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Journal articles on the topic 'German Cameroun'
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1
Maderspacher, Alois. "The National Archives of Cameroon in Yaoundé and Buea." History in Africa 36 (2009): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0009.
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Even in learned journals on African and imperial history, few references have been made to the records contained in the archives in Cameroon, West Africa. Kamerun was a German colony (Schutzgebiet) from 1884-1916/19. In 1911, the Germans took over New Cameroon (Neu Kamerun), 295,000 km2 of land of French Equatorial Africa, ceded during the second Morocco Crisis. After World War I this transaction was reversed and the German colony was separated into French and British League of Nations Mandates in 1919. These mandates were transformed into United Nations Trusteeships in 1946. Finally, French Cameroun became independent in 1960, and after a plebiscite in 1961, one part of the British Cameroons joined Nigeria and the other part reunited with the formerly French part, now the independent Federal Republic of Cameroon.Due to the involvement of three colonial powers in Cameroon, the national archives in Yaoundé and Buea are an excellent source for the colonial history of West Africa, allowing for a simultaneous analysis of German, French, and British files. Whereas the colonial files in the European archives mainly give us the point of view of high politics, the archives in Cameroon offer a different dimension. The files reveal the intricacies of the colonial system on the ground, and the problems with which the colonial administrator had to cope in the bush: How did one introduce European legal tender in a territory never touched by Europeans before? How did one cope with the colonial rivals, who were couching at the frontiers to take over the territory? How did one attempt to win peoples' hearts and minds day in and day out? What happened when the new colonial power took over a territory with an already developed administration from another colonial power, as it took place in Cameroon in 1911 and 1916/19? The national archives of Cameroon contain potential answers to these questions. Hence this paper will focus on the sources that are available for the colonial period in these archives.
2
HASSANA, HASSANA. "ANALYSE LEXICO-SÉMANTIQUE DES EXPRESSIONS COLONIALES SUR LES TIMBRES-POSTE." FRANCISOLA 2, no. 1 (July 5, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/francisola.v2i1.7522.
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RÉSUMÉ. Ce travail étudie, du point de vue lexico-sémantique, les mots et les expressions sur les timbres-poste. De manière spécifique, il s’agit d’appréhender l’histoire véhiculée par les mots gravés sur les productions philatéliques en circulation au Cameroun pendant la domination allemande, anglaise et française. Sur le plan théorique, cette étude s’inscrit dans le champ de la lexicologie et de la sémantique. L’approche lexicale décrit la structure et la formation des mots en langue allemande, anglaise et française. La démarche sémantique par contre questionne le sens des mots et des discours idéologiques. Sur le plan méthodologique, nous nous appuyons sur un corpus constitué des productions philatéliques. Par le biais de ce corpus, nous focalisons notre attention sur l’interprétation des mots ou des expressions sur les timbres, en mettant en exergue les grandes séquences de l’histoire coloniale au Cameroun. L’intérêt de ce travail est d’interroger l’histoire coloniale sous le prisme des expressions reproduites sur les timbres-poste.Mots-clés : cameroun, colonisation, histoire, lexicologie, philatélie, timbres-poste, sémantique. ABSTRACT. This work studies, from lexico-semantic point of view, the words and expressions on postage stamps. Specifically, it is a question of apprehending the history conveyed by the words engraved on the philatelic productions circulating in Cameroon during the German, English and French domination. From a theoretical point of view, this study falls within the field of lexicology and semantics. The lexical approach describes the structure and formation of words in German, English and French. The semantic approach, on the other hand, questions the meaning of words and ideological discourses. On the methodological level, we rely on a corpus of philatelic productions. Through this corpus, we focus our attention on the interpretation of words or expressions on stamps, highlighting the great sequences of colonial history in Cameroon. The interest of this work is to question the colonial history under the prism of the expressions reproduced on the postage stamps.Keywords: Cameroon, colonization, history, lexicology, philately, postage stamps, semantics.
3
Gewald, Jan-Bart. "Mbadamassi of Lagos: A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa." African Diaspora 2, no. 1 (2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.
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Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.
4
Jones, Adam. "Still Underused: Written German Sources for West Africa Before 1884." History in Africa 13 (1986): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171543.
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It is gratifying to receive compliments when one publishes books, yet I have mixed feelings about some of the kind words awarded to my two volumes of translations from seventeenth-century German sources on west Africa. What some people seem to be saying is: “Thank God I won't have to waste time learning that language!” Not only does this attitude rest on the untenable assumption that a translation is an adequate substitute for the original; it also underestimates the importance of those German works which remain untranslated.For those interested in the colonial period, of course, the German literature and archival material is very rich--not only for Togo and Cameroun, but also for other countries, notably Liberia. As soon as the Germans became politically involved in west African affairs in 1884, there appeared a whole flood of publications dealing with this part of the world; and there is also a great deal of unpublished material for the whole period 1884-1939 which urgently calls for more attention from scholars interested in the African past. This is generally recognized (the usual excuse offered for not using the German material is the difficulty of access to the Potsdam archive); yet it is seldom appreciated how much German material there is for the period before 1884.
5
Welch, David. "Citizenship and Politics: The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction." Contemporary European History 6, no. 2 (July 1997): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.
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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opinion that it was German initiative and German financial contribution which helped to preserve it in its present form when a niggardly Treasury and a disastrously unimaginative Foreign Secretary threatened to abolish it. Its impact on German life and on the political elites of West Germany has been incalculable.
6
Nfobin, E. H. Ngwa. "The Francophone/Anglophone Split over Article 47 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon: An Abiding Malaise with an Explosive Charge." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 25, no. 4 (November 2017): 538–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2017.0211.
