified based on primary sources (lists of enterprises and joint-stock companies), the RUSCORP database of Russian corporations compiled by Thomas Owen, and with the help of secondary sources. Results. The paper demonstrates that several companies operated in the Russian Empire, and owned or controlled by French businesses meet the criteria of “big business” by international standards. However, because they operated beyond the borders of France, scholars did not include these firms in the lists of French big business. In addition, many companies in the Russian Empire were established on French capital and run by French managers but registered as Russian firms. It seems that French businesses were more successful in establishing and running large industrial enterprises abroad than in the territory of their own country. This might explain why French companies are relatively poorly represented in the global ranks of the largest companies before World War I. Discussion and Conclusions. It was not only French businesses that created large industrial enterprises in Russia. There were also several British, German, Belgian, and American big businesses, so these should all be taken into account when discussing the presence of big foreign businesses in Russia. To have precise evaluations, we need to develop further the global list of the largest enterprises, which would include multinationals and free-standing companies as well. The argument of researchers who placed France to the cohort of the “followers in Western Europe” was that France, in principle, was retarded with creating large industrial enterprises. The transnational approach revealed that while in France, there were few big industrial businesses, French entrepreneurs developed them successfully outside the country. The Russian case demonstrates that French business was able to establish and operate large industrial enterprises. The presence of many large French manufacturing and mining enterprises abroad is the evidence against the thesis that French industrialists were unable to benefit from the scale and scope effect.
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Franck, Christian. "La prise de décision belge en politique extérieure : cohésion, tensions, controle et influences." Res Publica 29, no. 1 (March 31, 1987): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i1.18960.
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Besides classical issues of parliamentary control and pressure groups' influence, coordination between ministers and administrations involved in foreign policy making and harmonization of national foreign policy with external cultural relations led by the french, flemish and german Communities are the major problems belgian foreign policy making has to cope with.Divergences on options or heterogeneity of functional missions (Finance and Third World Cooperation e.g.) require arbitration and cooperative procedures provided by foreign affairs ministerial comitee at the governmental level. Competition for leading role and confrontation of functional paradigms foster «bureaucratic politics» between services. European affairs constitues a major issue for bureaucratic coordination.Attribution to the Communities of assessment power to cultural agreements and reservation to national government of the treaty making power let arise a kind of illogism and a conflict of competences that pragmatic concertation tends to get round.As to parliamentary control, it consists in a greater influence of majority's deputies than in an effective opposition's countervailing power to amend coalition foreign policy. So play pressure groups a role in influencing bilateral much more than multilateral affairs.
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Cleemput, Irina, and Katrien Kesteloot. "HEALTH TECHNOLOGY ASSESSMENT IN BELGIUM." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 16, no. 2 (April 2000): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300101035.
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The Belgian healthcare system has a Bismarck-type compulsory health insurance, covering almost the entire population, combined with private provision of care. Providers are public health services, independent pharmacists, independent ambulatory care professionals, and hospitals and geriatric care facilities. Healthcare responsibilities are shared between the national Ministries of Public Health and Social Affairs, and the Dutch-, French-, and German-speaking Community Ministries of Health. The national ministries are responsible for sickness and disability insurance, financing, determination of accreditation criteria for hospitals and heavy medical care units, and construction of new hospitals. The six sickness and disability insurance funds are responsible for reimbursing health service benefits and paying disability benefits. The system's strength is that care is highly accessible and responsive to patients. However, the healthcare system's size remained relatively uncontrolled until recently, there is an excess supply of certain types of care, and there is a large number of small hospitals. The national government created a legal framework to modernize the insurance system to control budgetary deficits. Measures for reducing healthcare expenditures include regulating healthcare supply, healthcare evaluation, medical practice organization, and hospital budgets. The need to control healthcare facilities and quality of care in hospitals led to formal procedures for opening hospitals, acquiring expensive medical equipment, and developing highly specialized services. Reforms in payment and regulation are being considered. Health technology assessment (HTA) has played little part in the reforms so far. Belgium has no formal national program for HTA. The future of HTA in Belgium depends on a changing perception by providers and policy makers that health care needs a stronger scientific base.
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Kochanek, Piotr. "Statystyczno-porównawcza analiza XXIII Międzynarodowego Kongresu Bizantynologicznego (Belgrad, 22-27 VIII 2016)." Vox Patrum 67 (December 16, 2018): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3399.
