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Journal articles on the topic 'German economy; Society'
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1
Hartenian, Larry. "The Role of Media in Democratizing Germany: United States Occupation Policy 1945–1949." Central European History 20, no. 2 (1987): 145–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012589.
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The Allied defeat of the German Wehrmacht in May 1945 brought the military struggle against fascism in Europe to an end. Yet with the occupation of Germany the struggle against fascism was to continue on other fronts. Germany was to be “demilitarized,” the economy “decartelized,” and the society “denazified. ” Ultimately Germany was to be “democratized.” The newly established media were to play a major role in the transformation of German attitudes, in this attempt to “reeducate” the Germans.
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DZHEDZHULA, Olena. "THE ECONOMIC MODEL OF GERMANY AS A FACTOR OF SOCIAL STABILITY OF DIGITAL SOCIETY." "EСONOMY. FINANСES. MANAGEMENT: Topical issues of science and practical activity", no. 3 (53) (October 4, 2020): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37128/2411-4413-2020-3-8.
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The article highlights the results of the analysis of the economic model of Germany and its impact on the social stability of society in the context of globalization and the development of digital technologies. The social orientation and sustainability of the German economy provides high standards of living for the population according to criteria such as the level of social stratification of society and poverty, unemployment and inflation, medical care, food security, a well-developed infrastructure, affordable and quality education. The priorities of the German economic model are aimed at investing in human capital, developing a socially significant economy, and overcoming the difference in incomes of the rich and poor. Particularly important factors have been identified that ensure the efficiency and prospects of the economic model of Germany: investments, the presence of leading markets, innovations in all sectors of production, digitalization in all spheres of human activity, the development of basic research, support for startups as a source of investment, trade liberalization; strong cooperation; digital technology-based technology leadership; efficient agriculture; professionally oriented education system. The digital economy, based on a qualitatively new type of information and telecommunication technologies, covers and transforms all spheres of modern production and social life in Germany, which contributes to its position in the world and improves the welfare of the population. When designing the German experience on the Ukrainian economy, to ensure the stability of society in our country, the priorities should be: orientation of the economy to high standards of quality of life, human rights and democracy, taking into account opportunities; trade policy in the context of globalization as an important tool to fill the budget; investments as drivers of population growth and employment; increased attention to services, digital commerce, raw materials, innovation and small and medium enterprises.
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Sökefeld, Martin. "Alevis in Germany and the Politics of Recognition." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006142.
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Migration has been among the most decisive influences shaping contemporary German society, deeply influencing not only economics and demography but also societal discourse and political practice. Legal issues concerning foreigners and immigration have been hotly debated in German society and have played a central role in many elections at both federal and provincial levels. Recognition is an issue at the heart of these concerns. How are migrants viewed in Germany, as “immigrants” or as “foreigners”? As individuals who form a legitimate part of German society, or who have overstayed their temporary “invitation”? Who contribute to the economy and to public welfare, and or who live at the expense of German society? Who are essentially alien to German society and can at best achieve a liminal state of betweenness, or who actively and self-consciously assume a diversity of positions at all levels of society?
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Balcerek, Marta. "Czy Europa potrzebuje zmiany doktryny ekonomicznej?" Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 1 (October 31, 2018): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2010.1.12.
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After World War II the Federal Republic of Germany was forced to decide about its economic system, choosing between liberalism and collectivism. However, neither of the two systems was suitable for German society, so German legal power sought an intermediate solution, a doctrine which would be located halfway on a scale between the two above-mentioned extremes. The resulting solution was the ordoliberal concept of the social market economy, a new economic doctrine implemented by Ludwig Erhard, Economics Minister, later elected Chancellor. The social market economy has since grown in importance, as it was adopted by The European Coal and Steel Community in 1951, and by The European Economic Community in 1957, finally becoming the leading economic doctrine in Europe.
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Кудайберген and Pirimkul Kudaybergen. "Functions and the role of labor agency in social welfare and personnel management in Germany (through the example of immigrants)." Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 3, no. 3 (2014): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/4872.
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The paper considers functions of the Labor Agency (Agency), which is an important mechanism for workforce management processes and procedures in the context of socially-oriented German economy. Agency activities are analyzed and how it practically implements social welfare principles (as exemplified by immigrants from CSI, Asian and African countries). The author operates based on his research and personal experience, gained while working in various German universities and companies. Special attention is given to how the Agency’s Center of Employment provide unemployed with unemployment relief and workplaces. Practical measures conducive to unemployment reduction are highlighted. It is emphasized that while Germany has powerful system of social welfare and sufficient unemployment reliefs, payroll taxes are also relatively high. Consequently, many immigrants try their hard to avoid working and prefer to live on the dole. Along with that the author reveals the reasons and ways through which German state officials discriminate immigrants thus favoring natives of Germany.
 Nevertheless, given one million vacancies to be filled throughout the country, many Germans reject the German tax system, emigrate and work successfully abroad (e.g., 65% of doctors in Switzerland are expatriate Germans). The paper specially emphasizes, that the majority of immigrants to Germany are poorly educated, poorly civilized Asians and Africans with extra families, while among native Germans single-child families prevail and highly qualified specialists do prevail among emigrants. Such social discrepancy arose discontent among German burghers which results in annual neo-Nazi anti-German marches in towns and villages. In conclusion the author provides recommendations for immigrants and Russians, willing to work in German, on how to integrate in the German society and adapt to labor market conditions of Germany.
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Decker, Oliver. "Secondary authoritarianism ‐ the economy and right-wing extremist attitudes in contemporary Germany." Journal of Psychosocial Studies 12, no. 1 (2019): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/147867319x15608718111032.
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In this essay the thesis of a secondary authoritarian dynamic governing contemporary German society is presented. The author follows Sigmund Freud’s distinction between primary and secondary masses ‐ a leader as idealized object of the group members constitutes the first, an abstract object produces the latter mass. To underpin his thesis the author argues with empirical findings of the longitudinal research project ‘Leipzig-Studies on Authoritarianism’ measuring right-wing extremist attitudes in the general German population since 2002 (until 2018 known as ‘Leipzig “Center”-Studies’). Those empirical findings and group discussions conducted in the same project point out that in post-fascistic German society, economic growth had a most prominent role. It was able to win this powerful position because its historical roots were laid in Nazi Germany. The authoritarian dynamic under economic regression until today shows that the function of this secondary authoritarian object is still in power. If this thesis is correct, right-wing extremist attitudes give a deeper insight into modern societies as well as into an individual’s prejudices.