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Voting in 1961for reunification with the Republic of Cameroon instead of remaining Nigerian, the Southern Cameroons made a point. Neither the Treaty of Versailles partitioning the defunct German protectorate between Britain and France nor the superimposition of new values by the successor powers affected nationhood developed under the Germans. They were instead enriching features of that national identity of Kamerun. However, time has revealed how difficult it is to become the beacon of enlightened tolerance. Points of friction emerged, many articulated in the 1993 Buea Declaration that led to the creation of the Southern Cameroons National Council and the 2003 petition mainly for secession to the African Commission. One remains an oozing sore, with all possibilities of opening up into a running sore anytime – the 1972 referendum for the switch to unitarism that gave national destiny a decisively Francophone tilt. Anglophones contend Article 47 of the Federal Constitution guaranteed permanence of status beyond even the power of a referendum and that abolishing federalism entitled them to assert independence from the union. Against these, however, are surefire pro-Francophone arguments: the ‘Francophone spirit’ of the text and the agreed superiority of the French language, which stacked the odds against Anglophones even from the start.
7
Langbehn, Volker. "Ferdinand Oyono's Flüchtige Spur Tundi Ondua and Germany's Cameroon." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 1 (January 2013): 142–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.1.142.
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Almost anyone who reads ferdinand oyono's une vie de boy (1956) in any language will conclude that the novel focuses on French colonialism. But is it only about colonialism by the French? An analysis of the many German resonances throughout the text—as well as an engagement with the German translation of Une vie de boy—suggests that it is about much more. Oyono's Une vie de boy enables the reader to reflect on Europan colonialism more broadly beyond the role of France. The novel offers a lens onto Germany's colonial history because Cameroon was a former colonial “protectorate” of the German empire. This historical context, therefore, places Une vie de boy in both national and transnational contexts. While my reading addresses possible connections or similarities between French and German colonialism, the publication in German itself adds an important layer to the understanding of Une vie de boy in Germany. In consideration of the political activism of the novel's German publisher, Johann (Hans) Fladung (1898-1982), the publication of Oyono's novel can be read as a criticism of German historiography in the 1950s, which frequently avoided Germany's colonial history, a history that has been linked with the crimes of the Holocaust (Zimmerer).
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Daheur, Jawad. "‘They Handle Negroes Just Like Us’: German Colonialism in Cameroon in the Eyes of Poles (1885–1914)." European Review 26, no. 3 (June 11, 2018): 492–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000194.
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This paper explores the Polish opinion about German colonialism in Africa in connection with the perception of Prussian rule ‘at home’. In late Imperial Germany, Prussian Poles tended to look at the German ventures in Africa with a very critical eye. Their interest in Cameroonian issues was due to the fact that both Poles and Cameroonians were facing the same difficulties at the same time, namely German attempts to eliminate local languages in schools and to take control of the lands. By establishing a link between Polish and Cameroonian suffering, Polish patriots wanted to make Poles aware of their political, economic and cultural subjection within a global context. In a certain way, this counter-hegemonic narration was supposed to deprovincialise the ‘Polish issue’ and make it part of the broader struggle against German imperial power. The Poles, however, did not support independence for Cameroon. They used the Cameroonian issues mainly polemically in order to advance their own cause in imperial Germany.
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Hofer, Jan, Holger Busch, Iva Poláčková Šolcová, and Peter Tavel. "Relationship Between Subjectively Evaluated Health and Fear of Death Among Elderly in Three Cultural Contexts." International Journal of Aging and Human Development 84, no. 4 (January 10, 2017): 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091415016685331.
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It is often argued that declining health in elderly people makes death more salient and threatening. However, we argue that health, optimism, and social support interact to predict fear of death in samples from Cameroon, the Czech Republic, and Germany. Low health was associated with enhanced fear of death for participants who received only little social support. As the measure of optimism did not comply with psychometric requirements in the Cameroonian sample, the three-way interaction was tested only in the Czech and German samples. It was found that the two-way interaction was further qualified by optimism in that low health was associated with enhanced fear of death for participants with little social support unless they reported pronounced optimism. Thus, internal and external resources, respectively, can serve to buffer the effect of declining health on the fear of death in the elderly.
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Fru, Raymond Nkwenti, and Johan Wassermann. "Constructions of Identity in Cameroonian History Textbooks in Relation to the Reunification of Cameroon." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2020.120203.
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This article explores the representation of identity in selected Anglophone and Francophone Cameroonian history textbooks via their coverage of the reunification of Cameroon. A far-reaching effect of the 1916 Anglo-French partition of German Cameroon and of the reunification of the territory in 1961 is that, in spite of the plurality of precolonial identities, it is the legacies of Anglo-French colonial heritage that seem to be the overwhelming identity indicators in contemporary Cameroon. This content analysis found that the Anglophone history textbook presented a clear Anglophone identity which stood in conflict with the identity promoted by the Francophone textbook, which was characterized by national and colonial Francophone assimilationism. Such representations suggest that the Cameroonian nation state as a colonial geopolitical construct is more imagined than real.
11
Mullen, J. G. "An Extract from ‘My Experience in Cameroons during the War’." Africa 78, no. 3 (August 2008): 401–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000247.