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The 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies took place in the hospitable capital of Serbia from Monday (22 August) to Saturday (27 August 2016). According to official data in the congress took part 1,260 byzantine scholars from 48 countries of the world. The largest number of scientist represented Greece (212), Serbia (122), France (103), Russia (87), the United Kingdom (79) and Italy (78). Numerous scholars came to Belgrade also from Germany (72), the USA (64), Bulgaria (57), Turkey (40) and Austria (39). Poland was represented officially by 26 byzantine scholars. To this number must be added two Poles affiliated to foreign universities. Most Polish researchers, as many as 11, represented the University of Lodz – today the most important Polish center for research on the history and culture of Byzantium. During the congress 1148 scholars presented 1329 papers and communications. According the official data 1057 papers (= 79,533%) were in English, 165 in French (= 12,415%), 30 in Greek (= 2,257%), 28 in German (= 2,106%), 28 in Russian (= 2,106%) and 21 (= 1,580%) in Italian. Twenty-six Poles representing the Polish research centers presented a total of 29 communications (26 in English, 1 in French, 1 in German and 1 in Russian). Furthermore, one Pole affiliated to the Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz, delivered his communication in French. According the official data, the congress was divided into several program blocks. The first block was the solemn opening session. Part of this session was the inaugural lecture of professor John F. Haldon from Princeton University. On the other hand, during the six plenary sessions were delivered 20 papers. The third block of the congress were the round table sessions. These sessions were a total 49 (= 382 communications). There have also been 116 sessions of free communications, during which 843 papers were read. Furthermore, during the six special sessions the participants delivered 64 presentations. Finally, a separate block were two poster sessions. In these sessions attended 19 authors. The sessions of the congress were held either at the Faculty of Philology (3 Studentski trg) or at the building of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (35 Knez Mihailova St.). It was agreed that the 24rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies will be held in 2021 in Istanbul.
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Jacobs, Geert, Liesbeth Opdenacker, and Luuk Van Waes. "A Multilanguage Online Writing Center for Professional Communication: Development and Testing." Business Communication Quarterly 68, no. 1 (March 2005): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1080569904273330.
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An online writing center developed at the University of Antwerp, Belgium, called Calliope, provides a modular platform aimed at enhancing learners’ professional writing skills in five different languages: Dutch, English, French, German, and Spanish. It supports courses in business and technical communication. The current version includes modules on press releases in English, business letters in French, and minute taking in Dutch. Unlike many online writing centers, it is genre-specific and context-specific, it is highly interactive rather than linear, it uses a process approach to cater to different learning styles, it accommodates different writer profiles, and it is an instructional tool not connected to a physical writing center.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "The road to democracy: The development of constitutionalism in Serbia 1869-1903." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738133b.
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After the swiftly abolished liberal Constitution of 1835 and the imposed 'Turkish' one of 1838 (imposed by the Russians and Ottomans, guarantors of Serbia's autonomy granted in 1830, to limit the princely power), the development of constitutionalism in modern Serbia went through several phases. As elsewhere in the Balkans, constitutions usually resulted from a compromise between the ruler and the elites rather than from the will of the people. The 1868 Constitution drew to an extent upon the early nineteenth-century German constitutional monarchies, but, under pressure from the politically mobilized population, the 1888 Constitution, proposed by the Radical Party in response to the egalitarian aspirations of the nation's agrarian majority, adopted a French constitutional model - with a unicameral system and frequent coalition governments. Shaped on the model of the Belgian Constitution of 1831, which in its turn was a modified version of the French Charte of 1830, it restored a French influence, expressed for the first time in the 1835 Constitution. The 1888 Constitution was passed by the Grand National Assembly with its five-sixth majority of Radicals, representatives of the agrarian majority. It was soon annulled by the coup d'?tat of 1894 and the Court-imposed Constitution of 1869 was reinstituted. The Constitution of 1901 was an attempt to introduce a bicameral system as a means of upholding the influential role of the ruler, while limiting that of the Radical Party, which had enjoyed an ample electoral support since the 1888 Constitution. After the assassination in 1903 of the last Obrenovic ruler king Alexander, and his wife, queen Draga, the liberal Constitution of 1888 with minor modifications was reinstituted. Under this Constitution - which is commonly known as the 1903 Constitution and which, during the democratic reign of king Peter I Kardjordjevic, was no longer challenged - Serbian democracy remained fragile, because there was no upper house to counteract as it did in the French Third Republic, the predominantly party-biased way of running the affairs of state.
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Dolderer, Winfried. "Een protestantse Flamenpolitik? Otto Bölke - dominee, heemkundige, Jongvlaams propagandist." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 72, no. 4 (December 13, 2013): 303–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v72i4.12185.
