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Journal articles on the topic 'German federalism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

DEEG, RICHARD, and SUSANNE LÜTZ. "Internationalization and Financial Federalism." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 3 (April 2000): 374–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033003004.

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In this article, the authors examine some effects of economic internationalization on state structures, especially in regard to the distribution of power and authority within federalist systems. Using an institutional rational choice model, they analyze changes in financial regulation and market structures in Germany and the United States. The focus is on the financial realm because of its high degree of internationalization and because, in both countries, financial markets and regulation have historically exhibited federalist traits. The findings indicate that internationalization has led to significant convergence in financial market structures and regulation across the two countries and that in each case this convergence has been accompanied by centralization of financial regulatory authority. Although both the German type of cooperative federalism and the U.S. model of competitive federalism proved to be vulnerable to the growing international pressures, the two countries took different paths of change that reflected differences in domestic institutions. Thus, the authors conclude that convergence is, and will likely remain, of a limited nature.

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2

Boenau, A. Bruce, Charlie Jeffery, and Peter Savigear. "German Federalism Today." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 21, no. 4 (1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330320.

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3

Pryce, Roy. "German federalism today." International Affairs 68, no. 1 (January 1992): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620522.

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4

Gunlicks, Arthur B., Charlie Jeffery, and Peter Savigear. "German Federalism Today." German Studies Review 16, no. 2 (May 1993): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431706.

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5

Birmele, Jutta. "German federalism today." History of European Ideas 17, no. 2-3 (March 1993): 389–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90339-r.

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6

Hillgruber, Christian. "German Federalism – An Outdated Relict?" German Law Journal 6, no. 10 (October 1, 2005): 1270–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014310.

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Germany is currently in a deep structural crises which has been furthered by the combination of ongoing economic stagnation and a desolate situation of state finances. That these circumstances are due to—according to a widespread opinion—not just the failure of political leadership in the Federation and Länder during the last decades, but also, and especially, the German system of federalism in its current form, is anything but evident. It has become commonplace to hear that the German federal state is in the throes of a serious legitimacy crises and is in need of fundamental structural reform, if the current federation is to have any future. Advocates of reform claim the process needs to result in a widespread disentanglement of powers, so that responsibility can once again be clearly attributed to its proper bearers. Meanwhile, criticism continuously takes on an ever stronger tone: Germany is supposedly to have fallen into the “trap of federalism”. As Klaus von Dohnanyi stated: “If, as in our German Bund-Länder-consensus-system of the so-called ‘cooperative federalism', one level can always interfere with the other level even into details—and that is now the case in almost every aspect— immobility and stagnation, irresponsibility and chaos appear. It would have been better, if we had chosen a centralistic organization. Centralism is better than halfhearted decentralism. A well-lead central state is better than an undecided federalism.”

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7

Hrbek, Rudolf. "The Reform of German Federalism: Part I." European Constitutional Law Review 3, no. 2 (June 2007): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019607002258.

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Constitutional reform in Germany – Modernization of the German federal system is only a first step – Why reforming German Federalism was necessary – Steps and factors in the constitutional reform process – Substance – Issues and agenda for future reform on financial relations.

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8

Vasiliev, Victor. "German Federalism: New Tendencies." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 15, no. 1 (2000): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2000-15-1-149-160.

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9

Moore, Carolyn, Wade Jacoby, and Arthur B. Gunlicks. "German Federalism in Transition?" German Politics 17, no. 4 (December 2008): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000802490329.

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10

Döring*, Thomas, and Stefan Voigt**. "Reforming Federalism German Style." Intereconomics 41, no. 4 (July 2006): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-006-0191-6.

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11

Niedobitek, Matthias. "The German Bundesrat and Executive Federalism." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0023.