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It was on the night of the 11th August 1914, when news of a great war in Europe reached us at Mbua2 (a town in the South Cameroons, about nine weeks or more from Duala,3 (or Kribbi) and that preparations were being made between the allied forces of the British and French for a war with the Germans in the Cameroons. Being a native of Cape Coast and a British subject employed in an English factory,4 it occurred to me that I would fare badly at the hands of either the German soldiers or the natives should this news be authentic. The inevitable trend of events was evident if war really broke out, the natives being mostly cannibals, would attack all aliens, irrespective of race or colour and eat their flesh before any assistance from the German Government could be obtained. My agent was stationed at Njassi,5 four days from Mbua, and until I heard from him, my sole duty was to remain at my place. There was hardly any signs of agitation noticeable in Mbua between the 12th and 14th August, but on the 15th August, but on the 15th the natives could be seen running hither and thither, with spears in their hands, removing their belongings to the bush, mysteriously disappearing and returning in a similar manner, with a seeming stern resolve to finally eradicate all foreigners. These wild ignorant people had long waited for this with wariness, and nothing could afford them a better chance than such an event. In a short time the whole country was thrown into a state of commotion so that by the 18th instant no woman or child could be seen in the town of Mbua except the men who appear and disappear concocting dangerous schemes, with surprising secrecy. Besides myself in Mbua there were the following clerks: two Kwitta6 clerks with 26 yard boys, five Cameroon native clerks with 30 yard boys and two Gabon clerks with 6 yard boys. I had ten yard boys. All these people were concerned with the safety of their stores and preparing some means of defence, should the natives attack us. On the 20th August I received a note from my boss intimating that he had been arrested by the German authorities, and his stores commandeered and, that sooner or later, a similar treatment would be meted out to me, so I closed up my accounts, and gave up myself to contemplation of the future. The natives in the meantime, were blackmailing and marauding traders in the outlying villages, but hesitated to take any other important steps. The reason assigned to this, apparently was they were waiting till the German forces had passed to meet the French troops, who were proceeding from Molando Nola7 etc. News reached us of the doings of the natives at Ndelele,8 Bisom, Deligoni9 etc, and it made the heart quail to see thousands of loads of goods, stores, etc and several traders passing down to Dume10 station to seek refuge. One by one my boys deserted me, until by the 23rd August only three remained with me, ultimately even these three boys would not remain in the yard, and I was left alone with the arduous task of looking after the factory which contained goods to the amount of over £2000. Grim despair stared me in the face, and I lost my equilibrium for want of sleep. During the day, I took snatches of sleep, and at nights I kept watch and took precaution to safe guard myself against an attack from the natives. Several petty stores in Mbua were plundered by the natives; on the 26th August the German troops passed. An appeal for protection was made by all the traders to the German officers, but they were told to take care of themselves. The natives fled to the bush on the arrival of the German troops, and the German officers incensed at this action, ordered their houses to be burnt down, and their cattle seized. Next day the troops proceeded on their way. Nothing of importance happened to break the tension that ensued between the 26th and 28th but on the 30th but on the 30th on a dark and chilly night, I was awakened from a reverie by a slight noise at the back of the store. Being prepared for any emergency of the kind I took a large cudgel and cautiously walked to the back of the house whence the sound proceeded. As I anticipated, a man was strenuously working to force an entrance into the store. Near him lay a battle axe and other dangerous implements, and at the sight of me, he rose and taking a heavy stone flung it at me. It hit me forcibly on the knee, and inflicted a most excruciating pain, suppressing a groan I sprang at him, and dealt him a heavy blow with my cudgel. He staggered back but closed up with me again. I threw away the cudgel and in a moment we were engaged in a deadly contest. Nothing could be more horrible than the deadly means with which he sought to overcome me. He was a heavy man but by no means a good fighter. He hit out viciously, desperately but aimlessly, while I concentrated every effort to bring him to the ground. We swayed together, to and fro, locked in a tight embrace, but with an ability, which I afterwards failed to conceive, I wrenched myself from him and dealt him a blow right above the abdomen. With a loud yell he turned and fled. Pursuit was useless, so gathering up his tools, I took them to the house and repaired the damage which he had done to my store. Since then I was wont to be more vigilant than ever. Friends far and near, urged upon me to escape, giving as their reasons, that I was a British subject and working for an English firm. At first, I seriously considered their advice, but on maturer consideration, I deemed it imprudent to go away and leave the store unguarded. So I determined to stay through thick and thin. I may here cite one remarkable letter which I received in connection with this matter. It ran thus:- ‘Don’t be a silly ass and say your sense of duty forces you to stay and protect your store. You know how unreasonable the Germans are, and what would be your fate, should you fall into their hands. Your only chance lies in escaping, and I believe the greatest crime one can commit against nature is to be obstinate and refuse a chance in the face of a disaster. You are committing that offence now, and your guardian angel may be looking down upon you with pity and contempt for your act of folly. For goodness sake go, and may luck attend you.' To this and other subsequent letters I briefly replied thanking the writers for their advice and stating that I considered it injudicious to act upon them. One by one all the traders removed from Mbua, so that by the end of August only three important stores remained, including mine. About the 11th September, I received another note from my boss intimating that he was being sent down to Ajoa,11th September, I received another note from my boss intimating that he was being sent down to Ajoa,11 as a prisoner of war, by the Germans, and that I should follow at once. I dare not go, without the sanction of the German Government and I wrote to say so. On the 22nd September, however, a German official with three soldiers arrived to commandeer my store. This official first asked for the key of the safe which I handed to him. When I called his attention to the goods in the store, he said the best thing he could think of was to set fire to the goods, and put me inside to burn with them. ‘Dem be shit cargo, and I no get no time for count dem!’ he said, and then with a vehemence which alarmed me, this great German cursed me, the English, and everything connected with the English, and emphasised his words by kicking the breakable articles in the store. This caused me to giggle, but unfortunately he looked up and saw me in this act, and after that he administered heavy blows and kicks to me, he ordered the soldiers to bind me up, and keep me in custody. I soon found myself in the hands of these unscrupulous soldiers, whose cruelty was proverbial throughout South Cameroons. All day they goaded me to pain and anger. They were indeed painfully jocular; they tickled me, pelted at me with stones, ordered me to lick the dirty soles of their boots, and to do all sorts of un-nameable things. The officer stood by in calm indifference to my sufferings; my mute anger grew till I felt I must choke; an innocent person kept in captivity for the populace to stare at, might feel as I felt. These torments continued all day and the least reluctance on my part to comply with their requests was rewarded with whips and kicks. In addition to this, the cord with which I was bound gnawed into my flesh and inflicted a pain beyond description. I cried aloud in my agony for forbearance and the louder I cried out the more the soldiers jeered at me. Gradually I lost consciousness, and then all became still blackness. When I recovered consciousness, the German officer was bending over me, and I was unbound. My hands were very much swollen; this officer, after a short reproof full of venomous invectives handed me a passport to Ajoa, and ordered me to provision myself for the journey, I made up two loads and that very night I left Mbua with my boys.12 Great was my thankfulness to God for my wonderful deliverance from a torturing death, and from the hands of these wicked people, and as I repeated the ‘magnificat’ the only song of thankfulness that I could think of at the moment I said my last farewell to Mbua.