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Kokeev, Alexander, and Maria Khorolskaya. "Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Economic and Political Situation in Germany. Part 1." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, no. 3 (2021): 110–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32021101109.
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The COVID-19 epidemic has become a major security challenge for Germany. The country was faced with the need to protect its own citizens, transform the health care system and support the economy. On the eve of the elections to the Bundestag, German elite concern how COVID-19 and restrictive measures will affect the electoral preferences of the population. At the same time, the pandemic has become a test for European solidarity. The first isolationist reaction of the EU member states gave way to attempts to find a solution at the supranational level. In a twopart article, the team of authors made an attempt to analyze how the German government solves the problems facing the country at the national and European levels, as well as to identify how citizens’ moods change under the influence of the pandemic, what predictions can be made about the results of the upcoming elections to the Bundestag. The first part is devoted to German anti-virus policy, as well as a study of economic damage and measures to support the economy. The second will analyze the FRG’s policy at the European level, as well as the impact of the pandemic on the mood in society and the political preferences of Germans.
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Schaefer, Sagi. "Hidden Behind the Wall: West German State Building and the Emergence of the Iron Curtain." Central European History 44, no. 3 (2011): 506–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000410.
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It is widely accepted that the inter-German border was constructed by East German authorities to halt the emigration to the west, which had damaged the East German economy and undermined the East German state agencies' power. This article argues that this is an inaccurate understanding, which mistakenly treats perceptions and insights gained from studying the Berlin Wall as representative of the mostly rural border between East and West Germany. It emphasizes crucial transformations of frontier society during the 1950s, highlighting the important role of western as well as eastern policy in shaping them.
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Steinweis, Alan E. "Weimar Culture and the Rise of National Socialism: The Kampfbund für deutsche Kultur." Central European History 24, no. 4 (1991): 402–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019233.
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Between 1928 and 1932, the National Socialist movement transformed itself from an insurgent fringe party into Germany's most potent political force. The most important factor in this dramatic turnabout in political fortunes was the rapid deterioration of the German economy beginning in 1929. It does not, however, logically follow that the German people simply fell into the lap of the party and its charismatic leader. To the contrary, the party aggressively employed sophisticated propagandistic and organizational strategies for attracting and mobilizing diverse segments of German society. With the onset of the economic crisis, and the consequent social and political turmoil, the party stood ready to receive, organize, and mobilize Germans from all social strata.
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Kubicek, Herbert. "Information society or information economy? A critical analysis of German information society politics." Telematics and Informatics 13, no. 2-3 (1996): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0736-5853(96)00014-7.
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Holzer, Horst. "The Forgotten Marxist Theory of Communication & Society." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 2 (2017): 686–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i2.908.
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Translated from German to English by Christian FuchsMarxist political economy of communication analyses the role of communication in society and capitalism. This paper shows what it means to take a historical and materialist approach for analysing communication and society. In the German-speaking world, Marxist communication research has largely remained a “forgotten theory”.First, the paper analyses the role of communication in society, which requires thinking of how communication relates to work and production. Second, the paper analyses the emergence of communication in capitalist society. It shows that there is a close interaction of the dominant type of capitalism and the emergence and development of new means of communication. Third, the paper points out five roles of the media in capitalism (the production and sale of media products, advertising and commodity circulation, the legitimation of domination, regeneration and reproduction of labour-power, market for media technologies) and engages with how ideology, social psychology, audiences’ habitus and everyday practices/life interact in the reception of media contents, especially news programmes.The preface to this article, written by the translator, presents aspects of the works of Horst Holzer. Given his pioneering intellectual role in the development of the critique of the political economy of communication in the German-speaking world, it is not an understatement to say that Horst Holzer is Germany’s Dallas Smythe.Acknowledgement: First published in German as book chapter: Holzer, Horst. 1994. Kapitel IV: Eine „vergessene Theorie“ gesellschaftlicher Kommunikation? (Bezugspunkt: Historisch-materialistische Gesellschaftswissenschaft). In Medienkommunkation: Einführung in handlungs- und gesellschaftstheoretische Konzeptionen, 185-221. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. ISBN 978-3-531-22172-4. © Westdeutscher Verlag GmbH, Opladen 1994. Translated and published with permission of Springer Nature.About the Author:Horst Holzer (1935-2000) was a German sociologist and communication theorist. He contributed to the formation and development of the critique of the political economy of media and communication in the German-speaking world. Holzer used Marxist theory for the analysis of the relationship between capitalism and communication. Given his pioneering intellectual role in the development of the critique of the political economy of communication in the German-speaking world, it is not an understatement to say that Horst Holzer is Germany’s Dallas Smythe. Holzer lived and worked in Munich and published twenty German books. The focus of Holzer’s writings was in general on communication theory, the sociology of communication, as well as on capitalism and communication. In particular, his books were about the ideology and political economy of magazines, newspapers, radio and television; public sphere theory, sociological theories, children and television, and surveillance.
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Fisahn, Andreas, and Regina Viotto. "Verschiebungen im Verfassungskompromiss von den deutschen Landesverfassungen zum europäischen Reformvertrag." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 37, no. 149 (2007): 623–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v37i149.503.
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Hesse was the first state in Germany after the second world war, with a new constitution. This constitution differs in many ways from the German Grundgesetz and more from the European reform treaty. The Hessian Constitution prefers a democratic control of the economy, the Grundgesetz follows a neutral concept concerning the economy which means the democratic process is in charge to define the relation of society and economy. The significant difference of the European reform treaty is its radical market oriented concept of the economy.
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Schildt, Axel. "From Reconstruction to ‘Leisure Society’: Free Time, Recreational Behaviour and the Discourse on Leisure Time in the West German Recovery Society of the 1950s." Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (1996): 191–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003775.
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Little more than a decade after having lost the Second World War, the society of the western part of Germany, the Federal Republic, had changed fundamentally in the eye of the observer. The economic expert Henry C. Wallich was not the only one to speak of the ‘German miracle’. Not only had the previously achieved industrial standards long been regained and surpassed, but also a boom had set in – as in all of Western Europe – which came to an end only in the 1970s. Simultaneously, both economy and society had been modernised in the process of reconstruction. The transition to a new stage of modernity, ‘society in affluence’, was discussed animatedly. The emergence of new leisure lifestyles in particular was considered a mark of present times. However, in current reviews it is often forgotten that the West German society of the 1950s was to a far greater extent determined by continuity with the interwar period and by the consequences of the war and post-war years than a first glance at the spectacular novelties suggests.