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Abstract The German Basic Law constitutes federalism as a unique political system which is characterised by intertwined decision-making of the Federation (Bund) and the component units (Länder). The executives of the two federal tiers and the Länder executives within the Bundesrat play a major role in making joint decisions. They are forced to make decisions in the ‘joint-decision mode’ (Politikverflechtung) which is detrimental to accountability. Reform efforts were made to unbundle competences and to reduce the number of bills which require the Bundesrat’s consent. Due to the dominance of the executives and the distribution of powers between the federal tiers (legislation is dominated by the Bund, execution is dominated by the Länder), German federalism is rightly called ‘executive federalism’. German federalism can even be regarded as an embodiment of that concept since it covers all possible aspects of ‘executive federalism’. The Bundesrat has an important share in that classification.

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12

Gunlicks, Arthur. "German Federalism Reform: Part One." German Law Journal 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005447.

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In October 2005 the German Law Journal published my article which reviewed the major characteristics of German federalism, some common criticisms, and efforts to reform the system in recent decades. These efforts culminated in a Federalism Commission (Kommission von Bundestag und Bundesrat zur Modernisierung der bundesstaatlichen Ordnung [KOMBO]) that was formed in the fall of 2003 and met until December 2004, when the co-chairs announced that the Commission was unable to reach agreement on several issues, in particular the respective roles of the federal and Land (state) governments in higher education policy. The failure of federalism reform was lamented by most observers, and many regretted especially the fact that the Commission had agreed on far more issues than those on which it had disagreed.

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13

Reutter, Werner. "Constitutional Politics in East Germany and the Grand Coalition State." Perspectives on Federalism 8, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): E—23—E—44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2016-0015.

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Abstract Constitutional politics seemingly corroborate the assumption that Germany is a Grand Coalition state. In this perspective German cooperative federalism and the supermajority required for any amendment to the constitution privilege bargaining and intertwined policy-making as modes of conflict resolution and thus support grand coalitions. In this paper I will explore whether this theory can explain constitutional politics in the German Länder. Firstly, I examine how far sub-national constitutional politics match the functioning of cooperative federalism that is a defining feature of the Grand Coalition state. Secondly, I examine sub-national constitutional politics in the five new Länder and bring the role parties played in this policy field to the fore. Overall, I conclude that cooperative federalism did not impact on constitutional politics in East Germany and that the features of consensus democracy are only partly able to explain law-making in this sector.

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14

Gunlicks, Arthur B. "German Federalism and Recent Reform Efforts." German Law Journal 6, no. 10 (October 1, 2005): 1283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014322.

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In both the United States and Germany constitutional lawyers, politicians, and the attentive public speak of “dual federalism.” In the United States this means that the federal government and the states have separate political and administrative responsibilities and their own sources of revenues. In Germany, in contrast, dual federalism means that the federal government, i.e., the executive and legislative branches, are responsible for most legislation, and that the Länder (states; singular, Land) generally administer the laws (in large part through their local governments) on their own responsibility. In both federal systems “dual federalism” has been undermined if not replaced by “cooperative federalism,” generally associated with the New Deal era in the United States and the Finance Reform of 1969 in Germany. In the meantime “intergovernmental relations” has more or less replaced the concept of “cooperative federalism” in the United States, while Politikverflechtung (political/policy interconnection and coordination) is perhaps the more commonly used term in Germany today. In both cases the new terms reflect an interrelationship among federal, regional, and local levels that goes beyond mere cooperation.

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15

Lutomski, Pawel, and Maiken Umbach. "German Federalism: Past, Present, Future." German Studies Review 27, no. 1 (February 2004): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433605.

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16

Baldi, Brunetta. "Il federalismo competitivo: l'Italia in prospettiva comparata." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 2 (October 2009): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2009-002005.

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- The article analyses the most recent reforms of Italian regionalism using the theory of competitive federalism as opposed to cooperative federalism. Although new competitive dynamics are developing with main reference to asymmetrical regionalism and fiscal federalism, the article shows the coexistence of competitive and cooperative institutional arrangements. Taking a comparative perspective the case of Italy portrays similarities to those of Germany and Spain: German cooperative federalism is more and more challenged by the developing of competitive dynamics between the Western and Eastern Länder as well as Spanish competitive regionalism is opening up to intergovernmental cooperation to assure policy coordination. As a whole the article provides an analytical framework to guide future empirical research.