12
Delancey, Mark D. "The Spread of the Sooro." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 71, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 168–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2012.71.2.168.
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The Sooro, the pillared entrance hall to the majority of palaces now existing in northern Cameroon, is an important index of political change in this region. The Spread of the Sooro: Symbols of Power in the Sokoto Caliphate traces the proliferation of sooroji from the time that Fulbe conquerors incorporated this region within the Sokoto caliphate in the early nineteenth century until Cameroon’s independence in 1960. The status of Fulbe rulers who conquered the region was not high enough to employ the political symbolism of the sooro, but the use of this building type spread quickly after German colonial borders separated northern Cameroon from the rest of the caliphate in 1901. Eventually the form expanded beyond the boundaries of the Fulbe and spread among non-Fulbe rulers. By explaining the changes in the form and political symbolism of the sooro, Mark DeLancey argues that it was a symbol of power spread in direct relation to the loss of real political power of rulers in colonial northern Cameroon.
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Iyob, Ruth. "VICTOR T. LE VINE." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001472.
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Victor T. Le Vine, professor emeritus of political science, analyst, and commentator, died on May 7, 2010, after a brief illness. Le Vine, an only son, was born in Berlin in 1928. His family fled Nazi Germany and lived in France until they immigrated to the United States in 1938. A polyglot, fluent in French, German, and Russian, he was a rigorous researcher, a dedicated teacher, and an encyclopedic repository of classical works in politics, history, literature, and music. He mentored hundreds of graduate and undergraduate students in his 47 years as an academic and was known for using his multilingual skills and photographic memory to make every class lecture come alive—at times accompanying them with his vivid newspaper clippings that he collected from his travels. In his classroom, the politics of the postcolonial world were peppered with vignettes of his experiences as a participant observer in the heyday of Africa's decolonization. He shared with his students the emergence of the political systems of diverse countries such as Benin, Cameroon, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Eritrea, Ghana, France, Israel, the PRC, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Zaire (DRC).
14
Lyall, Andrew. "Early German Legal Anthropology: Albert Hermann Post and His Questionnaire." Journal of African Law 52, no. 1 (March 20, 2008): 114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855308000053.
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AbstractAlbert Hermann Post (1839–95) is an almost forgotten figure in the history of legal anthropology, yet he was the first anthropologist to propose the study of the legal relations of indigenous peoples. His questionnaire is presented here in English for the first time. It was distributed in the 1890s and the answers, from Cameroon, Mali, Western Sudan, Uganda, German East Africa, German South West Africa, Madagascar, and the Solomon and Marshall Islands, were published by Steinmetz in 1903, after Post's death. The questionnaire gives an insight into the state of German anthropology at the time and, however naïve the method, the answers provide in many cases the only written evidence for the period on the societies studied. This article also considers Hildebrandt's reassessment of Post and gives an account of the circumstances leading up to the distribution of Josef Kohler's later questionnaire.
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Ermilov, Sergey G., and Hartmut H. Koehler. "New data on oribatid mites (Acari, Oribatida) of Cameroon: results of the Joint German-Cameroonian scientific expedition (April 2016)." Systematic and Applied Acarology 22, no. 12 (December 20, 2017): 2233. http://dx.doi.org/10.11158/saa.22.12.13.
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The present study is based on oribatid mite material (Acari, Oribatida) collected in 2016 from herbaceous-grassy vegetation from a ReviTec site, University of Ngaoundéré, Cameroon. A list of identified taxa, including 29 species from 23 genera and 12 families, is provided; of these, one species is new to science, one species (Pseudoamerioppia barrancensis) is recorded in the Ethiopian region for the first time, and all other species are recorded in Cameroon for the first time. A new subgenus of the genus Pilizetes Sellnick, 1937 (Galumnidae), Pilizetes (Pseudopilizetes) Ermilov subgen. nov., with type species Pilizetes (Pseudopilizetes) camerunensis Ermilov sp. nov., is described. The new subgenus differs from Pilizetes (Pilizetes) by the presence of setiform notogastral setae, a complete dorsosejugal suture and bothridial setae with unilaterally dilated heads.
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Ngara, Christopher Ochanja, and Albert T. Sam-Tsokwa. "Executive-Legislative Relations in Nigeria’s Management of the Border Crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon: The Case of the ICJ Ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p61.
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This paper examines Executive-Legislative relations in Nigeria’s management of the border crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon with special focus on the ICJ ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula. Using both primary and secondary data, the paper traced the root cause of the border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon on the Bakassi Pennisula to colonial legacy of arbitrary boundary demarcation by erstwhile colonial powers, namely; Britain, Germany and France. The border crisis resulted in a protracted litigation and eventually culminated in the ICJ ruling which awarded the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon in 2002. The executive and the National Assembly which share constitutional responsibilities in external relations could not forge a common policy agenda on the matter. In many instance, both arms of government appeared confused and bereft of ideas to handle situation. The lack of consistent and coherent policy framework on the matter stemmed from inexperience and lack of political will on the part of the National Assembly as well as frequent conflict and mistrust between the two arms of government. Consequently, the Executive arm of government handed over the disputed territory to Cameroon without the approval of the National Assembly. The paper concludes that the Executive and the Legislature in Nigeria should see their roles in government as complimentary and always put national interest above other considerations.
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Tazanu, Primus M. "Communication technologies and legitimate consumption: making sense of healthcare remittances in Cameroonian transnational relationships." Africa 88, no. 2 (May 2018): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972017000961.
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AbstractResearch on the significance of the mobile phone and internet in transnational family relationships shows that these media provide direct platforms for negotiating remittances. My interest in this article is not so much in how they are used to coordinate and channel money home as in their appropriation to meet expectations of reciprocity. The article draws from field narratives collected among Cameroonians in Germany and in Cameroon to reveal contestations over what can be described as legitimate consumption within the Cameroonian transnational social sphere. Underlying the arguments in this article is my observation that direct communication within the Cameroonian transnational sphere is beset by so much mistrust, discontent and uncertainty that remitters must specify what they are remitting money for. Healthcare in Cameroon is considered an expenditure that is worthy of migrants' financial support.
