To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: German Catholics.
Journal articles on the topic 'German Catholics'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'German Catholics.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Landry, Stan M. "That All May Be One? Church Unity and the German National Idea, 1866–1883." Church History 80, no. 2 (May 13, 2011): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000047.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the political unification of the German Empire in 1871, the longstanding confessional divide between German Catholics and Protestants persisted through the early Wilhelmine era. Because confessional identity and difference were pivotal to how Germans imagined a nation, the meaning of German national identity remained contested. But the formation of German national identity during this period was not neutral—confessional alterity and antagonism was used to imagine confessionally exclusive notions of German national identity. The establishment of a “kleindeutsch” German Empire under Prussian-Protestant hegemony, the anti-Catholic policies of the Kulturkampf, and the 1883 Luther anniversaries all conflated Protestantism with German national identity and facilitated the marginalization of German Catholics from early Wilhelmine society, culture, and politics. While scholars have recognized this “confessionalization of the German national idea” they have so far neglected how proponents of church unity imagined German national unity and identity. This paper examines how Ut Omnes Unum—an ecumenical group of German Catholics and Protestants—challenged the conflation of Protestantism and German national identity and instead proposed an inter-confessional notion of German national identity that was inclusive of both Catholics and Protestants.
2
Atherton, Ruth. "Peter Canisius and the Development of Catholic Education in Germany, 1549–97." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.19.
Full textAbstract:
The Jesuit Peter Canisius (1521–97) became widely respected as a catechist, pedagogue and preacher who worked tirelessly on behalf of the Catholic faith. Canisius's set of three catechisms – theLarge,SmallandSmaller– were the most popular and widely available Catholic catechisms in sixteenth-century Germany: by his death, at least 357 editions had appeared, in a number of languages. Employed in Catholic schools, churches and homes across the Holy Roman Empire, his catechisms have been interpreted as a direct response to the Protestant attack on Catholicism in Germany. However, the boundaries between Catholicism and heresy were not always clear to the laity. Drawing on examples from his catechisms and his approach to the Index of Prohibited Books, this article suggests that Canisius sought to promote a policy of inclusion among his fellow Catholics in a time of conflict and uncertainty. In recognizing the distinct nature of German Catholicism, Canisius advocated a tailored educational approach to contentious doctrines and practices. Directed towards the German laity, this approach taught the lesson of compromise and acceptance among those who identified as Catholic. The article adds to existing scholarship on Jesuit education, Canisius's contribution to the development of a German religious identity, Jesuit casuistry and the dissemination of religious knowledge in German society.
3
BRODIE, THOMAS. "Between ‘National Community’ and ‘Milieu’: German Catholics at War, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (May 29, 2017): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000169.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines German Catholics’ sense of community and identity during the Second World War. It analyses how far they were able to reconcile their religious faith with support for Nazism and the German war effort and questions the extent to which Catholicism in the Rhineland and Westphalia represented either a sealed confessional subculture or a homogenising Nazified ‘national community’ (Volksgemeinschaft). The article argues that, in their pure forms, neither of these analytical paradigms accounts for the complexities of German Catholics’ attitudes during this period, which were far more contested and diverse than outlined by much existing historiography. Religious socialisation, Nazi propaganda and older nationalist traditions shaped Catholics’ mentalities during the Third Reich, creating a spectrum of opinion concerning the appropriate relationship between these influences and loyalties. At the level of lived experience, Catholics’ memberships of religious and national communities revealed themselves to be highly compatible, a tendency which in turn exerted a restraining influence on church–state conflict in wartime Germany.
4
Griech-Polelle, Beth A. "The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906400066.
Full textAbstract:
The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany offers readers an elegantly written analysis of German Catholic subculture, or “milieu.” Ruff examines how it once successfully operated in the mid-nineteenth century and then explores why the same strategies failed to win the continued support of young Catholics in the postwar era of the Federal Republic. Ruff modifies the standard interpretation of the 1950s as a static time in German history, examines the impact of consumer culture on the Catholic subculture, and offers his own contribution to the theories of secularization.
5
Euchner, Eva-Maria, and Caroline Preidel. "Dropping the Curtain: The Religious-Secular Party Cleavage in German Morality Politics." Politics and Religion 11, no. 2 (March 8, 2018): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000694.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study examines the religious-secular party cleavage in German morality politics from a new perspective by tracing politicization patterns at the individual level. It builds on the idea of issue competition and explores whether conflicts between Christian Democrats and secular parties align with the traditional denominational divide between Catholics and non-Catholics or with religiosity. By means of logistic regressions of Member of Parliaments’ politicization behavior in the German Bundestag (1998–2002) with regard to three morality policies, the study provides evidence that German politics is still structured by a conflict between Catholics and non-Catholics, whereas the influence of religiosity is secondary. If party competition is at work, non-Catholics draw attention to morality policies, while Catholics refrain from doing so. This finding contradicts research pointing to a decreasing significance of Catholicism for Christian Democracy. Moreover, the study proposes an innovative way to re-examine party cleavages at the individual level and in between elections.
6
Vishivanyuk, Anna. "The Greek Catholic Church during the German Occupation of Western Ukraine (1941—1944): Relations with the Occupation Authorities and the Main Areas of Activity." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021881-8.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the position and activities of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) under the German occupation. The authors analyzed the documents by Greek Catholics, German and Soviet authorities, and tried to understand the circumstances of the relationship between the UGCC hierarchy and the occupation regime. The transformation of the position of the Greek Catholics towards the German occupation authorities was studied. The work also highlights the social and socio-political activity of the Greek Catholic clergy in Galicia during this period, church activities to support those in need. In addition, we analyzed the connection of the UGCC with the Ukrainian nationalist movement - the church, on the one hand, supported the idea of independence, on the other, condemned terror. Finally, in the article we examined how, under the conditions of the German occupation, the UGCC tried to expand the union to the East, with the support of the Vatican.