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17

Lohmann, Susanne. "Federalism and Central bank Independence: The Politics of German Monetary Policy, 1957–92." World Politics 50, no. 3 (April 1998): 401–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100012867.

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Two channels of political control allow elected politicians to influence monetary policy. First, political threats to the status, structure, or very existence of the central bank may force central bankers to comply with politically motivated demands on monetary policy. Second, politicians may use their powers of appointment to ensure diat central bank appointees share their electoral and party-political goals. This paper derives the monetary policy outcomes obtained as a function of me degree of central bank independence (zero, partial, or full) and central bankers' types (partisans or technocrats).Based on a case study of the 1957 and 1992 institutional changes to the German central banking system and a regression analysis covering the period in between, the author argues that the formal independence of the system is protected by its embeddedness in the institutions of German federalism and by the federalist components of its decentralized organizational structure. The behavioral independence of the German central bank fluctuates over time with the party control of federalist veto points. The Bundesbank is staffed with nonpartisan technocrats who are partially insulated from political pressures.

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18

Williams, Tom. "A ‘Triumph of Federalism’? The German Empire in Debates on Irish Home Rule before the First World War." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v3i2.2392.

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In March 1911, John Redmond published a newspaper article praising the German Empire as ‘the most convincing proof of the triumph of federalism’. While foreign and colonial analogies – ranging from Canada and the United States to Switzerland and Austria-Hungary – had been a regular feature in debates on Irish Home Rule since the 1870s, Redmond’s whole-hearted expression of admiration for constitutional arrangements in Imperial Germany came as a surprise to many contemporaries. Yet it bears witness to a renewed interest in German federalism among Irish nationalists following the granting of ‘Home Rule’ to Alsace-Lorraine in 1911, a development that generated regular comparisons with Ireland’s position within the United Kingdom during the Home Rule crisis of 1912-1914. By exploring the frequent and contested parallels drawn between Ireland (or in some cases Ulster) and Alsace-Lorraine by both unionists and nationalists during this period, this article not only highlights the ambiguities and complexities of Irish views of Germany on the eve of the First World War but also reveals the multiple ways in which the debate on Home Rule, and on federalism within the United Kingdom more generally, were influenced by wider European developments during this period of rising domestic and international tension.

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19

Schneider, H. C. Hans-Peter. "El nuevo estado federal alemán. La reforma del federalismo I y su implementación = The new German federal State. The reform of Federalism I and its implementation." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 34 (July 1, 2014): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.34.2014.14089.

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La Reforma del Federalismo I, en vigor desde el 1 de septiembre de 2006, representa, con sus adiciones y modificaciones de 25 artículos de la Ley Fundamental, la más profunda y completa reforma constitucional que se ha llevado a cabo desde la existencia de la República Federal de Alemania. En el presente artículo se analizan profundamente tanto el proceso generado para la reforma como el resultado de la misma.The reform of federalism I, entered into force on 1 September 2006, represents, with its additions and modifications of 25 articles of the German Basic Law, the most profound and complete constitutional reform that have been carried out since the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany. This article discusses deeply both the process generated as the result of it.

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20

Magiera, Maciej. "Model of the European integration – German or Swiss federalism?" Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego. Acta Politica 39 (2017): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/ap.2017.39-04.

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21

Panara, Carlo. "In the Name of Cooperation: The External Relations of the German Länder and Their Participation in the EU Decision-Making." European Constitutional Law Review 6, no. 1 (February 2010): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019610100042.

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‘Foreign relations power’ (auswärtige Gewalt) in the Federal Republic of Germany strongly centralised by the Lindau Agreement in 1957 – Although the German Länder still retain some rights to act at an international level, the Federal Government is the dominant player in the foreign relations of the state – Introduction of Länder participation in European Union law-making and policy-making; new opportunities for them to perform a role in external relations – Cooperative character of German federalism confirmed

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22

Auel, Katrin. "Intergovernmental relations in German federalism: Cooperative federalism, party politics and territorial conflicts." Comparative European Politics 12, no. 4-5 (May 5, 2014): 422–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2014.13.