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Thomas, Guy. "Retrieving Hidden Traces of the Intercultural Past: An Introduction to Archival Resources in Cameroon, with Special Reference to the Central Archives of the Presbyterian Church in Cameroon." History in Africa 25 (1998): 427–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172199.
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Towards the end of 1886 four missionaries set foot on Cameroonian soil in the harbor of Douala. They were representatives of the Switzerland based Basel Mission (BM) who had arrived to take over from the pioneers of Christian mission work in Cameroon, the British Baptists, two years after this part of west-central Africa had been brought under German colonial rule in 1884. Their challenge was founded on the key objectives of consolidating and expanding the web of christian communities which had been established along the Atlantic coast north of the Wouri estuary.Today, just over 110 years later, traces of the Basel Mission's enterprise are widely spread over the Anglophone South West and North West Provinces of Cameroon. These remnants of the past have been partly reshaped to suit the specific patterns of church activities and administration among their African target groups; partly they have been effaced through the erosive impact of time. But only partly, for numerous episodes and aspects of this chapter on religious and social history are well documented both in substantial collections of records and in several publications.
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Weiss, Holger. "The Illegal Trade in Slaves from German Northern Cameroon to British Northern Nigeria." African Economic History, no. 28 (2000): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601652.
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Lang, Michael Kpughe. "Christian mission agencies and the question of slavery in German Cameroon, 1884-1916." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v6i3.1.
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Blackshire-Belay, Carol Aisha. "German Imperialism in Africa The Distorted Images of Cameroon, Namibia, Tanzania, and Togo." Journal of Black Studies 23, no. 2 (December 1992): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479202300207.
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Kam Kah, Henry. "“Come-no-go/l’ennemi…dans la maison”: Reflections on the Lingoes of Conflict in Cameroon’s Urban History." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 7, no. 1 (July 8, 2019): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v7i1.185.
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The re-introduction of multi-party politics and the liberalisation of politics in Cameroon during the 1990s unleashed a venomous language of conflict in some cities. In the coastal region, the expression of “come-no-go,” synonymous to a dreaded skin disease, was/is frequently used to denigrate people from the grassfields of the country. Many were descendants of migrants to the commercial plantations established by the Germans. Meanwhile, the archbishop of Yaounde at the time called Anglophones “l’ennemi dans…la maison” or “enemies in the house.” This followed the launching of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) party in Bamenda against a government ban. This article examines the power of derogatory language in Cameroon’s urban space. Lingoes of conflict and segregation have denigrated some people and remain a challenge to national unity and integration in Cameroon since the reunification of 1961.
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Busch, Holger, and Jan Hofer. "A Picture Story Exercise Set in a German and a Cameroonian Sample." European Journal of Psychological Assessment 28, no. 2 (November 2012): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1015-5759/a000100.
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Building on a recent study by Schultheiss, Liening, and Schad (2008 ), we examined the internal consistency, retest reliability, sample-level profile stability, and ipsative stability of a Picture Story Exercise (PSE) measure for implicit achievement, affiliation, and power motive. While Schultheiss et al. (2008 ) examined these indices by administering eight picture cues to students with 2 weeks between assessment occasions, in the present study adult samples from Germany (n = 129) and Cameroon (n = 122) provided data on five picture cues at two assessment times 18 months apart. Despite these differences, reliability indices are comparable to those presented by Schultheiss and colleagues: Internal consistency is low, but retest reliability and ipsative stability are in the expected range. The reliability of the PSE is also discussed and compared to the reliability of self-report and other non-self-report measures.
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Schusser, Carsten, Max Krott, Mbolo C. Yufanyi Movuh, Jacqueline Logmani, Rosan R. Devkota, Ahmad Maryudi, and Manjola Salla. "Comparing community forestry actors in Cameroon, Indonesia, Namibia, Nepal and Germany." Forest Policy and Economics 68 (July 2016): 81–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forpol.2016.03.001.
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Agbor, Avitus A., and Esther E. Njieassam. "Beyond the Contours of Normally Acceptable Political Violence: Is Cameroon a Conflict/Transitional Society in the Offing?" Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (May 21, 2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a4961.
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Legal scholars and other social scientists agree that political violence comprising assaults on civil and political liberties may occur in the context of contentious politics. Unfortunately, there have been instances in history where such politics is marked by intermittent attacks against people's rights and freedoms. Such attacks occur when politics has gone sour, and there are times when the violence exceeds the bounds of what is acceptable. From the documented atrocities of Nazi Germany, the horrendous crimes of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic in the former Yugoslavia, the outrageous crimes perpetrated during the genocide in Rwanda, the shameful and despicable inhumanities inflicted on the people of Darfur in the Sudan, and the violence in post-electoral Kenya, to the bloodshed in areas like Mali, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, etc, violent conflict has punctuated world history. Added to this list of countries is Cameroon, which in the last quarter of 2016 degenerated into a hotspot of political violence in the English-speaking regions. The perpetration of political violence in Cameroon has raised serious questions that may be relevant not only to the resolution of the political problem that gave rise to the violence but also to laying the foundations of a post-conflict Cameroon that is united and honours the principles of truth, justice and reconciliation.
This paper describes some of the salient occurrences of political violence in Cameroon and argues that the presence of specific elements elevates this violence to the level of a serious crime in international law. It is argued herein that crimes against humanity may have been committed during the state action against the Anglophones in Cameroon. It is also argued that the political character of the violence, added to the scale of the victimisation and its systematic and protracted nature, qualify Cameroon as a transitional society engaged in conflict that is in need of transitional justice.
Reflecting on the extent of the suffering of the victims of such political violence, this paper discusses the function of the justice system in establishing the truth and holding the perpetrators accountable. Past instances of political violence in Cameroon have been glossed over, but in our opinion, healing a fragmented and disunited Cameroon with its history of grave violations of human rights requires that the perpetrators be held accountable, and that truth and justice should prevail. Such considerations should be factored into the legal and political architecture of a post-conflict, transitional Cameroon.