7
Demel, Sabine. "Donum Vitae: An Association External to the Church? A Rebuttal from a Personal and Theological Perspective - Discussed: Religion, Law, and Democracy: Selected Writings. By Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Edited by Mirjam Künkler and Tine Stein. Translated by Thomas Dunlap. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. 480. $65.00 (cloth); Oxford Scholarship Online by subscription (digital). ISBN: 9780198818632. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818632.001.0001." Journal of Law and Religion 37, no. 3 (September 2022): 530–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2022.39.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1995, the German legislature introduced the rule that a woman who terminates her pregnancy in the first trimester, which is illegal, would not be punished if she had previously undergone a legally prescribed counseling session. The counseling session, while oriented toward the protection of unborn life, is also open-ended, respectful of the decision-making right and duty of the pregnant woman. At the request of the pope, the German bishops instructed the existing counseling centers of the Catholic welfare organizations not to issue any written certificates of such counseling, as such certificates could ultimately be used to evade punishment. In order to continue to be able to offer counseling, Catholics, among them Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, founded the association Donum Vitae (Gift of Life), which continues to issue certificates when requested. For the German bishops, the association, founded by Catholics for Catholics and non-Catholics alike, is external to the church. But what precisely is Donum Vitae? What does it stand for? Why are assessments of the association divided until this day? The essay examines these questions theologically and legally.
8
Heilbronner, Oded. "In Search of the (Rural) Catholic Bourgeoisie: TheBürgertumof South Germany." Central European History 29, no. 2 (June 1996): 175–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900013005.
Full textAbstract:
Theintensive involvement with the German bourgeoisie (Bürgertum) during the past decade has found scholars busy pasting labels on a social group that they sweepingly termed the “bourgeoisie.” Yet, the studies of a number of German and Anglo-American scholars have focused mainly on the urban Protestant bourgeoisie, while the rural (small towns and villages with less than 5,000 inhabitants) bourgeoisie and the Catholic bourgeoisie have received little attention. Considering the fact that rural society still comprised one of the main features of the European landscape, and that Catholics were approximately one third of the population during the second half of nineteenth-century Germany, the neglect of this group becomes even more surprising. Is it possible to write the history of the German bourgeoisie without its countryside elements (Bürgertum auf dem Lande) and without its Catholic bourgeoisie? Can so prominent a sector of German society be this casually dismissed? This article seeks to examine the issue from a number of different perspectives. Using a regional survey, it will show the existence of a Catholic bourgeois stratum in southern Germany (largely in the rural areas) and, through the presentation of a regional model, it will also attempt to sketch, albeit in broad strokes, some of the more pertinent aspects of the German Catholic bourgeoisie.
9
Painter, Cassandra. "Domesticating a Mystic: Catholic Saint-Making in Weimar Germany." Central European History 51, no. 2 (June 2018): 228–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000390.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractVeneration of Westphalian stigmatic and visionary Anna Katharina Emmerick (1774–1824) reached new heights during the Weimar Republic. German Catholics engaged in promoting her beatification cause organized a multipronged, multimedia campaign. Priests and laypersons, as well as the popular press and theological journals, all encouraged the veneration of Emmerick as “a crucified saint for a crucifiedVolk.” Memories of Napoleonic French aggression, secularization, and waning religious belief provided revanchist Weimar German Catholics with a readymade narrative of victimization. Moreover, as a poster child of the WestphalianHeimat, her pilgrimage sites offered a spiritual antidote to the “godless” modern city. Meanwhile, everyday Catholics continued a century-old, locally-based tradition of veneration that did not strictly conform to the new “official” line. Emmerick's Weimar cult, and the modern saint-making process more generally, thus provide a window onto the push and pull between clergy and laity, men and women, institutional and popular forces, in shaping lived German Catholicism in the 1920s.
10
Tacchi, Francesco. "Contributo alla storia del cattolicesimo ‚integrale‘ nella Germania guglielmina." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 100, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 446–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2020-0020.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractDuring the early years of the 20th century, attempts at dialogue with modern culture and practical collaboration with the Protestant majority in the Kaiserreich emerged in German Catholicism in order to overcome the condition of ‚inferiority‘ that characterized the Catholic population. In the context of the anti-modernist repression enacted by the Roman Curia of Pope Pius X, however, the proponents of forms of interdenominational organization, the autonomy of the laity from the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and openness towards secularized modernity more generally attracted the criticism of the so-called integralist Catholics. The latter saw a danger to the Catholic faith and to the prerogatives of the Roman Church in these developments and, ultimately, a manifestation of modernist ‚heresy‘. Among the targets of the integralist accusations were the Volksverein and the Centre Party, as well as the interdenominational Christian trade unions. The paper aims to shed light on the contents and characteristics of German Catholic integralism in the years following the encyclical Pascendi (1907): to this end, the specific case of the Cologne priest Andreas Müller (1862–1938) is examined; through dozens of letters addressed to the Nuncio of Munich and the Holy See itself, he denounced the (alleged) infiltration of Modernism in Germany.
11
Schärtl, Thomas. "Americanized Catholicism? A Glance from the United States back toward Germany." Horizons 41, no. 2 (November 10, 2014): 296–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2014.82.
Full textAbstract:
Thomas Schärtl observes that many trends in the United States are adapted in Europe and especially in Germany, yet there remain categories that are incommensurable. What can appear to be an ideal pluralism in the United States can also be interpreted as “bubbles” that reveal a lack of interaction among various groups. Consumerism and individualism have an impact on even some US Catholic bishops, leading to actions that appear strange to a German observer, such as protesting President Obama's invitation to speak at Notre Dame and teaming up politically with conservative Evangelical and Pentecostal Christians. German Catholics need to safeguard the relationship between religion and reason. Dennis Doyle agrees with Schärtl on the big picture but offers qualifications on specific points, noting especially the positive dimensions of Catholic interaction with Evangelicals and Pentecostals.
12
Doyle, Dennis M. "Americanized Catholicism? A Glance from the United States back toward Germany." Horizons 41, no. 2 (November 10, 2014): 310–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2014.83.