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Chirko, B. "Ethnic Germans of Ukraine in the Context of Soviet-German Relations (1920-1950s)." Problems of World History, no. 3 (May 16, 2017): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-9.
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The aim of the publication is the study of ethno-political, socio-economic, demographic and other processes taking place in the environment of the German ethnic group of Ukraine in the context of the Soviet-German inter-state relations during 1920-1950s. The author analyzes the attitude of governmental bodies to the German ethnic community, causes, mechanisms of realization, demographic, social and political consequences of political repressions of the Stalinist regime against ethnic Germans, mass deportation of the German population from the regions of traditional accommodation in the interwar period.
 The author emphasizes that the repressive actions were caused by and closely related to administrative-imperative methods of implementation of domestic policies, the militarization of the economy, collectivization of village, violent grain procurements, antireligious campaigns etc. Repressions of the “nationalists” (German, Polish, etc.) were linked with the international factor - the aggravation of the situation in the world. The deterioration of relations between the USSR and Germany and Poland as well as the corresponding strengthening of anti-German and anti-Polish propaganda campaign led in particular to a special bias of Soviet authorities towards the German and Polish population, which was considered as a potential base for “Nazi” activities in the country.
 This publication analyzes the social and legal status of “volksdeutsche” during World War II, the attitude towards “ethnic Germans” of Ukraine from Nazi occupation regime. The status and nature of ethnic Germans staying in the mode of special settlements, repatriation and problems of separated families in the postwar years have been considered.
 The author has paid special attention to the problems of lifting restrictions in the legal status of the majority of the German population of the USSR as a result of the German-Soviet negotiations in Moscow in 1955, the attempts of ethnic Germans and the government of Ukraine to ensure ethnic, social, cultural, religious and spiritual needs of the German ethnic community under conditions of modern Ukrainian state – building and deepening of democratic processes in Ukrainian society.
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Zingel, Wolfgang-Peter. "State Intervention versus Private Initiative: New Challenges for the German Social Market Economy. Any Implications for Pakistan?" Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 4II (1992): 667–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v31i4iipp.667-680.
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There is a never ending discussion, whether economies of different development levels and cultural and social backgrounds can be compared or not. The protagonists of the modernisation theory - and of many other development theories - believe, that development is a uni-dimensional process, where the late-comers have to follow the same path, which the more advanced already went. Their opponents believe that each economy and each society have their distinct features and have to fmd and follow their own development patterns. Germany was a late-comer in industrialisation and suffered serious setbacks later. Its "miracle" reconstruction after World War II has made it prosperous; its economic order may help in mastering the unprecedented challenges set by the Unification and integration of the former East German "Socialist": command economy. Our economic order, however, is not as "free market" oriented, as many believe. With the present shift to more market orientation in the former Second and the Third World, it, therefore, should be worthwhile, to have a closer look at the German "social market economy". This especially applies to Pakistan, with its long tradition of "mixed economy", "welfare state", "Islamic socialism" and "Islamic welfare state".
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Sadykova, L. R. "German Policy Towards Muslim Communities." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-174-181.
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The past two-three decades can be characterized by the period of global migration and sharp jump of migratory streams is connected with globalization and with the economic factor, generating labor movement behind resources from Third World countries to the countries with deficiency of labor. The desire to receive comfort life becomes the major reason, and the migrant makes the decision being guided by private interest more often instead of external factors. Western Europe became one of the most important center of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war, laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Globalization of migratory streams, penetration of foreign culture groups into structure of accepting society and prevalence of multicultural, multiethnic societies are important characteristics of a modern era. Western Europe became one of the most important centers of gravity of migrants. During the post-war period, the need of Europe in foreign labor for restoration of the economy destroyed by war laid the foundation of mass international migration to this region. Special relevance the problem of reception of immigrants, in particular from the Muslim countries, got for the former colonial powers, in particular Great Britain, France, and the Netherlands. Germany also faced this problem; migrants workers from other countries were required for the post-war restoration. Now Germany still is one of the main centers of an attraction of migrants, and concentration of them in this country annually increases. Despite the steps taken by the German government on elimination of Muslim isolation in the German society, its efforts did not bear fruits so far. The majority of Muslims live their life and are still torn off from high life of the country. A possible threat of destruction of the German community appeared when the various ethnic groups appeared in the country.
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Holzer, Horst. "Communication & Society: A Critical Political Economy Perspective." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no. 1 (2018): 357–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v16i1.1029.
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This paper presents the English translation of one of Horst Holzer’s works on communication and society. Holzer elaborates foundations of a critical sociology of communication(s) that studies the relationship of communication and society based on the approach of critical political economy. He shows that such an approach relates communication and production, communication and capitalism; communication, ideology and fetishism; and situates communication in the context of social struggles for alternatives to capitalist social forms. The paper is followed by a postface in which Christian Fuchs contemplates why Holzer’s approach has been largely “forgotten” in the German social sciences and media and communication studies, in turn stressing the continued relevance of Holzer’s theory today.
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Holzer, Horst. "Communication & Society: A Critical Political Economy Perspective." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 16, no. 1 (2018): 357–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/vol16iss1pp357-405.
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This paper presents the English translation of one of Horst Holzer’s works on communication and society. Holzer elaborates foundations of a critical sociology of communication(s) that studies the relationship of communication and society based on the approach of critical political economy. He shows that such an approach relates communication and production, communication and capitalism; communication, ideology and fetishism; and situates communication in the context of social struggles for alternatives to capitalist social forms. The paper is followed by a postface in which Christian Fuchs contemplates why Holzer’s approach has been largely “forgotten” in the German social sciences and media and communication studies, in turn stressing the continued relevance of Holzer’s theory today.
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Wixforth, Harald. "Die maritime Wirtschaft im Lichte der modernen Wirtschafts- und Unternehmensgeschichte." Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte 65, no. 2 (2020): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zug-2020-0020.
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AbstractMaritime Economy in the Perspective of Modern Economic and Business HistoryThe maritime economy has been the leading economic sector of the German coastal regions since the beginning of the early modern era. In contrast to its importance for the society and economy of the North Sea and Baltic regions, the interest of Economic and Business historians in its development within those regions during the last three centuries has been comparatively low. Most studies concerning shipbuilding are dominated by more political-historical focused approaches, which leave aside significant research questions that would benefit our understanding of the specific development of the maritime economy and its businesses. In order to fill this gap and reach the level of research other nations have, significant efforts are necessary. Provided that enough source material is available and access to it is not limited by institutional restrictions, the maritime Economic and Business history in Germany is looking at promising prospects. To use this opportunity would expand our knowledge about the development of the «leading sectors» of some of the most important economic regions in Germany, especially, if the research questions and strategies of the modern Economic and Business history are applied.