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Kalistratov, Andrey. "Africa of the beginning of the 20th century in the notes and epistolary of the German physician Ludwig Kühlz." INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE WORLD, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46725/iw.2020.3.5.
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The article analyzes the notes and letters of the doctor of medicine Ludwig Külz, who from 1902 to 1913 worked as a doctor in the West African German colonies of Togoland and Cameroon. The methodical and methodological bases of the work are theories and research tools of relatively new disciplines of intelligentsia studies and imagology. L. Kühlz is considered by the author as a typical representative of the autonomous social and intellectual colonial community, and the images formed around him about Africa and its inhabitants as a result that reflects the complex processes of modernization of the German Second empire and personal education, which were significantly influenced by education and medical practice the activities of the author, the source studied. The article concludes that the views of L. Kühlz fit into the colonial discourse traditional for his time. The readiness of this doctor of medicine to endure the hardships of African service in the name of the German Empire, to bear the burden of culture of the white man through the treatment of the natives and their enlightenment, was combined with paternalism towards local residents and a sense of superiority over them, in which grains of racism were sometimes seen.
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Awasom, Susana Yene. "Institutionalizing accrual budgeting and accounting through a uniform legislation: Une expérience á la Camerounaise." Tékhne 16, no. 1 (November 17, 2018): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tekhne-2019-0002.
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Abstract This paper traces the use of accrual accounting in a tradition where a uniform code-based accounting chart is imposed on all levels of government. Operating within a hybrid of Franco-German and Anglo-Saxon accounting heritage, local government in Cameroon experienced some hurdles in practicing accrual accounting for over a decade. It becomes therefore pertinent to examine the motivation towards the move to accrual accounting and the extent to which accrual data is used for financial reporting and decision-making. The study is hinged on a triangulation in qualitative research, with a case study, interviews and documentary analysis. New Public Management and the institutional theories are used as a framework to broaden the understanding of the practice of accrual as an accounting choice underpinning reforms in the Cameroon public sector. It was revealed in this study that the normative and coercive isomorphic pressures influenced the adoption and practice of accruals in councils. In order to appear legitimate and for fear of being sanctioned, council authorities had to produce some accrual-based financial reports at all cost, even though these reports were hardly used for management decisions making.
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Ikomey, George Mondinde, Marie Claire Okomo Assoumou, Josiah Otwoma Gichana, Duncan Njenda, Sello Given Mikasi, Martha Mesembe, Emilia Lyonga, and Graeme Brendon Jacobs. "Observed HIV drug resistance associated mutations amongst naïve immunocompetent children in Yaoundé, Cameroon." Germs 7, no. 4 (December 2017): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18683/germs.2017.1124.
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Teiser, Johanna, Bettina Lamm, Mirjam Böning, Frauke Graf, Helene Gudi, Claudia Goertz, Ina Fassbender, et al. "Deferred imitation in 9-month-olds." International Journal of Behavioral Development 38, no. 3 (April 9, 2014): 247–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025413513706.
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Studies investigating imitation are usually conducted with adult models in Western contexts; therefore, the influence of cultural context and the model’s age on infants' imitation is largely unknown. This study assessed deferred imitation in 9-month-old infants from the German middle-class ( N = 44) and the ethnic group of Nso in rural Cameroon ( N = 43). Infants either received an adult or an older child as a model. Moreover, the test material comprised varying degrees of target action difficulty. Across cultures and target actions infants imitated more when an adult model demonstrated the target actions. However, results revealed that infants did not show an adult model advantage for easier target actions, but only for those that were considered more difficult.
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Bayart, Jean-François. "Religious Conflict and the Evolution of Language Policy in German and French Cameroon, 1885-1939." Social Sciences and Missions 24, no. 1 (2011): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489411x557505.
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Doh, Gilbert, Edwin Mkong, George Mondinde Ikomey, Adetayo Emmanuel Obasa, Martha Mesembe, Charles Fokunang, and Graeme Brendon Jacobs. "Preinvasive cervical lesions and high prevalence of human papilloma virus among pregnant women in Cameroon." GERMS 11, no. 1 (March 15, 2021): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18683/germs.2021.1243.
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Mal Mazou, Oumarou. "Fulani Oral Literature and (Un)translatability: The Case of Northern Cameroon Mbooku Poems." Territoires, histoires, mémoires 28, no. 1-2 (October 23, 2017): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041652ar.
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This paper sets out to examine the translatability of Fulani oral poetry from Northern Cameroon, especially the mbooku genre, in a literary perspective. The corpus is gathered from selected oral poems that were transcribed and translated into German, English and French by different translators. The study reveals that it is possible to translate Fulani poems into European languages so that the target texts perform the same literary functions as the source texts, in spite of linguistic and cultural difficulties that occur during the transfer process. Thus, the author proposes a retranslation in which the content meets the form, taking into account some patterns of European modern poetry. He therefore advocates for retranslations of these poems from a purely literary perspective and would like to see translation studies focus more on the primary source of African orality.
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Demuth, Carolin, Heidi Keller, and Relindis D. Yovsi. "Cultural models in communication with infants: Lessons from Kikaikelaki, Cameroon and Muenster, Germany." Journal of Early Childhood Research 10, no. 1 (April 21, 2011): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476718x11403993.
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KELLER, HEIDI, MONIKA ABELS, BETTINA LAMM, RELINDIS D. YOVSI, SUSANNE VOELKER, and ARUNA LAKHANI. "Ecocultural Effects on Early Infant Care: A Study in Cameroon, India, and Germany." Ethos 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 512–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/eth.2005.33.4.512.
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VAN BEEK, WALTER E. A. "INTENSIVE SLAVE RAIDING IN THE COLONIAL INTERSTICE: HAMMAN YAJI AND THE MANDARA MOUNTAINS (NORTH CAMEROON AND NORTH-EASTERN NIGERIA)." Journal of African History 53, no. 3 (November 2012): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000461.