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23

Zöbeley, Anna S., and Katia Schier. "Federalism on Trial: The Third International German Law Journal Workshop." German Law Journal 6, no. 8 (August 1, 2005): 1201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014231.

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“The existing federal system is obsolete”, said Federal President Horst Köhler, announcing his decision, in a television address of 21 July 2005, to dissolve the German Bundestag (Parliament) and to call new elections. The following day, the German Law Journal hosted its third international workshop on theory and developments in German Federalism at the Max Planck Institute for the Research on Collective Goods, Bonn. The setting was appropriate, since the Institute is located between two former permanent representations of the federal states (Länder). The building itself once housed the Egyptian embassy, and so presented “neutral ground” for a discussion on federalism.

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24

Auel, Katrin. "BetweenReformstauandLänderStrangulation? German Co-operative Federalism Re-considered." Regional & Federal Studies 20, no. 2 (May 2010): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597561003729913.

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25

Karl, Helmut, and Rudiger Wink. "Innovation Policy and Federalism: the German experience." International Journal of Foresight and Innovation Policy 2, no. 3/4 (2006): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijfip.2006.010404.

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26

Gunlicks, Arthur B. "The Impact of Unification on German Federalism." German Politics 11, no. 3 (December 2002): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714001308.

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27

Zimmermann, H. "Centralization and Decentralization in West German Federalism." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 7, no. 4 (December 1989): 371–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c070371.

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28

GREEN, ABIGAIL. "THE FEDERAL ALTERNATIVE? A NEW VIEW OF MODERN GERMAN HISTORY." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0200290x.

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The review examines the recent literature on German federalism. This literature has identified a decentralized, federal tradition in German history, dating back at least to the eighteenth century and in striking contrast with the ‘unitary’ traditions of the Prussian state. The review questions the extent to which centralization was indeed a Prussian phenomenon in German history by examining the relatively decentralized nature of the Prussian state and the strongly centralizing tendencies of smaller German states in the nineteenth century. The review also examines the origins of the new ‘federal’ historiography, both in terms of contemporary German politics and in terms of the political debate surrounding German unification in the 1860s. It concludes that the idea of a ‘unitary’ Prussian state tradition is simplistic and reflects the inherent anti-Prussian bias of German federalism in the unification era. In this sense, it is the federal counterpart of the better-known Borussian approach to German history.

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29

Renzsch, Wolfgang. "German Federalism in Historical Perspective: Federalism as a Substitute for a National State." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330414.

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30

Erk, Jan. "Federal Germany and Its Non-Federal Society: Emergence of an All-German Educational Policy in a System of Exclusive Provincial Jurisdiction." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 2 (June 2003): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778640.

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William Livingston's idea of "federal society" is one of the leading sociological approaches to federalism. This article applies Livingston's approach in the opposite direction. It is argued that the unitary German societal structure, or the "non-federal" German society, has exerted centralist pressures on the federal system. In particular, the article examines the changes within the policy area of education. Despite explicit constitutional clauses that place education under the exclusive jurisdiction of the German Länder, an all-German educational policy has emerged. A process that started with harmonization and standardization has eventually led to the "nationalization" of education. This has largely come about through public demands for a Germany-wide public policy. Empirical research shows that political actors have differed over the contents of educational policy but have shared an all-German frame of reference.

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31

Ziblatt, Daniel F. "Recasting German federalism? The politics of fiscal decentralization in post-unification Germany." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 43, no. 4 (December 2002): 624–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-002-0084-7.

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32

Gunlicks, Arthur B. "German Federalism after Unification: The Legal/Constitutional Response." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 2 (1994): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330723.

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33

Bong-Seok Choi. "German Federalism Reform and the strengthening of decentralization." Public Law Journal 17, no. 1 (February 2016): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31779/plj.17.1.201602.003.