Full textAbstract:
Thomas Schärtl observes that many trends in the United States are adapted in Europe and especially in Germany, yet there remain categories that are incommensurable. What can appear to be an ideal pluralism in the United States can also be interpreted as “bubbles” that reveal a lack of interaction among various groups. Consumerism and individualism have an impact on even some US Catholic bishops, leading to actions that appear strange to a German observer, such as protesting President Obama's invitation to speak at Notre Dame and teaming up politically with conservative Evangelical and Pentecostal Christians. German Catholics need to safeguard the relationship between religion and reason. Dennis Doyle agrees with Schärtl on the big picture but offers qualifications on specific points, noting especially the positive dimensions of Catholic interaction with Evangelicals and Pentecostals.
13
Chesterton, G. K. "A Letter to German Catholics." Chesterton Review 15, no. 4 (1989): 453–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chesterton1989/199015/164/143.
Full text
14
Chong, Nicholas. "Beethoven’s Theologian: Johann Michael Sailer and the Missa solemnis." Journal of the American Musicological Society 74, no. 2 (2021): 365–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2021.74.2.365.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article investigates Beethoven’s connection to the Bavarian Catholic theologian Johann Michael Sailer (1751–1832), the importance of which has been understated or misunderstood in the existing Beethoven literature. Drawing on historical studies of the complex relationship between Catholicism and the German Enlightenment, it provides a detailed and nuanced account of Sailer’s theology, situating it within the fierce debates that took place among German Catholics in this period. The article goes on to examine the contents of three books by Sailer in Beethoven’s possession, and to show how key ideas in these books resonate with features of Beethoven’s Missa solemnis, which he worked on around the time he was exposed to Sailer’s ideas. In conclusion, the article argues that a deeper understanding of Sailer and his possible influence on Beethoven should prompt a reconsideration of long-standing assumptions regarding the composer’s religious outlook, which may have been more sympathetic to Catholicism than has previously been supposed.
15
Dittrich, Marie-Agnes. "How to Split the Heritage when Inventing a Nation. Germany's Political and Musical Division." English version, no. 10 (October 22, 2018): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51515/issn.2744-1261.2018.10.359.
Full textAbstract:
After the end of the old Empire in the Napoleonic Age, the states which are now Austria and Germany have separated gradually. But due to the rivalry which had emerged between Prussia and Austria in the decades before the new German Empire excluded Austria, the concept of “Germany” had to be redefined by differentiation not only from France, but from Austria too. Promoting the idea of an inherently “German” culture without admitting the superiority of practically all European cultural centres and especially of Vienna’s rich cultural and musical heritage required a redrawing of the map of Europe`s musical memory with the help of great dividers like religion or gender roles. Germans liked to believe that they were, as predominantly Protestants, more intellectual, progressive, and masculine, as opposed to the decadent, traditionalist Catholics in Austria. This “othering” of Austria affected the reception of composers like Beethoven, whom Prussia appropriated as German, or Schubert as typically Austrian. Similar differences were constructed with the shifting relationships between Germany and Austria after the WWI and after National Socialism, and when Germany itself was divided once more.
16
Harris, James F. "Introduction to the Theme." Central European History 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 261–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010219.
Full textAbstract:
Considering all that is known about the place of anti-Semitism in German society in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, there are relatively few studies of anti-Semitism within a religious context. This is surprising given that Germany was and is more evenly divided numerically between Catholics and Protestants than almost any other large European nation, (about 60 percent Protestant to 40 percent Catholic). Most studies of anti-Semitism in the last two centuries have focused on various secular motivations. When scholars do choose to investigate religious anti-Semitism, almost all concentrate on Evangelical Lutherans or on Catholics, but not on both. Likewise, many historians consider religious anti-Semitism to be anachronistic. Yet many study the incidence of secular or modern anti-Semitism within a religious context whether institutional or popular, seldom paying equal attention to that context. Additionally, studies of anti-Semitism emphasized Protestantism and the Protestant north of Germany in particular, because, after 1870, that was where anti-Semitic political parties, movements, and groups appeared to thrive.
17
Wu, Albert. "In the shadow of empire: Josef Schmidlin and Protestant–Catholic ecumenism before the Second World War." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 165–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000037.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the life and ideas of Josef Schmidlin, the founder of Catholic ‘missionary science’ and the most influential German Catholic missionary theorist of the first half of the twentieth century. An admirer of the German Protestant missionary theologian Gustav Warneck, Schmidlin often appears in the historiography as a forerunner of the Protestant–Catholic ecumenical collaboration that emerged after the Second World War. Yet a close examination of his writing reveals a vigorous critic of Protestantism and the Protestant ecumenical movement. A sceptic of transnational missionary organizations, he remained a firm supporter of the German nation and imperial project. This article gestures towards both the continuities and the discontinuities between the early attempts at fostering confessional cooperation between Protestants and Catholics and the later iterations. It also examines how nineteenth-century entanglements between missions and empire shaped the ideas of Catholic missionary theory during the interwar years.
18
MARSHALL, PETER. "JOHN CALVIN AND THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS, c. 1565–1640." Historical Journal 53, no. 4 (November 3, 2010): 849–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000488.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis article examines the assessments of John Calvin's life, character, and influence to be found in the polemical writings of English Catholics in the Elizabethan and early Stuart periods. It demonstrates the centrality of Calvin to Catholic claims about the character and history of the established church, and the extent to which Catholic writings propagated a vibrant ‘black legend’ of Calvin's egotism and sexual depravity, drawing heavily not only on the writings of the French Calvinist-turned-Catholic Jerome Bolsec, but also on those of German Lutherans. The article also explores how, over time, Catholic writers increasingly identified some common ground with anti-puritans and anti-Calvinists within the English church, and how claims about the seditious character of Calvin, and by extension Calvinism, were used to articulate the contrasting ‘loyalty’ of Catholics and their right to occupy a place within the English polity.
19
Bobryk, Witold. "Cerkiew greckokatolicka na Pomorzu Zachodnim ćwierć wieku po akcji „Wisła” w świetle sprawozdań Wydziałów do Spraw Wyznań." Textus et Studia, no. 3/4(19/20) (July 16, 2021): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.05303.