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De Duitse dominee Otto Bölke (1873 – 1946) was geboren en werkzaam op de Fläming, een streek ten zuidwesten van Berlijn die in de middeleeuwen door inwijkelingen onder meer uit Vlaanderen en Nederland was gekoloniseerd. De vermeende Nederlandse afkomst van zijn voorouders heeft hem levenslang geïntrigeerd en aangezet tot een intense heemkundige bedrijvigheid alsmede een vroegtijdige belangstelling voor de Vlaamse beweging. Vanuit die belangstelling ontbolsterde Bölke zich tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog tot propagandist van de Flamenpolitik. Hij was betrokken bij een netwerk van Duitse sympathisanten van de meest radicale, Jongvlaamse variant van het activisme. De stichting van België kwam voor hem neer op een ‘verovering’ door de franstaligen; de Belgische staat noemde hij een ‘fabriek’ tot Romanisering van de Germaanse bevolking. Met Domela Nieuwenhuis maakte Bölke begin 1917 in Berlijn kennis. Domela leefde in onmin met het burgerlijke bezettingsbestuur, maar beschikte over Duitse vrienden in militaire evenals uiterst rechtse annexionistische kringen aan wie hij tot op het laatst verknocht bleef, De talrijke protestantse dominee's in dit netwerk waardeerden niet alleen de Nederlandse ambtsbroeder, maar evenzeer zijn politiek radicalisme dat strookte met hun eigen antidemocratisch conservatisme. Bölke toonde na de oorlog belangstelling voor het Vlaams nationalisme en kwam uiteindelijk in nationaalsocialistisch vaarwater terecht. Hij was een typische vertegenwoordiger van een Duits-nationaal protestantisme dat uit het keizerrijk doorgroeide tot in het Derde Rijk.
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A Protestant Flamenpolitik (Flemish policy)? Otto Bölke – protestant pastor, expert on local history, propagandist of the Young FlemishThe German pastor Otto Bölke (1873 – 1946) was born and worked in the Fläming, a region southwest of Berlin, that had been colonised during the Middle Ages by immigrants from areas including Flanders and the Netherlands. The supposed Dutch origin of his ancestors intrigued him throughout his life and inspired his profound interest in local history as well as his early interest in the Flemish Movement.During the First World War that interest turned Bölke into a propagandist of the Flamenpolitik. He was involved in a network of German sympathizers of the most radical Young Flemish version of the activism. He considered the foundation of Belgium the equivalent of a ‘conquest’ by French speakers. He described the Belgian state as a ‘factory for romanising the Germanic population.’ Bölke made the acquaintance of Domela Nieuwenhuis in Berlin at the beginning of 1917. Domela was at odds with the civilian occupying administration but had German friends at his disposal in military as well as far right circles favouring annexation, to whom he remained attached until the end. The numerous Protestant pastors in this network valued not only their Dutch colleague, but also his political radicalism that reflected their own antidemocratic conservatism. After the war Bölke was interested in Flemish nationalism and finally ended up in the National Socialist arena. He was a typical representative of a German national Protestantism that evolved from the Empire to the Third Reich.
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Visschers, V. H. M., A. Backhans, L. Collineau, D. Iten, S. Loesken, M. Postma, C. Belloc, et al. "Perceptions of antimicrobial usage, antimicrobial resistance and policy measures to reduce antimicrobial usage in convenient samples of Belgian, French, German, Swedish and Swiss pig farmers." Preventive Veterinary Medicine 119, no. 1-2 (April 2015): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.prevetmed.2015.01.018.
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Daniel, Yvonne, Jacques Elion, Bichr Allaf, Catherine Badens, Marelle Bouva, Ian Brincat, Elena Cela, et al. "Newborn Screening for Sickle Cell Disease in Europe." International Journal of Neonatal Screening 5, no. 1 (February 12, 2019): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijns5010015.
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The history of newborn screening (NBS) for sickle cell disease (SCD) in Europe goes back almost 40 years. However, most European countries have not established it to date. The European screening map is surprisingly heterogenous. The first countries to introduce sickle cell screening on a national scale were France and England. The French West Indies started to screen their newborns for SCD as early as 1983/84. To this day, all countries of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland have added SCD as a target disease to their NBS programs. The Netherlands, Spain and Malta also have national programs. Belgium screens regionally in the Brussels and Liège regions, Ireland has been running a pilot for many years that has become quasi-official. However, the Belgian and Irish programs are not publicly funded. Italy and Germany have completed several pilot studies but are still in the preparatory phase of national NBS programs for SCD, although both countries have well-established concepts for metabolic and endocrine disorders. This article will give a brief overview of the situation in Europe and put a focus on the programs of the two pioneers of the continent, England and France.