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Kopsidis, Michael, and Daniel W. Bromley. "Explaining German Economic Modernization: The French Revolution, Prussian Reforms, and the Inevitable Continuity of Change." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 72, no. 4 (2017): 729–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahsse.2021.11.
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The centuries-long path to German industrialization must be understood as a gradual institutional evolution in response to new circumstances, new opportunities, and new scarcities. Efforts to identify a single deus ex machina—whether Napoleon, Prussian reformers, or some other exogenous driver—do not lead to convincing results. Gradualism offers a plausible account of how a market economy and capitalism took root in German society. Only those German regions that had successfully launched gradual institutional reforms in the eighteenth century were well situated, by the early years of the nineteenth century, to move quickly to an identifiable market economy. Against this background we discuss the role of Prussia and Napoleon in modernizing the institutional framework of the German economy. The Prussian model of agrarian reforms and economic freedom represents a profound event in the history of economic development. A comparable strategic approach was absent in all French-controlled territories before or after 1815. Prussian reformers were the first in history to embrace a multi-sectoral strategy of rural development, enabling them to successfully combine growth with equity.
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Kleinschmidt, Christian. "Comparative Consumer Product Testing in Germany." Business History Review 84, no. 1 (2010): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500001264.
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The introduction of comparative product testing in Germany reflected the rise of a mass consumer society within a rapidly changing market economy. The first proposal to establish a federally supported institute for product testing was made in 1957. Proponents wished to reduce the asymmetries of power and information between producers and consumers. Producers' initial opposition was overcome once federal legislation was passed and they recognized that the institute's work gave them an opportunity to use the test results in their corporate marketing and advertising strategies. By integrating state-regulated consumer protection into the social-market economy, the Stiftung Warentest, Germany's independent product-testing foundation, became an expression of both the emerging modern consumer society and the German corporatist model.
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Riley, Dylan. "The Third Reich as Rogue Regime." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (2014): 330–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341380.
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What was the connection between the structure of the German economy in the 1930s and German aggression in World War ii? Adam Tooze’s Wages of Destruction forcefully poses this issue, but fails to adequately resolve it. Instead, on this decisive question, his analysis oscillates uneasily between two equally unconvincing models: rational-choice theory and cultural determinism. This surprising explanatory failure derives from an inadequate theorisation of German imperialism as the expression of the combined and uneven development of the German economy and society in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries.
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Meister, S. "Germany and Russia: Delimitated Partners." World Economy and International Relations, no. 7 (2013): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-7-22-28.
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The estrangement is surging up in relations between Germany and Russia. Expectations of the "Partnership for Modernization" in Berlin are deceived. For the German part, it seems most important to reform the Russian political system through economic cooperation, whereas, in contrast, Russia is interested in economic partnership itself and in investment promotion. The lack of the legal regulation, and the growing state influence on economy in Russia hedge the economic partnership. Berlin has no concept of ways to affect the reform process in Russia. The renewal of the policy line towards Russia is needed. If Germany wants to facilitate the integration of Russia into Europe, Berlin must work out a new approach in the relationship with Moscow, focused less on elites and more on the civil society.
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Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Voluntarism, Corporatism and Path Dependency: The Metalworkers’ Unions Amalgamated Engineering Union and IG Metall and their Place in the History of British and German Industrial Relations." German History 37, no. 3 (2019): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz037.
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Abstract Germany and Britain have served as models of either corporatist or voluntarist industrial relations. The more recent typology of ‘varieties of capitalism’ then identified Britain as a model case of a ‘liberal market economy’ while Germany was portrayed as a (state) ‘co-ordinated market economy’. The mainstream of German-language labour history also tells this success story. Some research on the evolution of co-determination has portrayed its subject as a long-standing trait of German capitalism, with predecessors dating back as far as 1848. With its focus on the history of two key trade unions in core industries of Britain and Germany, the British metalworkers’ union the Amalgamated Society of Engineers / Amalgamated Engineering Union and the German Metal Workers’ Union / IG Metall, this article questions both exceptionalism and continuity. It argues that a path dependency exists in the structure of both unions and the industrial relations around them—but that this never came close to a linear evolution of voluntarism or corporatism. On closer examination, the history of both unions includes localist as well as centralist practices. From the 1890s both unions were part of collective bargaining with strong employers’ associations; especially after 1945 both were open to corporatist compromises. For West Germany only, such a compromise was found in the early 1950s, and not before, while in Britain that same compromise was attempted but failed during the crucial years between 1965 and 1979. Therefore, to quote Stefan Berger, this article argues that ‘similarities between the British and the German labour movements have been underestimated’.
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Trammer, Hubert. "Overview on housing situation in Germany after First Word War with focus on activity of the GEHAG housing society in Berlin." Budownictwo i Architektura 7, no. 2 (2010): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/bud-arch.2273.
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After the First World War many reasons caused the increase of the scale of the problem of the bad housing conditions. This text presents the overview of the solutions, from the field of architecture and town planning as well as from the field of law and economy, created in Germany as an answer for the housing problem. The circumstances connected with them are also presented. There is a more detailed presentation of the activity of the biggest german association acting in the field of erecting housing assemblies – the GEHAG society (Gemeinnützige Heimsstätten- Aktiengesellschaft = Join-Stock Society for Social Settlements).
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Röttger, Bernd. "Noch immer „Modell Deutschland“?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 42, no. 166 (2012): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v42i166.16.
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The regulation of the economic crisis within German capitalism since 2008 seems to follow thebasic structures of the so-called „Modell Deutschland”: in industrial relations a corporatistarrangement between capital, state and labour tried to absorb the consequences of the crisis,and the traditional export industry supported the new economic growth since summer 2009.The article analyses the internal and external dynamics of its transition between structuralchange of the world economy and conditions of political decision-making since its proclamationin 1976. In conclusion today the German „Exportmodell” is no longer based on classcompromises in German society on the one hand and on European balances between interestsof economic stabilization and modernization on the other hand, but a force that is able toundermine alternative paths of economic development in Europe.
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Pereyra, Soledad. "Intimidad, emoción y activismo político en el teatro posmigrante de Sasha Marianna Salzmann." mAGAzin Revista intercultural e interdisciplinar, no. 26 (2018): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/magazin.2018.02.