Full textAbstract:
The deportation of the Ukrainian population to former German territoties was to facilitate the process of its assimilation. The religious separateness of the Ukrainian community, among which the Greek Catholics predominated, hindered the implementation of these plans. The religious policy defined by the communist party aimed at the complete liquidation of the Greek Catholic Church by supporting the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church. De-Stalinization, however, liberalized the position towards Greek Catholics. Although state authorities did not legalize this religion, they allowed to organize informal pastoral centers. A quarter of a century after Operation Vistula in Western Pomerania, there were fifteen of them. The existence of Greek Catholic pastoral centers not only crossed out the assumptions of the state’s religious policy, but first of all prevented the assimilation of the Ukrainian population.
20
von Arx, Jeffrey P. "Archbishop Manning and the Kulturkampf." Recusant History 21, no. 2 (October 1992): 254–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000159x.
Full textAbstract:
It is not surprising that Henry Edward Manning had strong opinions about the Kulturkampf, Otto von Bismarcks effort in the early 1870’s to bring the Roman Catholic Church in Germany under the control of the State. As head of the Catholic Church in England, it appropriately fell to Manning to condemn what most British Catholics would have seen as the persecution of their Church in the new German Empire. Moreover, Manning knew personally the bishops involved in the conflict with Bismarck from their time together at the Vatican Council. Indeed, he was well acquainted with some of them who had played important rôles, either for or against, in the great controversies of the Council that led to the definition of Papal Infallibility. MiecisIaus Ledochowski, Archbishop of Gnesen and Posen, imprisoned and expelled from his see by the German government in 1874, had, together with Manning, been a prominent infallibilist. Paulus Melchers, Archbishop of Cologne, and leader of the German inopportunists, suffered the same penalty. The bishops of Breslau, Trier and Paderborn, all of whom had played significant rôles at the Council, the first two against, the latter for the definition, were either imprisoned, expelled, or both. Manning considered these men to have suffered for the cause of religious liberty, and could not understand the indifference of British politicians, especially of liberals like Gladstone, to their fate.
21
Schulz, Sonja. "Different Trends in Marriage and Fertility Behavior for Roman Catholics, German Protestants, and Women without Religious Affiliation in West Germany: An Analysis of Five Birth Cohorts Based on the German General Social Survey." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 8 (January 2022): 237802312210947. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231221094746.
Full textAbstract:
In this visualization, the author shows that cohort changes in the propensity to get married and bear a child are different for Roman Catholics, German Protestants, and religiously unaffiliated West German women. The data are from the German General Social Survey—Cumulation 1980–2018. Calculations are based on the life-table method (Kaplan-Meier estimates). In general, demographic changes toward a lower tendency to get married and to bear a child start among the religiously unaffiliated and diffuse to the Christian groups over time, with the Catholics being most resistant to change. The different time trends in demographic behavior translate into increasing differences between religious groups across time, which are most pronounced in the cohort born from 1960 to 1969, and tend to decrease again thereafter.
22
Kucharska-Dreiß, Elżbieta, and Wiesław Przyczyna. "Reakcje katolików w Niemczech i w Polsce na udział papieża Franciszka w rozpoczęciu obchodów 500-lecia reformacji w Szwecji." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 25, no. 2 (April 8, 2019): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2018.25.2.9.
Full textAbstract:
Pope Francis’ visit to Sweden and his participation in the inauguration of the 500th anniversary of the Reformation triggered numerous reactions, both among German and Polish Catholics. The paper is an attempt to compare these reactions based on texts posted on selected Catholic websites: www.katholisch.de, www.domradio.de, www. kath.de, www.opoka.org.pl, www.deon.pl and www.fronda.pl. The analysis focuses on the following aspects: why the Pope went to Sweden; what and how he celebrated there. In general, German websites demonstrate largely similar stances and opinions formulated on the grounds of openness, kindness and mutual respect whereas opinions on Polish websites are clearly diverse: from liberal ones to the unambiguously conservative ones.
23
McCOY, REBECCA. "Religious Accommodation and Political Authority in an Alsatian Community, 1648–1715." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 2 (April 2001): 244–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046901005954.
Full textAbstract:
This case study of the Alsatian community of Sainte-Marie-aux-Mines argues that although negotiating religious differences at the local level was essential to defining community, the political context was essential in setting the framework. Straddling the Lorraine/Alsace border, Sainte-Marie was divided among Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists, Zwinglians and Anabaptists as well as between French- and German-speakers. After the Thirty Years' War, the changing demographic balance among the confessional groups, especially the immigration of Catholics necessitated a re-evaluation of Catholic/Protestant coexistence. The Peace of Westphalia established a legal framework in the imperial territories based on cuius regio eius religio. France's 1648 annexation of most of Alsace, meant that French centralising authority collided with this seigneurial territorial system. The French crown could not, however, govern without the co-operation of the local authorities: religious groups at Sainte-Marie exploited the resulting ambiguities. In uneasy coexistence Catholics enjoyed royal favour and Protestants had the protection of the local seigneurs. This local outcome mirrored the imperfect process by which the French monarchy imposed itself on the imperial system of Alsace.
24
Pitafi, Ghulam Murtaza. "Otto Von Bismarck: The Chief Architect of Germany." Regional Tribune 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.63062/trt/2k22a.11105.
Full textAbstract:
The cultivation of a distinct cultural identity within the German Empire was achieved through a deliberate process of Germanization, targeting both Germans and racial communities. This cultural assimilation granted Germany dominance over non-Germanic languages. The transformative era witnessed comprehensive reforms that propelled Germany to a position of prominence in military, economic, and societal domains, a legacy shaped under the watchful eye of Bismarck. The impact of these shifts in power dynamics reverberated throughout Europe, only to be later revoked from Germany. Post-unification, Bismarck directed his political endeavors towards preserving European peace, demonstrating adept foreign diplomatic strategies. His successful initiatives, including alliance formations and strategic wars, earned him the title of the Iron Chancellor of Prussia. Bismarck's leadership style in domestic affairs was marked by a lack of definitive principles, navigating complexities, unresolved issues, and conflicting interests. His support for Kulturkampf intensified opposition from nationalists and liberals, complicating governance. While granting voting rights in 1863, Bismarck, perhaps misjudging the evolving Prussian landscape, inadvertently destabilized the German government. His authoritarian measures aimed at protecting monarchy and Junkers further alienated Jews, liberals, Catholics, socialists, and democratic factions. The underestimation of Prussian transformation underscored the challenges in his political decisions.