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Bechoux, Lucas, Oriane De Vleeschouwer, Cécile Vanheuverzwijn, Florence Verhegghen, Alizée Detiffe, Fabian Colle, Catherine Fallon, and François Thoreau. "Conflict of interest policies at Belgian medical faculties: Cross-sectional study indicates little oversight." PLOS ONE 16, no. 2 (February 10, 2021): e0245736. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0245736.
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Background Medical students encounter pharmaceutical promotion from the very start of their training. Medical schools have an important role to play in educating medical students regarding the interactions between healthcare professionals (HCPs) and industry and in protecting them from commercial influence and conflict of interest (COI). In 2019, medical student associations in Belgium and abroad called for more preparation in dealing with COI and for a more independent medical training. As little information is available on the situation in our country, we undertook an assessment of conflict of interest policies at Belgium’s medical schools. We relied on a methodology already used in studies from USA, Canada, Australia, France and Germany and adapted it to the Belgian context. Methods We identified 10 medical schools in Belgium. We searched the website of each medical school in November 2019 with standardized keywords for COI policies and learning activities on COI in the curriculum. The deans of medicine were invited to participate by sending us information that we could have overlooked during our web-based searches. We also consulted personal contacts within faculties among students and teachers. Based on a list of 15 criteria adapted from North American and French studies, we calculated a total for each faculty of medicine with a maximum score of 30 points. Results By December 2019, we had gathered a set of written documents for four faculties of medicine (40%) containing policies with varying degrees of precision and relevance to our survey. We found elements of the curriculum addressing the COI issue for one faculty (10%). In all cases, these policies consisted of “moderate” initiatives with little or no “restrictive” elements. Only one faculty showed interest in our study by providing us with relevant information (10%). Half of the faculty notified us of their refusal to participate in the study (50%) and the other faculties either did not respond or did not provide us with any information (40%). The maximum score obtained was 3 out of 30 points with six faculties scoring 0 (60%). Conclusion There is little transparency regarding interactions between medical students and pharmaceutical companies at Belgian medical faculties, which may create COI issues. Initiatives to protect students from pharmaceutical promotion and to train them to manage their future interaction with pharmaceutical companies have a limited scope and are isolated. This is inconsistent with international recommendations from Health Action International, World Health Organization or the American Medical Students’ Association. The Belgian government has legislated in favor of more transparency in the relation between HCPs and pharmaceutical industry. Indeed, it made the disclosure of benefits granted by the industry compulsory and limited their value. Our results show that there is still some way to go to ensure an independent medical training for future Belgian physicians.
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Derik, Ilona, and Tetyana Druzhyna. "ON STRATEGIES AND TACTICS OF TRANSLATING AMATEUR PROSE." Naukovy Visnyk of South Ukrainian National Pedagogical University named after K. D. Ushynsky: Linguistic Sciences 2019, no. 29 (November 2019): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2616-5317-2019-29-7.
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The presented article is aimed at elaborating the problem of the peculiarities of translating amateur prose from typologically different languages, in particular from French, German and English into Ukrainian. The corpus of the research was formed on the basis of the amateur prose writings on the official sites in Belgium, Germany, the USA and Ukraine. The main objective of the paper consists in defining the basic strategies and tactics of rendering amateur writings of different genres with the preservation of the both semantic and pragmatic components. The results of the carried-out research have proved that there exist common strategies and tactics, allowing to perform adequate and faithful translation from the typologically different Rhaeto-Romanic (French) and Germanic (English, German) languages into the Slavic ones (Ukrainian). The urgency of the paper arises from the need for efficient strategies and tactics of translating different types of texts in contemporary translation studies. The object of the work is the translation of amateur prose viewed in the aspect of its faithfulness and adequacy. The subject are strategies and tactics of translating amateur prose. The immediate tasks of the article have been predetermined by the above-mentioned objective and include respectively: the disclosure of the specifics of amateur prose; the outline of the typologically common strategies and tactics of translating amateur writings. The methodology of this research involved the inductive, the deductive method and the method of contrastive analysis. In the course of the research it has been concluded and experimentally and statistically proved that there exist common strategies and tactics of translating amateur prose into different languages. It has also been postulated that the pragmatic and the expressive potential of amateur writings is preserved and rendered in translation. The perspective is seen in reviewing this issue in different Rhaeto-Romanic, Germanic and Slavic languages.
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Monballyu, Jos. "Desertie naar de vijand in het Belgische frontleger tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Deel 2." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 72, no. 2 (July 2, 2013): 140–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v72i2.12214.
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Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question. As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.
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Sercu, Lies. "Foreign language teachers and the implementation of intercultural education: a comparative investigation of the professional self‐concepts and teaching practices of Belgian teachers of English, French and German." European Journal of Teacher Education 28, no. 1 (March 2005): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619760500040389.
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