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ABSTRACTA rare document, the diary of a slave raider, offers a unique view into the sociopolitical situation at the turn of the nineteenth century in the colonial backwater of North Cameroon. The Fulbe chief in question, Hamman Yaji, not only kept a diary, but was by far the most notorious slave raider of the Mandara Mountains. This article supplements the data from his diary with oral histories and archival sources to follow the dynamics of the intense slave raiding he engaged in. This frenzy of slaving occurred in a ‘colonial interstice’ characterized by competition between three colonial powers – the British, the Germans and the French, resilient governing structures in a region poorly controlled by colonial powers, and the unclear boundaries of the Mandara Mountains. The dynamics of military technology and the economics of this ‘uncommon market’ in slaves form additional factors in this episode in the history of slavery in Africa. These factors account for the general situation of insecurity due to slave raiding in the area, to which Hamman Yaji was an exceptionally atrocious contributor. In the end a religious movement, Mahdism, stimulated the consolidation of colonial power, ending Yaji's regime, which in all its brutality provides surprising insight in the early colonial situation in this border region between Nigeria and Cameroon.
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Geschiere, Peter. "Regional Shifts—Marginal Gains and Ethnic Stereotypes." African Studies Review 50, no. 2 (September 2007): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2007.0094.
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Abstract:This article addresses the question as to how Jane Guyer's seminal explorations of special traits of West African economies in Marginal Gains (2004) can help us understand variations within the region. This question acquires some urgency—for instance in the Cameroonian context, but elsewhere also—since the dimensions she emphasizes (reciprocity, gain, rank) play a crucial role in quite vicious ethnic stereotypes that increasingly dominate people's perceptions of economic developments. The challenge may be, therefore, to determine how an analysis in terms of disjunctures as an asset for marginal gains can steer clear of the ethnic stereotypes through which people themselves perceive discontinuities in everyday life. Starting from the historical example of the wild-rubber boom in southern Cameroon under German rule (1890–1913) and its chaotic effects at the local level, the article considers how Arjun Appadurai's notion of “tournaments of value” might help us understand such variations.
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Briggs, John, and Charles W. Weber. "International Influences and Baptist Missions in West Cameroon: German-American Endeavor under International Mandate and British Colonialism." Journal of Religion in Africa 26, no. 2 (May 1996): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581456.
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Silverman, Raymond A., and Christraud M. Geary. "Images from Bamum: German Colonial Photography at the Court of King Njoya, Cameroon, West Africa, 1902-1915." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (1989): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219227.
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Ross, Doran H., and Christraud M. Geary. "Images from Bamum: German Colonial Photography at the Court of King Njoya Cameroon, West Africa, 1902-1915." African Arts 22, no. 4 (August 1989): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336656.
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Webb, Virginia-lee. "Images of Bamum: German Colonial Photography at the Court of King Njoya, Cameroon, West Africa, 1902-1915." African Arts 22, no. 1 (November 1988): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336696.
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Hofer, Jan, Athanasios Chasiotis, and Domingo Campos. "Congruence between social values and implicit motives: effects on life satisfaction across three cultures." European Journal of Personality 20, no. 4 (June 2006): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.590.
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This study examines the relationship between implicit motives for intimacy‐affiliation and power, explicit value orientations, and life satisfaction. The Satisfaction With Life Scale, the Schwartz Value Survey, and a bias‐free TAT‐type picture‐story‐test were administered to 319 adult participants in Cameroon, Costa Rica, and Germany. The stories were coded for motive imagery reflecting needs for intimacy‐affiliation and power. Based on motives associated with the domain intimacy‐affiliation, the results revealed that an alignment of implicit motives and self‐attributed values is associated with an enhanced life satisfaction across cultures. In contrast, no such relationship could be found for motives and values associated with the domain of power. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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PA–NIK, GRZEGORZ. "Taxonomy and phylogeny of the World species of the genus Ischnopoda Stephens, 1837(Coleoptera, Staphylinidae: Aleocharinae)." Zootaxa 1179, no. 1 (April 21, 2006): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1179.1.1.
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The World species of the genus Ischnopoda, Stephens are revised and the genus is redefined. The genera Amanota Casey and Rechota Sharp are considered as new synonyms of Ischnopoda. The revised Ischnopoda includes thirty-eight species, 13 of which are described as new: Ischnopoda assingi sp. n., I. boliviana sp. n., I. brasiliana sp. n., I. chilensis sp. n., I. depressa sp. n., I. drugmandi sp. n., I. lingshani sp. n., I. nebulosa sp. n., I. pretiosa sp. n., I. pseudobasalis sp. n., I. rugosa sp. n., I. schuelkei sp. n. and I. spissata sp. n. The following new synonymies are proposed (each first name being valid): Ischnopoda basalis (Cameron, 1923) = Amanota bimarginata Pace, 1996, syn. n.; I. capensis (Casey, 1906) = Falagria arachnipes Fauvel, 1907, syn. n. = Amanota densicollis Pace, 1986, syn. n. = A. rufobrunnea Tottenham, 1957, syn. n.; Ischnopoda rudicollis (Bernhauer, 1934) = Amanota purpurascens Tottenham, 1957, syn. n. = A. wittei Cameron, 1950, syn. n. The following synonym is confirmed: I. leucopus (Marsham, 1802) = Tachyusa chalybea Erichson, 1839. Lectotypes are designated for Amanota capensis Casey, A. semiopaca Cameron, Ischnopoda subaenea Eppelsheim, Rechota impressa Sharp, Staphylinus leucopus Marsham, Tachyusa abyssina Bernhauer, T. burgeoni Bernhauer, T. chalybea Erichson, T. fissicollis Fairmaire et Germain, T. rudicollis Bernhauer, T. scitula Erichson, T. seticornis Sharp, T. sparsa Sharp and T. umbratica Erichson. Twenty-one species are given in new combination. All species are briefly described/redescribed and illustrated. An identification key to the World species of Ischnopoda is provided. A phylogeny of thirty-eight species belonging to the genus Ischnopoda is proposed, based on fifty-two morphological characters. The cladistic analysis provides a single most parsimonious tree. The genus Ischnopoda is redefined and species group are introduced and defined: leucopus group (eleven species), impressa group (nine species) and capensis group (eighteen species).