25
Phayer, Michael. "Totalitarianism: Questions about Catholic Resistance." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654456.
Full textAbstract:
After the war was over leading Catholic laity and the lower clergy pointed their finger at their bishops, faulting them for not having the backbone and willpower to stand up to Hitler. Was this fair? Bishops said they tempered their criticism of Nazism because Hitler punished their priests rather than them. Were the bishops being candid and forthright with this statement? If so, was this the right strategy? Jesuits urged the bishops to become active in the Kreisau Circle of resistance. They did not. Should they have? Pope Pius XII gave the German bishops freedom to do as they saw fit regarding speaking out about the Holocaust. They spoke only guardedly. Should they have said more? The Concordat, the agreement between the Vatican and the German government, surprised German Catholics who had been warned again and again about Nazism. Was the Concordat a mistake? Once signed, should the church have stuck to it once Nazi racial policy had become manifest? There was an active Catholic resistance circle in Berlin. Were there others? If not, why not? Questions about Catholic resistance run on and on. Are they worth probing, trying to answer? In the end no matter what is said about Catholic resistance, the six million will have perished. And, in the end, no German managed to put an end to Hitler, although the Swabian Catholic, Klaus von Stauffenberg, came close. Is a discussion about Catholic resistance an exercise in futility?
26
Harandzha, Vasyl. "The Greek Catholic Theological Academy in Lviv in the conditions of the persecution of the Church by the Soviet government." Scientific Yearbook "History of Religions in Ukraine", no. 33 (2023): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33294/2523-4234-2023-33-1-117-130.
Full textAbstract:
The activities of the Greek Catholic Theological Academy in Lviv are examined. It is stated that this higher educational institution was founded by Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytskyi in 1928. Despite the difficult relationship between the Ukrainians of Galicia and the Polish government, the Theological Academy was able to exist and quite quickly developed. The situation changed in 1939, after the partition of Poland between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. Thus, Galicia came under Soviet rule. In 1941, after the beginning of the German-Soviet war, all Ukrainian lands were quickly occupied by the Germans. However, already in 1944, the Bolsheviks came to Galicia again, finally joining it to the Ukrainian SSR. As a matter of fact, this research is focused on studying the state of Greek Catholic theological education during the first Soviet occupation of Galicia in 1939–1941 and after the return of communist power in 1944. It is shown that, despite the openly anti-religious policy of the new government, the leaders of the Church tried to ensure the continuity of the development of theological science and the training of new clergy. In the conditions of the ban on the official activities of any theological educational institutions during 1939–1941, Metropolitan Sheptytskyi managed to organize illegal theological courses for his students and sought to restore the activities of a full-fledged educational institution. Instead, it is researched that after the return in 1944, the Bolsheviks became more cautious in their attitude towards Greek Catholics and did not close the Theological Academy, which resumed normal activities during the Nazi occupation. The management of the academy used this time to expand its activities, in particular to open new faculties. However, this policy of the Bolsheviks in relation to the Greek Catholics turned out to be temporary. A few months later, the persecution of this Church began. Among other measures, the work of the Theological Academy in Lviv was finally stopped. Keywords: Theological Academy, Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Andrei Sheptytskyi, Josyf Slipyi, Second World War, Soviet occupation
27
Zajc, Marko. "Slovenian Press and Russia in the late XIX — early XX centuries: attitude to K.P. Pobedonostsev." Russian-Slovenian relations in the twentieth century, no. IV (2018): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8562.2018.4.2.1.
Full textAbstract:
Life and work of K.P. Pobedonostsev were known to the Slovenian public, primarily thanks to the German press. The liberal public looked sympathetically at the understanding of the Orthodox Church as a people`s Church and on Pobedonostsev’s faith in the “strong” Russian people. Also, the Catholic Slovenian public emphasized that Russia needed to be understood, and also sympathized to Pobedonostsev’s ideas about the place of faith in society. But on the other hand, especially the Catholic press condemned him for caesaropapism and for persecutions against Catholics. For both liberal and Catholic critics, it was problematic to assess his attitude towards democracy and parliamentarism, although both of them agreed that Pobedonostsev’s criticism was fair.
28
Hebblethwaite, Peter. "Understanding German Catholics? the work of H.G. Barnes." New Blackfriars 68, no. 804 (April 1987): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1987.tb01241.x.
Full text
29
Bergen, Doris L. "Catholics, Protestants, and Christian Antisemitism in Nazi Germany." Central European History 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 329–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010256.
Full textAbstract:
Some recent trends in the study of National Socialism tend to downplay the significance of antisemitism*—in particular of Christian antisemitism—in producing the Holocaust. Indeed, it would be inaccurate and misleading to present the Christian legacy of hostility toward Judaism and Jews as a sufficient cause for Nazi genocide. Christianity, however, did play a critical role, not perhaps in motivating the top decision makers, but in making their commands comprehensible and tolerable to the rank-and-file—the people who actively carried out the measures against Jews as well as those who passively condoned their implementation. In his analysis of pre-Nazi forms of German antisemitism, Donald Niewyk concludes that, “The old antisemitism had created a climate in which the ‘new’ antisemitism was, at the very least, acceptable to millions of Germans”.
30
Schmerbauch, Maik. "German Catholics as a Minority in the Catholic Church of Polish Silesia after 1945." ANNALES UNIVERSITATIS APULENSIS. SERIES HISTORICA 23, no. 1 (June 15, 2019): 191–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/auash.2019.23.1.13.
Full text
31
Dietrich, Donald J. "German catholics in the third reich: Nationalism and religion." History of European Ideas 16, no. 1-3 (January 1993): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-6599(05)80104-4.
Full text
32
Nedzelyuk, Tatyana G. "“Please Send Us a Priest of Our German Nationality…”: The Confessional/Ethnic in the Worldview of the Siberian Catholics." Journal of Frontier Studies 6, no. 4 (December 10, 2021): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v6i4.342.