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As Pavis (2016) argues, intimacy has resurfaced under different forms and names in current theater. This article makes a general introduction to posmigrant theatre in Germany, breaks down some of these forms of intimacy and emotion in theatre studies, and then analyzes its presence and articulation in the monologues of two works by german-language playwright Sasha Marianna Salzmann (n.1985): Muttersprache Mameloschn (2013) and Meteoriten (2016). The examination of the monologues of Salzmann -who is one of the representatives of the so-called German Postmigrant Theatre- exhibits that intimacy in their works is not only about reversing the representational economy of the minorities in a multicultural society. The use of emotion in her theatre abandons its traditional association with the “pathos” and the “Impossibility of Acting” (DidiHuberman, 2013:26), and represents a form of political activism, which builds theatre as the smallest cell of a fairer society (Salzmann 2015).
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Wahlers, Marijke. "Internationalization of Universities: The German Way." International Higher Education, no. 92 (January 14, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2018.92.10213.
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While German universities have traditionally followed a partnership-based cooperativeapproach to internationalization, more recently, growing competition and increasingresource shortages have resulted in the emergence of a more competitive approach.Also with regard to international students as a target group, the cooperative andcompetitive approaches have coexisted for many years, albeit virtually unconnected.This has resulted in a dramatic increase in the number of international students inGermany over the past two decades. The question arises as to whether, and how, thetwo sometimes contradictory rationales can, in the future, be harmonized. There ismuch to be said for Germany further enhancing its international profile in the globalcompetitive market by consistently pursuing its partnership-based approach. There isevidence that not only universities, but also the economy and society, reap long-termbenefits.
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Wahlers, Marijke. "Internationalization of Universities: The German Way." International Higher Education, no. 92 (January 14, 2018): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2018.92.10276.
Full textAbstract:
While German universities have traditionally followed a partnership-based cooperativeapproach to internationalization, more recently, growing competition and increasingresource shortages have resulted in the emergence of a more competitive approach.Also with regard to international students as a target group, the cooperative andcompetitive approaches have coexisted for many years, albeit virtually unconnected.This has resulted in a dramatic increase in the number of international students inGermany over the past two decades. The question arises as to whether, and how, thetwo sometimes contradictory rationales can, in the future, be harmonized. There ismuch to be said for Germany further enhancing its international profile in the globalcompetitive market by consistently pursuing its partnership-based approach. There isevidence that not only universities, but also the economy and society, reap long-termbenefits.
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Gibney, Matthew J. "Crisis of Constraint: The Federal Republic of Germany's Current Refugee Imbroglio." Government and Opposition 28, no. 3 (1993): 372–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01323.x.
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THE WEST GERMAN STATE HAS FACED TWO DAUNTING challenges brought about by the movement of refugees into its territory since the end of the Second World War. The first occurred immediately after the end of the war and involved the resettlement of ten million refugees of German nationality expelled from East European countries and 3.5 million evacuees from Soviet-controlled East Germany. It was a challenge that was met with dramatic success. With the help of a number of governmental programmes, and a rapidly expanding economy, these refugees were fully integrated into West German society in the two decades after 1945. Indeed, by the end of the 1960s, the success of this massive resettlement attempt, along with the country's uniquely broad constitutional article which recognized a right of asylum for all political refugees, had rendered the Federal Republic, in spite of its catastrophic past, something of a model for all states in the handling of refugees
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Witkowski, Gregory R. "On the Campaign Trail: State Planning and Eigen-Sinn in a Communist Campaign to Transform the East German Countryside." Central European History 37, no. 3 (2004): 400–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569161041445643.
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Throughout its history, the East German Communist Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, hereafter SED) organized campaigns to overcome the economic and political challenges facing it and to launch new program initiatives. Whether the aim was to increase factory safety, beautify a village, or raise standards of living, the party and the East German government used mass mobilizations to shape society, or at least certain social groups. Communist campaigns were directed attempts to improve diverse sectors of society by concentrating resources on arenas marked as economically deficient and socially resistant. By directing their efforts at revolutionizing narrowly defined critical areas, Communist leaders felt that they could enact overarching societal changes. Campaigns thus served as a means to initiate new policies and to correct problems that developed later. They were an essential part both of the state planning so prevalent in Communist systems, and of the often hectic short-term initiatives endemic in such economies. These mobilization efforts were so critical to the regime that one scholar has declared that the German Democratic Republic (GDR) possessed a campaign, rather than a command economy.
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Chih-Mei, Luo. "Are Labour Market Reforms the Answer to Post-Euro-Crisis Management? Reflections on Germany’s Hartz Reforms." European Review 26, no. 4 (2018): 738–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000364.
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This article is an attempt to clarify the effects of the German labour market reforms, commonly known as the Hartz reforms. Competing arguments were used to identify the welfare implications for German society and the German economy in order to explore whether or not such labour market reforms might provide another German answer, following fiscal discipline, to the EU’s post-euro-crisis management. This paper confirms that the Hartz reforms effectively reduced German unemployment, but they did not fundamentally solve the problem. Moreover, such effects appeared to propagate an increase in size of the low-paid sector, declining wages and increasing income inequality. The reforms were not welfare-enhancing for individuals because of increased poverty levels in employment and unemployment, which further implied a counter-productive risk for the German economy because of the contraction of domestic consumption, and potential social instability for German society because of rising inequality and deteriorating living standards. Therefore, Hartz-style reforms are neither a desirable model for other EU countries, nor the answer to Europe’s post-euro-crisis management in a time of fiscal austerity and negative interest rates. The real danger to European integration, as argued in this article, is not the challenge from high unemployment, but from Germany’s complacency of a one-size-fits-all thinking and, being the EU’s leading country, its double standards towards and ignorance of the differential nature and contexts of the European unemployment issue compared with the German one. This article warns that the mishandling of labour market reforms could result in the collapse of the already fragile public confidence in European integration.
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Köster, Roman. "Technikkonzeptionen der Nationalökonomie in der Weimarer Republik." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 145 (2006): 563–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i145.538.
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The Weimar Republic has been a period in which the German society was subject to strong tensions as the former social order had collapsed. In this situation economists were searching for new concepts for the balance of social forces especially between technology and economy. The optimistic view of technology as a saviour was followed by deception in view of the actual experiences after the world economic crisis resulting in undemocratic visions of organic order built on a strong state.