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Campfens, Evelien. "The Bangwa Queen: Artifact or Heritage?" International Journal of Cultural Property 26, no. 1 (February 2019): 75–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739119000043.
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Abstract:The return of cultural objects lost as a result of colonial rule is a controversial issue. A common response is: “it was legal at the time” and, therefore, not a legal issue. But is that so? This article argues that it is not a lack of legal norms that explains this belated discussion but, rather, the asymmetrical application of norms. Moreover, a human rights law approach, focusing on the heritage aspect of cultural objects for people today—instead of a sole focus on property title—offers useful tools to structure this field. To illustrate these points, a case concerning an African ancestral sculpture today known as the “Bangwa Queen” will be assessed on its merits under international law. The Bangwa Queen is of spiritual importance to the Bangwa, a people indigenous to the western part of Cameroon. She was taken as part of a collection of so-calledlefemfigures by German colonizers in 1899 and is currently part of a French museum collection.
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Jansen, Petra, Jennifer Lehmann, and Christoph Tafelmeier. "Motor and Visual-spatial Cognition Development in Primary School-Aged Children in Cameroon and Germany." Journal of Genetic Psychology 179, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00221325.2017.1415201.
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Kosack, Godula. "Orosz, Kenneth J.: Religious Conflict and the Evolution of Language Policy in German and French Cameroon, 1885–1939." Anthropos 104, no. 1 (2009): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2009-1-243.
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Ekechi, Felix K., and Charles W. Weber. "International Influences and Baptist Mission in West Cameroon: German- American Missionary Endeavor under International Mandate and British Colonialism." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168087.
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Pierard, Richard V., and Charles W. Weber. "International Influences and Baptist Missions in West Cameroon: German-American Missionary Endeavor under International Mandate and British Colonialism." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 1 (1995): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221312.
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Lehmann, Jennifer, and Steven Baker. "Reflections on an international exchange experience in Germany." Children Australia 34, no. 4 (2009): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1035077200000833.
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International travel has long been associated with opening and expanding the minds of those who travel; and exposure to differences in culture, language and environment often has profound effects. Academic travel—visiting an international college or university for the purposes of teaching and learning—adds an additional layer of experience, resulting in exposure to research and teaching which is being filtered and reinterpreted through a different cultural lens. In this reflective commentary, we discuss a number of experiences encountered on a two week academic study trip to Coburg, Germany, in June this year—but first, a description of our travelling party and impressions of the Bavarian region.We were a party of four from the School of Social Work and Social Policy at La Trobe University, Bendigo Campus—Jennifer returning for a second visit to Coburg University after six years; Steven, a Year 4 Social Work Honours student ready for adventure in an already packed year of activity; Matthew Holmes, an Aboriginal graduate now working for the Department of Sustainability and Environment in Bendigo; and Catherine Cameron, a Year 3 student who was making her first journey outside of Australia. It was early summer in Europe with the fields and trees a lush green, crops growing thickly, the market places smelling of field strawberries and colourful flowers, white asparagus wonderfully juicy and tasty, and NZ apples everywhere! We were generously accommodated by the staff and students of the Social Work course at Coburg University and, in particular, Tina and Nadine provided constant assistance with translation on our visits, which ensured full appreciation of both pleasure activities and for study and teaching purposes.
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Mukete, Nayombe Moto Theophilus. "History of economic development and forest land-use in the Fako-Meme forest region of Cameroon." Journal of Geology, Geography and Geoecology 28, no. 3 (October 12, 2019): 572–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/111954.
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The article is devoted to investigating a number of issues within the forest landscape of the Fako-Meme, south west region of Cameroon. An assessment of the history of economic development and use of forest in the studied territory was carried out. It was observed that the rate at which these forests are been hewn down for various purposes under the pretext of development leaves much to be desired. The deforestation of the forest with the attendant problems of resource degradation, environmental mutation is a cause for alarm. In order to understand the mutations taking place in the forest landscape, the history of forest use in 4 different periods: 1) the pre-colonial era (before the arrival of European explorers), (2) German colonial rule (1884-1916), (3) British colonial rule (1916-1961) and (4) Independence and post Independence Cameroon (1961-present day). It was observed that during the pre-colonial era the forest landscapes were very stable. Forest degradation in the territory started with the introduction of extensive mechanized agriculture introduced by the colonial masters through the opening of large agro-industrial plantations of rubber, palms and bananas. This forest ecological region suffers from a number of challenges. These problems were investigated in detail with proposals made for the sustainable management of forest resources in this forest ecosystem situated in the heart of the humid tropical region of the South West of Cameroon. These forests provide for a wide range of human needs ; medicine, timber , fuel wood, non- timber forest products (NTFPs), food crop production and cash crop cultivation. The pattern of land-use change in the Fako-Meme region was studied in three distinctive periods (1978, 2000 and 2015). The results revealed that anthropogenic activities have been systematically raping the forest landscapes so that the environments are only a skeleton or shadow of their former selves. This is an ecological region in which forest gives way to farmlands and plantations. In this respect, we see that what was a forest landscape in the past is now consisting of a succession of cocoa farms, palm, rubber as well as other economic cash crop plantations, with cocoa being the most important cash crop in the region. Evidence from our analysis reveals that this region has lost 42% of its forest cover within the period 1978-2015. This dynamic can be considered catastrophic. If this trend continues uninterruptedly in the region, then in 60-70 years, the Fako-Meme and the slopes of Mount Cameroon will remain without forest. It is easy to imagine the consequences of this. The study calls for urgent adaptive environmental strategies for the sustainable management of forest and its resources in the region.
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Njoh, Ambe J., and Liora Bigon. "Germany and the deployment of urban planning to create, reinforce and maintain power in colonial Cameroon." Habitat International 49 (October 2015): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2015.05.002.
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