Full textAbstract:
The study is devoted to the analysis of the correlation of the confessional element with the ethnic element within the construction of "ethnoconfession" for the Catholic Germans of Siberia. The relevance of the study of the topic is dictated by the modern processes of ethnic and confessional identification/self-identification that have replaced globalization. Notably, due to the multi-ethnic and multi-confessional nature of the Siberian population, a peculiar and unique concept of the frontier has developed, determined by historians as the “Siberian frontier”. The temporal boundaries of the study include the twentieth century: from the moment of mass migrations from the Crimea, the Volga region and Ukraine to the Trans-Urals in the context of the Stolypin agrarian reform to the beginning of the active return movement of Russian Germans to Germany. The methodological basis of the study was the work of both ethnographers and sociologists. The content analysis method revealed the peculiarities of the mentality of representatives of various confessional groups within the German ethnic group. The research is based on the materials of the Russian State Historical Archive. The conclusions about the importance of confessional self-awareness are important for the self-identification and successful socialization of Russian Germans. The article is intended for specialists in the field of history and ethnography of Russian Germans, as well as for researchers interested in the features of frontier communications in Siberia.
33
Avraham, Doron. "Pietism and German Inter-Confessional Nationalism." Church History and Religious Culture 99, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09901001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Beginning in the early nineteenth century, spokesmen for German nationalism invoked confessional reconciliation as a precondition for future unification. While the confessional divide between Catholics and Protestants seemed to hinder German unity, advocating ecumenical Christianity appeared to advance national consolidation. The article suggests that this endorsement of ecumenism was part of a tradition of confessional conciliation manifested in German Pietism since the seventeenth century. Early German Pietists sought ecumenical Christianity not merely in an eschatological sense, but also in a specific historical one. Nineteenth-century neo-Pietists nationalized and politicized these earlier ideas of interconfessional reconciliation.
34
Winkeler, Lodewijk. "Glazen water over vrijende paartjes1 : Het rooms-katholieke studentenpastoraat in Nederland sinds ca. 1900." DNK : Documentatieblad voor de Nederlandse kerkgeschiedenis na 1800 42, no. 91 (December 1, 2019): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dnk2019.91.004.wink.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Since the fifties of the twentieth century Roman-catholic or ecumenical student parishes exist in all university cities in the Netherlands. The history of these parishes goes back to the end of the nineteenth century, when Roman-catholic students started to organize to armor themselves intellectually and morally against antipapism and positivism. All these student associations had a so called ‘moderator’, a spiritual advisor in a leading role. In the first decennia the moderator had a strong influence on the policy and programming of the associations. During the century however the associations grew and also got a social function, becoming full student associations next to the existing student corpora. During World War II most students had to go into hiding in order not to get caught for the German Arbeitseinsatz. The moderators did what they could to keep in touch with them, personally and with stenciled letters, and directed themselves not only to the association members, but to all catholic students.After the war this orientation to all Catholics was formalized by founding student parishes, and in the sixties moderatorship disappeared. In the early seventies these student parishes stood in the forefront of the renewal movement of Dutch Catholicism. Afterwards, as a consequence of the secularization, the accent of the student chaplains shifted to personal counseling, meditation and other activities concerning personal growth.
35
Gorincioi, Iulia. "The innovative contribution of kantian thinking in the history of political ideas." Moldoscopie, no. 1(96) (October 2022): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2022.1(96).08.
Full textAbstract:
In the material below, the author brings in a well-structured and systematized form of the strong arguments about the place and role of Classical German Philosophy in the History of Political Ideas: the economic recovery and poor integration of the states of Germany under the blow of Napoleon’s occupational wars by German thinkers, some innovations in knowledge of German philosophers, the lessons imposed by the experience of the franchise revolution to the German bourgeoisie, its fear of its own people and pushing it to compromise with the aristocracy. On the other hand, German ideology in the new space of religious tolerance between Catholics and Protestants created favorable conditions for the development of abstract-theoretical thinking, as it freed philosophy from the need to depend entirely on religious dogma, but also alienating it from the necessities of practice. In these critical conditions of the previous theories and of elaboration of a new theoretical-methodological foundation of knowledge, the new political-philosophical movement is initiated, known as the classical German philosophy, which will strongly mark the modern political thinking. The founder of this movement will be the famous philosopher and great innovator of German thought in modern times Immanuel Kant, who will make an essential turn in political thought, will strongly mark the Western modern society and will be the basis of the most important modern political and contemporary ideas.
36
Chappel, James. "The God That Won: Eugen Kogon and the Origins of Cold War Liberalism." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (April 2020): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419833439.
Full textAbstract:
Eugen Kogon (1903–87) was one of the most important German intellectuals of the late 1940s. His writings on the concentration camps and on the nature of fascism were crucial to West Germany’s fledgling transition from dictatorship to democracy. Previous scholars of Kogon have focused on his leftist Catholicism, which differentiated him from the mainstream. This article takes a different approach, asking instead how Kogon, a recovering fascist himself, came to have so much in common with his peers in West Germany and in the Cold War West. By 1948, he fluently spoke the new language of Cold War liberalism, pondering how human rights and liberal democracy could be saved from totalitarianism. He did not do so, the article argues, because he had decided to abandon his principles and embrace a militarized anti-Communist cause. Instead, he transitioned to Cold War liberalism because it provided a congenial home for a deeply Catholic thinker, committed to a carceral understanding of Europe’s fascist past and a federalist vision for its future. The analysis helps us to see how European Catholics made the Cold War their own – an important phenomenon, given that Christian Democrats held power almost everywhere on the continent that was not controlled by Communists. The analysis reveals a different portrait of Cold War liberalism than we usually see: less a smokescreen for American interests, and more a vessel for emancipatory projects and ideals that was strategically employed by diverse actors across the globe.