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Miller, J. R., and L. Miller. "Principles of Environmental Economics and the Political Economy of West German Environmental Policy." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 6, no. 4 (1988): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c060457.
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We begin by recognizing that environmental economics has an influence on environmental policy. We describe two schools of environmental economics: A standard school, an outgrowth of the standard economics paradigm; and an alternative school, one which is more normative in nature, which calls for radical economic change largely through a change in individual values and a transformation of industrial society. The policies and proposals of West German political parties are examined in terms of the principles of these two schools. We conclude that both schools are well represented across the political spectrum, from the fundamentalists in the Greens to the present governing coalition.
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Holtsch, Doreen, Sebastian Brückner, Manuel Förster, and Olga Zlatkin-Troitschanskaia. "Gender gap in Swiss vocational education and training teachers’ economics content knowledge and the role of teaching experience." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 18, no. 3 (2019): 218–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2047173419893595.
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In the commercial sector, which is of crucial importance to the Swiss economy among other countries, a large number of apprentices are trained on a vocational education and training programme every year. Besides other subjects, the subject Economics and Society forms an integral part of the vocational education and training curriculum and serves to prepare apprentices for professional, economic and civic participation. Although content knowledge is widely considered necessary to both teaching quality and student achievement, little is known about the subject-specific content knowledge of Swiss Economics and Society teachers. As previous research has shown a gender gap in the content knowledge of (pre-service) teachers in economics, we focus on the question as to whether Swiss Economics and Society teachers’ economics content knowledge differs, including in relation to gender. As additional influencing factors, our study included teaching experience and teaching load. We measured the economics content knowledge of 153 Economics and Society teachers with a shortened German version of the Test of Understanding College Economics in the German-speaking part of Switzerland. Multivariate analyses indicated a gender effect that manifested itself in higher test scores among male Economics and Society teachers. These findings are relevant to the training of vocational education and training teachers.
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Tobiasz, Lesław. "Imigranci a przemiany społeczno-kulturowe w społeczeństwie współczesnej Szwajcarii niemieckojęzycznej." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 23 (April 29, 2015): 169–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2015.23.08.
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The author analyses the problems of socio-cultural changes in the German-speaking population of Switzerland. In particular, he focuses on the processes that result from the presence of numerous immigrant communities. The analysis relates mainly to the period a er the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe. At the same time, the transformations in the German-speaking population of Switzerland are shown on the background of historical processes that have shaped the Swiss multiculturalism and multilingualism. The analysis takes into account the complex interactions between different multilingual areas of the country and external impacts resulting from socio-cultural processes outside its borders, especially in Germany. The German-speaking part of the multicultural Swiss Confederation is currently experiencing a period of rapid social changes. These changes relate to the sphere of culture, language, economy and politics. The German-speaking Swiss are trying to redefine their identity and role in the world, full of different challenges and threats. One of them is the approach to immigrants and the culture they represent. It can be assumed that in the next few years, the Swiss – in fear of the inflow of other cultures – will seek to limit immigration processes, while strengthening the processes for the effective integration of newcomers in the multicultural society.
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Tilly, Charles. "Don Kalb, Marco van der Land, Richard Staring, Bart van Steenbergen, and Nico Wilterdink, eds. The Ends of Globalization: Bringing Society Back In. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. vii + 403 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 229–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901244536.
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As the European population grew after 1100 CE, bishops and princes in the thinly settled regions northeast of what we now call Germany took to generating revenue and labor power by recruiting qualified migrants to newly chartered cities and villages. Often the charters granted access to German law rather than the Slavic or Scandinavian codes and practices that had previously prevailed. German law afforded both merchants and peasants greater individual freedom and more secure claims to property than did earlier legal arrangements. Soon German-speaking cities such as Danzig and Riga were booming as crossroads in the exchange of northern goods for the manufactures of Central and Western Europe. In their hinterlands, German-speaking farmers intensified cultivation and shipped agricultural products to centers of international trade. Fairly soon, however, strengthened coercive monarchies and mercantile federations such as the Hanse extracted revenues and exerted top-down controls that increased inequality between insiders and outsiders of the newly expanding political economy. We might call the whole process Europeanization. Within Europeanization, however, what caused what? How did German law, semi-autonomous cities, intensive farming, exclusive trading federations, developmental states, and proliferating markets interact? Decades of vigorous, often vitriolic, debate among historians have not yet produced a clear-cut victory for the view that well- articulated markets did the crucial work, for the riposte that new forms of force-backed exploitation caused the transformation, or for any alternative to those competing explanations.
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Roth, Steffen. "The Fairly Good Economy: Testing The Economization Of Society Hypothesis Against A Google Ngram View Of Trends In Functional Differentiation (1800-2000)." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 29, no. 5 (2013): 1495. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v29i5.8030.
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The present article considers the economization of society a hypothesis rather than a fact. The hypothesis is tested against the results of a Google ngram viewer analysis of the most frequent function system references in the Google Books corpus for the years 1800-2000. Despite the remarkable growth figures in the English, French, and German language corpora as related to economic word frequency shares, the results suggest the rejection of the economization hypothesis. In fact, the growth trends of economic word frequencies are stopped in all of the three language areas, in none of which the economy ever reached a dominant position throughout the entire 200 years. The results give reason to assume that the idea of an economized society is an intellectual artifact rather than a fact. This fact is emphasized not to prove the marginal relevance of research in economic risks and benefits, but rather in terms of a suggestion to consider re-focusing research foci and drawing increased attention to function systems beyond the politico-economic double stars of social science. Maybe even the solution to the present economic crises is not in more, but rather in less attention to the economy.
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Kuckertz, Andreas, Elisabeth S. C. Berger, and Alicia Prochotta. "Misperception of entrepreneurship and its consequences for the perception of entrepreneurial failure – the German case." International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behavior & Research 26, no. 8 (2020): 1865–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijebr-02-2020-0060.
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PurposeThis study aims to investigate how Germans' misperceptions of the nature of entrepreneurship influence their attitudes towards entrepreneurial failure.Design/methodology/approachAdopting a multivariate regression analysis, the study used data collected from a commercial online market research panel (N = 2,027) reflecting the overall German working population. Attitudinal items on business failure were used to measure the study variables. The study controlled for age, education, employment status, gender, income, whether the respondent knows a failed entrepreneur and the German federal state in which the respondent resides.FindingsThe findings suggest that reservations about failed entrepreneurs become stronger as misperceptions of the nature of entrepreneurship worsen. The results also show that failure reservations vary regionally over the 16 German federal states.Practical implicationsNationwide efforts regarding the stimulation of entrepreneurship and the acceptance of entrepreneurial failure are insufficient for removing failure reservations, as they neglect regional cultural differences. The results suggest that it is not enough just to invest in efforts to create a failure-friendly culture, and that a better general education about the realities of entrepreneurship is a prerequisite.Originality/valueThe study generates insights into how the overall population in an innovation-driven economy perceives entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial failure. Moreover, the work delves into the reasons why parts of German society reject failed entrepreneurs. Hence, this study can aid the drafting of effective policy initiatives at the regional and national levels.