37
Davenport, Nancy. "Modernism and Mysticism in Germany: Wilhelm Worringer and Pater Desiderius Lenz." Religion and the Arts 14, no. 1-2 (2010): 78–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/107992610x12596486893617.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe text seeks to integrate the late nineteenth and early twentieth-century art of the traditional Benedictine community of Beuron in southwestern Germany with early twentieth-century Modernist aesthetics, particularly as the latter are expressed in Abstraction and Empathy, a Contribution to the Psychology of Style by the German Art Historian Wilhelm Worringer. The influences on Beuron art—the German Kulturkampf that set Protestants and Catholics in northern and southern Germany in opposition and placed the few remaining monastic communities in limbo, the Beuron artist monks’ inspiration from the immobile Egyptian antiquities in the museums of Munich and Berlin, and their desire to develop a universal and otherworldly Christian art which transcended the tangible, tactile, and divisive world in which they lived, worked, and prayed—resulted in a similar rejection of the visible, the real, and the tangible and an embrace of the eternal and symbolic that the Modernists sought. The text ends with a quote from the Dutch Modernist Jan Toorop, a recently converted Roman Catholic, who asked his audience the following in 1912: “Two sculptures that dominate today in the mainstream of sculpture are The Burghers of Calais by the great Rodin and on the other hand St. Benedictine and St. Scholastica by the Benedictine Father Desiderius Lenz. Where do you want to go: to Rodin or to Lenz? To Calais or to Monte Cassino near Rome? Take a look at the work and we’ll talk again?” The question asked by Toorop is the question interrogated in this text.
38
Honisch, Erika Supria. "HEARING THE BODY OF CHRIST IN EARLY MODERN PRAGUE." Early Music History 38 (September 11, 2019): 51–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127919000032.
Full textAbstract:
The multi-confessional cities of early modern Central Europe resounded with sacred music. People sang to express faith, to challenge the beliefs of others, and to lay claim to shared urban spaces. This study considers how such music was heard in Prague, the capital of the Holy Roman Empire, during the reign of the Habsburg Emperor Rudolf II (1576–1612). During this period, the city’s Catholics jostled for supremacy with Czech-speaking Utraquists (followers of Jan Hus), who vastly outnumbered them, and a growing population of German-speaking Lutherans. Focusing on the sonically rich Corpus Christi processions held by Prague’s Jesuits, this article examines how sounds that aggressively promoted Catholic Eucharistic doctrine were received by those who were––by chance or by design––within earshot. Viewing Catholic claims alongside non-Catholic resistance suggests that music’s power lay as much in the fact of its performance as in its deployment of specific texts and sounds.
39
Soucy, Robert J. "French Press Reactions to Hitler's First Two Years in Power." Contemporary European History 7, no. 01 (March 1998): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004744.
Full textAbstract:
Why did fascism not succeed in France in the 1930s to the extent that itdid in Germany? Although the appeal of fascism increased dramatically in France between 1936 and 1938 as part of the backlash to the Popular Front, the fact remains that neither of France's two largest fascist movements – Colonel de La Rocque's Croix de feu/Parti social français and Jacques Doriot's Parti populaire française – came to power during this period. InFrench Fascism: the Second Wave, 1933–1939, one of the reasons (among several) that I gave for the relative failure of French fascism was the negative reaction of many French conservatives and Catholics to Hitler's repression of dissident German conservatives and Catholics in 1933 and 1934 – a reaction which indirectly diminished the potential appeal of homegrown fascism through guilt by association. Although I alluded to this reaction in my study, I did so without providing sufficient documentation. One of the purposes of this review of French press responses to Hitler's first two years in power is to correct that shortcoming.
40
Tenaglia, Camilla. "Il rumore delle onde." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 101, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 58–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2021-0005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This essay addresses the relations between Pius XII and Germany at the beginning of his pontificate through the role of Vatican Media, especially Vatican Radio. During the interwar period, the Vatican media system (media ensemble) underwent major transformations, including the creation of a radio broadcasting station in 1931. Pacelli was one of the main agents of these improvements: as Secretary of State supporting Guglielmo Marconi’s project, as Pope through his extensive use of the mass media at his disposal, from radio to cinema. At the end of the 30s the difficult diplomatic relations between the Holy See and the Third Reich also had an impact on mass media, as shown by the election of Pacelli in March 1939. The role of Vatican Radio in Vatican diplomacy towards Nazi Germany was already clear during the events surrounding the Anschluss in 1938 and it became a tool for unofficial communication to convey more explicit stances on the regime during World War II. The same strategy was employed during the Option in Südtirol in 1939, when Catholics were able to deliver anti-Nazi propaganda thanks in part to radio in the attempt to avoid the voluntary resettlement of German-speaking Italian citizens from the area. The Holy See maintained a neutral position throughout the events, but at the same time Vatican Radio broadcast programmes in German about the condition of the Catholic Church under the Nazi regime. These broadcasts supported the efforts especially of the Archbishop of Trento Celestino Endrici and his clergy, who opposed the resettlement. Once again Vatican Radio proved a crucial tool for conveying unofficial communications while maintaining the neutral stance typical of the Holy See‘s foreign policy.
41
Jones, Larry Eugene, and Noel D. Cary. "The Path to Christian Democracy: German Catholics and the German Party System from Windthorst to Adenauer." German Studies Review 21, no. 3 (October 1998): 627. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431271.
Full text
42
Nedzeluk, Tatyana. "The Labour Army in the Memoirs of the Siberian German Catholics." ISTORIYA 11, no. 7 (93) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840010695-3.
Full text
43
Berezhnaya, Natalia. "Imperial Rhetoric in the Publicism of the Palatinate before the Bohemian Coronation of Elector Frederick V." ISTORIYA 14, no. 7 (129) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840027449-2.