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Krohn, Claus-Dieter. "L'esilio degli intellettuali tedeschi negli Stati Uniti dopo il 1933." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 31 (September 2009): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-031002.
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- The exile of German intellectuals after Hitler took power was the largest transfer of skills and talents that ever occurred in modern and contemporary times. German scientists, settled in an American environment which welcomed them, developed a series of analysis on the transformation of society, economy and the future of democracy, that had a great impact on various sectors of the US culture, ensuring to the country a primacy in various fields of knowledge for a long time.Parole chiave: Weimar, esilio, trasformazioni sociali, cultura di massa, democrazia, impatto scientifico Weimar, exile, social transformation, mass culture, democracy, scientific impact
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Backhaus, Ursula. "Wilhelm Roepke's Focus on the Municipality." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 26, no. 2 (2008): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569208x15664518307998.
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Abstract To Wihelm Roepke [1899-1966], small circles are important for a humane economy and society. At die local level, the economic, social, and cultural interaction of people prevents the loss of traditions and civic values, and is an antidote to alienation from work, boredom, loneliness, crime, neglect of children, and other dangers of a modern mass society. Roepke's call for decentralization applies to the state aggregate level as well. While he is an advocate of decentralized architectural design of municipalities in order to fight pitfalls of modern mass society, he is also an advocate of decentralization in the design of economic policies in order to prevent political dictatorship. An example of his decentralized proposals are the German deficit-based recovery policies, which were designed under his guidance in the Brauns Commission [1930-1931]. In contrast to what Keynes had suggested, these policies have been designed as municipal policies, and not as centralized (aggregate) state policies.
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Hartsch, Florian, Julia Kemmerer, Eric R. Labelle, Dirk Jaeger, and Thilo Wagner. "Integration of Harvester Production Data in German Wood Supply Chains: Legal, Social and Economic Requirements." Forests 12, no. 4 (2021): 460. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/f12040460.
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Digitalization and its associated technology are shaping the world economy and society. Data collection, data exchange, and connection throughout the wood supply chain have become increasingly important. There exist many technologies for the implementation of Industry 4.0 applications in forestry. For example, the integration of harvester production data throughout the wood supply chain seems to have strong optimization potential but it is faced with several challenges due to the high number of stakeholders involved. Therefore, the objective of this article is to analyze the legal, social, and economic conditions surrounding the integration of harvester production data integration in Germany. For analysis of the legal and economic conditions, a narrative literature analysis was performed with special consideration of the relevant German and European legal references. For determination of the social conditions, a qualitative content analysis of 27 expert interviews was performed. Results showed that legal ownership of harvester production data cannot be clearly defined in Germany, but there exist several protection rights against misuse, which can define an ownership-similar data sovereignty. Furthermore, harvester data use can be restricted in the case where personal data are traceable, based on European data protection law. From a social perspective, the stakeholders interviewed in the study had different opinions on data ownership. Stakeholders require specific criteria on the data (interfaces) and other factors for the acceptance of new structures to allow successful harvester data integration. From an economic perspective, harvester production data are tradeable through varying transaction forms but, generally, there is no accepted and valid formula in existence for calculating the value or price of harvester data. Therefore, the authors advise discussing these issues with key stakeholders to negotiate and agree on data ownership and use in order to find a suitable solution to realize optimization potentials in the German wood supply chain.
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Herberg, Jeremias, Tobias Haas, Daniel Oppold, and Dirk von Schneidemesser. "A Collaborative Transformation beyond Coal and Cars? Co-Creation and Corporatism in the German Energy and Mobility Transitions." Sustainability 12, no. 8 (2020): 3278. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12083278.
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In this article, we critically discuss the role of collaboration in Germany’s path towards a post-carbon economy. We consider civic movements and novel forms of collaboration as a potentially transformative challenger to the predominant approach of corporatist collaboration in the mobility and energy sectors. However, while trade unions and employer organizations provide a permanent and active arena for policy-oriented collaboration, civil society groups cannot rely on an equivalently institutionalized corridor to secure policy impact and public resonance. In that sense, conventional forms of collaboration tend to hinder the transformation towards a post-carbon economy. Collaboration in the German corporatist setting is thus, from a sustainability perspective, simultaneously a problem and a solution. We argue for more institutionalized corridors between civil society and state institutions. Co-creation, as we would like to call this methodical approach to collaborating, can be anchored within the environmental and industrial policy arenas.
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Salamova, Ayna. "Basic theories of modern institutionalism." SHS Web of Conferences 94 (2021): 03001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219403001.
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Institutionalism went through a difficult historical path of its development, went through several stages, each of which was accompanied by the renewal of methodology and theoretical foundations. Consistently at each stage, a corresponding independent direction arose: old institutionalism, new institutionalism (new institutional economics) and neoinstitutionalism (neoinstitutional economics). Modern institutionalism is a qualitatively new direction of economic thought, based on the theoretical principles of economic analysis of the neoclassical school in terms of identifying trends in the development of the economy, as well as the methodological tools of the German historical school in the approach to the study of socio-psychological problems of the development of society.
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Maddox, Gregory. "Mtunya: Famine in Central Tanzania, 1917–20." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (1990): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024993.
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In the Dodoma Region of central Tanzania the people called Wagogo name a famine that struck between 1917 and 1920 the Mtunya—‘The Scramble’. This famine came after both German and British miliary requisitions had drained the arid region of men, cattle and food. The famine, which killed 30,000 of the region's 150,000 people, is more than just a good example of what John Iliffe has called ‘conjunctural poverty’. The Mtunya and the response to it by both the people of the region and the new colonial government also shaped the form of the interaction between local economy and society and the political economy of colonial Tanganyika. The Gogo, in their own interpretation of the famine, stress the ways in which this famine made them dependent on the colonial economy. For them, this famine represented a terrible loss of autonomy, a loss of the ability to control the reproduction of their own society.
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Mythen, Gabe. "Employment, Individualization and Insecurity: Rethinking the Risk Society Perspective." Sociological Review 53, no. 1 (2005): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2005.00506.x.
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German sociologist Ulrich Beck maintains that economic, technological and environmental transitions have radically reshaped employment relations in Western Europe. Whilst theories of employment transformation are historically ubiquitous, Beck's contribution is rather unique. Utilising risk as a lens through which subterranean shifts in employment, the economy and society can be visualised, Beck's work has been heralded as a significant theoretical landmark. The risk society perspective emphasizes the diffusion of two interlinked macro-social processes. Firstly, Beck identifies a sweeping process of individualization which recursively generates personal insecurity and reflexive decision-making. Secondly, changes in the relationship between capital and labour are said to have facilitated an underlying shift in the pattern of social distribution. This paper scrutinises Beck's understanding of these two processes, as a means of developing a broader critique of the risk society perspective. Theoretically, it will be argued that Beck deploys unsophisticated and artificial categories, amalgamates disparate forms of risk and compacts together diverse employment experiences. Empirically, the paper demonstrates that – far from being directed by a universal axis of risk – labour market inequalities follow the grooves etched by traditional forms of stratification.
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Mythen, Gabe. "From ‘Goods’ to ‘Bads’? Revisiting the Political Economy of Risk." Sociological Research Online 10, no. 3 (2005): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1140.
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German social theorist Ulrich Beck has consistently maintained that the logic of social distribution in western cultures has been reconfigured over the last three decades. Beck believes that, in the first industrial modernity, political and economic energies were directed toward the dissemination of ‘social goods’, such as healthcare, employment and wealth. By contrast, in the second modernity - or risk society - the positive logic of goods distribution is displaced by a negative logic of ‘social bads’, exemplified by environmental despoliation, terrorism and nuclear accidents. Critically, whilst the logic of goods is sectoral - some win and some lose, some are protected, some exposed - social bads follow a universalising logic which threatens rich and poor alike. This article interrogates and challenges these core claims by fusing together and developing empirical and theoretical criticisms of the theory of distributional logic. Empirically, it is demonstrated that Beck draws upon a narrow range of examples, is insensitive to continuities in social reproduction and glosses over the intensification of traditional inequalities. Theoretically, the paper asserts that the risk society perspective constructs an unsustainable divide between interconnected modes of distribution, neglects the way in which political discourses can be used to reinforce hegemonic interests and overlooks uneven patterns of risk distribution.
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Dolphin, Amy C., and Karl-Ludwig Ay. "Geography and Mentality Some Aspects of Max Weber's Protestantism Thesis." Numen 41, no. 2 (1994): 163–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852794x00102.
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AbstractIn his essays on the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism Max Weber proceeds from the observation that in Germany there is a clearly recognizable difference between the economic behaviour of Catholics and Protestants. As one of the reasons for this difference, the essays reveal-as a guiding principle for people's conduct of life-the principle of worldly asceticism inherent in Protestantism. This, Weber said, especially contributed to the formation of modern bourgeois capitalism in the occidental world. This thesis was mainly developed on the evidence of phenomena which Weber observed in Western Europe and North America and which he himself related to Calvinism. The problem now is that the Germany of Weber's time, as a leading industrial state, participated in modern western capitalism without Calvinism playing for the German Protestants a role which would have been in any way comparable to its role in the more western countries. Detailed examination of governmental, economic, and social conditions in the history of the denominalisation of some German territories and the comparison with the living conditions of Protestants in Western Europe and America leads to the conclusion that the later development of bourgeois economy and what I would like to call "Word Culture" (cf. p. 176f.) depended on the following factors: on with what methods and with what severity the rulers of the Reformation Era succeeded in imposing their own personal choice of faith upon their subjects or how far they allowed things to take their course without interference; then on whether they in this way curtailed, permitted or even supported the development of that capitalist and bourgeois economic spirit and "Word Culture" which had its roots as far back as the pre-Reformation era and which had then been boosted by Calvinism. Both individual belief and the rulers' power over this belief influenced equally vigorously and lastingly the mentality of all people concerned. Even more generalized: depending on whether and to what extent the religious and intellectual culture of a society are subjected to state oppression and coercive formation over a long period of time, the intellectual culture and economic attitude and potential of this society will develop. Life-style, economic ethic and cultural profile of many later generations depend on this.
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Głowacki, Krzysztof, Christopher Andrew Hartwell, Kateryna Karunska, et al. "The Rule of Law and Its Social Reception as Determinants of Economic Development: A Comparative Analysis of Germany and Poland." Law and Development Review 14, no. 2 (2021): 359–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ldr-2021-0043.
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Abstract The rule of law is not just a necessary condition for a modern liberal society but also an important prerequisite for a stable, effective and sustainable market economy. However, relevant legal norms may be more or less successful depending on their social reception within a particular country. This study explores the connection between the rule of law, especially in terms of how it is viewed socially, and the functioning of market economy in the examples of two geographically contiguous yet often-diverging countries, namely Germany and Poland. We utilise two approaches to examine this issue, first studying societal perceptions of the various dimensions of the rule of law by way of standardized surveys and in-depth interviews conducted in both countries to determine the de facto state of the rule of law in the economic context. Secondly, we measure the effect of the de jure and de facto rule of law on economic outcomes using a multivariate panel analysis. Combining new institutional economics and sociology of law, our analysis finds that Polish firms perceive the rule of law and its execution by the state in a restrictive perspective, contributing to insecurity. German interviewees, however, showcase the supportive and transaction cost-reducing properties of the rule of law, displaying higher trust in the state. These findings are supported by an econometric analysis of the drivers of rule of law in both Poland and Germany, which shows the importance of rule of law in terms of a level playing field contributing to higher levels of investment.
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Zukas, Alex. "Lazy, Apathetic and Dangerous: the Social Construction of Unemployed Workers in Germany during the Late Weimar Republic." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (2001): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001023.
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At the end of the Weimar Republic, German business people, socialists, and communists used images of unemployed workers to define the boundaries of what they each considered acceptable and unacceptable in German Society. While concerns over Jews, homosexuals, and so on stayed within narrow discursive boundaries in the Weimar Republic, the public discourse on the unemployed ranged across a number of discursive boundaries and became a nodal point of social critique and commentary. Despite the marginal social status of unemployed workers, discussions about them became central to the self-understanding of different social groups in Weimar's political economy. In defining the unemployed, these communities also defined themselves and laid bare their existential concerns.