Full textAbstract:
At the turn of the 16th — 17th centuries, the imperial discourse was changing, the new German princes were determined to protect the “true faith”, and they were not against revising the agreements reached by their predecessors. Confessional and imperial propaganda was on the increase in Germany. Did the publicism of the beginning of the 17th century reflect the religious social and political demarcation between the Catholic and Evangelical estate? In the Palatinate funeral sermons and speeches of professors of the University of Heidelberg, which were distributed among the subjects of the Palatinate and fellow Calvinists, the apology of the “true faith” came to the fore, and the place of the “imperial estate” was occupied by the Evangelical and Catholic estates, which were opposed to each other. However, in the writings that had spread throughout Germany, imperial rhetoric did not recede into the background, but was transformed along with the image of the Empire itself. This was evidenced by an anonymous text of 1618 of Palatinate origin on the reasons for the destruction by the troops of the Evangelical Union of the fortress of Udenheim, erected by the bishop of Speyer, a member of the Catholic League. In the 1570s — 1580s the Empire was presented as a common home for Protestants and Catholics, an assembly of estates headed by the emperor, and before the Thirty Years’ War the rhetoric of the texts of the Palatinate was increasingly moving towards understanding the Empire only as an elite community without a clear leader. This source allows us to speak about two motives of the Elector of the Palatinate Frederick V’s decision to demolish the Udenheim fortifications: the protection of the Empire and the protection of hereditary possessions, and both of these motives are indissoluble linked — the security of hereditary lands and subjects could only be ensured in the absence of threats to the Empire. Frederick V is shown in the text as one of the main persons responsible for the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation on the banks of the Rhine. The defense of the Empire for him meant the defense of his own corner of the imperial home — territories that had traditionally, since the 14th century, been under the influence of the Rhine palatine counts.
44
Bessudnova, Marina. "IDEA OF CRUSADES IN THE POLITICAL STRATEGY OF THE GERMAN ORDER IN THE XV/XVIth CENTURIES." Odysseus. Man in History 30, no. 1 (July 12, 2023): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/1607-6184-2023-30-1-247-263.
Full textAbstract:
The crisis condition of the Order states in Prussia as a result of the German Order defeat in wars against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the 15th century, as well as the escalation of the Livonian-Russian confrontation, made actual the issue of external assistance to them from the Catholic powers of Europe. The order documentation of this period lay stress on the contributions of the Order during the conquest of Prussia and Livonia, as well as its role in the proselyting of local pagans and the creation of “crusader” states. The keynote for this was the pope’s decision to issue “crusader” indulgences (cruciate) to the good of the Catholic faith devotees, whose title was claimed by the supreme masters of the German Order and the masters of its Livonian branch. Positioning itself as defenders of the faith from enemies, the Turk and Russian “schismatics”, the government of the Order counted not only upon financial supplement, but also on preserving the status of the territorial lord of Prussia, which was disputed by Polish-Lithuanian sovereign rulers, for what it was necessary to prove the preservation of its original, “crusader” essentials in the changed conditions. By virtue of their dependence on Poland, the supreme masters were forced to give the pas in the fight against the Turks to Polish-Lithuanian sovereign rulers, and therefore, as a motivation for their “crusading” projects, they used the increased tensions of Livonian-Russian contacts and the fake idea of some “Russian threat” to the whole Catholic world. The main points of “crusading” appeals from the German Order was to provide it with assistance, first of all financial, with the full absence of a call for total military actions of Catholics against the Russians and for the indulgence attainment in its classic sense.
45
Scholl, Sarah. "Freedom in the Congregation? Culture Wars, Individual Rights, and National Churches in Switzerland (1848–1907)." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720001286.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper aims to examine political, ecclesiastic, and theological changes in Switzerland during the time of the nineteenth-century culture wars. It analyzes the reforms of the churches undertaken during that period in correlation with the evolution of various social and cultural elements, in particular the ever-greater confessional diversity within the territory and the demand for religious freedom. After an initial general accounting of the history of Swiss institutions (state, Catholic, and Protestant national churches), the article explores an example of a liberal church reform that took place in Geneva in 1873: the creation of a Catholic Church defined simultaneously as Christian, national, liberal, and related to the German Old Catholic movement. It fashioned a new community in keeping with the idea that freedom of conscience should be implemented within the church, thereby meeting strong resistance from Roman Catholics. The article closes with a return to the broader Swiss context, arguing that freedom of belief and of worship was finally enshrined in the 1874 Swiss constitution as a result of the growing divisions among Christians over the compatibility of liberal values with Christian theology and the subsequent rise of a new confessionalism.
46
Varga Józsefné Horváth,, Mária. "Több keresztnév választása a 18. században Újvárosban." Névtani Értesítő 32 (December 30, 2010): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.29178/nevtert.2010.3.
Full textAbstract:
In the 18th century, giving more than a single Christian name to a child was an exceptional phenomenon in communities of Hungarian native speakers. The practice of choosing two Christian names was not widespread until the middle of the 19th century in Hungary. The fashion of giving two or three Christian names, however, became more and more popular as early as the first decades of the 1700s in territories of the country where German immigrants lived. In the 18th century, in the settlement called Újváros, today a district of the Transdanubian town of Győr, many German-speaking inhabitants lived; most belonged to the Evangelical Church and fewer of them were Catholics. Among these people the German practice of giving more than one Christian name was thriving up to the end of the 18th century, when it abruptly ended. Characteristics of this tradition can easily be observed if time (its peak was in the 1740s and 1750s), gender (it was more common in the case of female names) and denomination (it was typical in the Evangelical Church) are involved. The practice of choosing more than one Christian name was primarily motivated by the parents’ nationalities: surnames and other relevant data suggest that this tradition was fostered by the German-speaking inhabitants of Újváros. They brought this practice with them from Germany: in their new homeland, next to an ordinary Hungarian first name (e.g. János ‘John’, Mária ‘Mary’, Anna ‘Anne’) they tended to choose a German or a more fashionable Hungarian Christian name. This tradition, however, faded away after a few generations.
47
Spickermann, Roland. "Orphans of the Kulturkampf: German Catholics in Bromberg (Bydgoszcz) Regierungsbezirk, 1895-1910." German Studies Review 23, no. 3 (October 2000): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432831.
Full text
48
Becker, George. "Educational "Preference" of German Protestants and Catholics: The Politics behind Educational Specialization." Review of Religious Research 41, no. 3 (March 2000): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3512032.
Full text
49
Conzemius, Victor. "Protestants and Catholics in the German democratic republic, 1945–90: A comparison∗." Religion, State and Society 26, no. 1 (March 1998): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499808431805.
Full text
50
Hinson, E. Glenn. "Book Review: German Catholics and Hitler's Wars: A Study in Social Control." Review & Expositor 87, no. 3 (August 1990): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463739008700317.
Full text