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34

Atkinson, Hugh, and Stuart Wilks‐Heeg. "German federalism: A model for English regional government." Contemporary Politics 5, no. 2 (June 1999): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569779908449999.

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35

Jeffery, Charlie, Niccole M. Pamphilis, Carolyn Rowe, and Ed Turner. "Introduction to the Special Issue: Reframing German Federalism." German Politics 25, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2016.1165804.

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36

Campbell, Andrea Louise, and Kimberly J. Morgan. "Federalism and the Politics of Old-Age Care in Germany and the United States." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 8 (October 2005): 887–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005277575.

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Until the early 1990s, Germany and the United States had similar systems of long-term care. At that time, Germany created a new social insurance program, whereas American reform efforts stalled. As conventional explanations of social policies—rooted in objective conditions, policy legacies, interest group mobilization, and party politics—fail to explain the diverging trajectories, the authors show how differing federal structures shaped reform efforts. German federalism gives states a strong voice and encourages collective responses to fiscal problems, enabling comprehensive restructuring of long-term care financing. In the United States, states lack a political mechanism to compel federal policy makers to tackle this subject. This analysis suggests reform of social welfare issues with weakly mobilized publics is unlikely without proxy actors that have institutional or political means to forcibly gain the attention of policy makers. In addition, scholars should pay more attention to “varieties of federalism” in analyses of the welfare state.

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37

Deeg, Richard. "Economic Globalization and the Shifting Boundaries of German Federalism." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 26, no. 1 (1996): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330755.

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38

Burgess, Michael, and Franz Gress. "German unity and European Union: Federalism restructured and revitalized." Regional Politics and Policy 1, no. 3 (September 1991): 242–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569108420828.

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39

Deeg, R. "Economic Globalization and the Shifting Boundaries of German Federalism." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a029839.

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40

Jeffery, Charlie. "Groundhog Day: The Non-Reform of German Federalism, Again." German Politics 17, no. 4 (December 2008): 587–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000802551047.

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41

Datsenko, Pavel. "The Congress of the German Princes in Frankfurt in 1863: the Last Attempt to Reform the German Confederation." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016086-3.

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The article examines the preparation and holding of the congress of German princes in Frankfurt am Main in 1863. Being an important stage in the Austro-Prussian rivalry for dominance in Germany, the congress was at the same time the highest point in the efforts of the reform group of German states by absorbing the experience of plans for the development of the Federal Constitution of 1815, the plans which had been discussed since 1849. The article pays particular attention to the role of ministers and princes of the middle German states, who tried during the congress to balance the Austrian project and prevent not only the excessive strengthening of Austria and Prussia, but also the rejection of the reform by public opinion. The defeat of the project in this context was a consequence of not only the Bismarck’s politics against the Confederation, but also of mistakes made by the Austria, who didn’t understand all the complexities of the reform and failed to redirect its strategy to support the middle states that fought to keep Germany on the path of a smooth transition from the confederative model to the federative and to preserve the equality between the members of the Confederation as a historical basis of German federalism.

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42

Klatt, Hartmut, and Arthur B. Gunlicks. "Forty Years of German Federalism: Past Trends and New Developments." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330424.

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43

Gamebuch, Nadezhda G. "BASIC FEATURES OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MODEL OF MODERN GERMAN FEDERALISM." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Pravo, no. 15(1) (March 1, 2015): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22253513/15/7.

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44

Scharpf, Fritz W. "Community, Diversity and Autonomy: The Challenges of Reforming German Federalism." German Politics 17, no. 4 (December 2008): 509–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000802490568.

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45

Benz, Arthur, and Jörg Broschek. "Transformative Energy Policy in Federal Systems." Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies 14, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cjers.v14i2.2762.

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Transforming the energy system towards an increasing share of renewables requires a significant change of a policy to redirect the path-dependent evolution of a highly complex technical system. Moreover, a new path of development towards energy provision from renewables has to be stabilized to assure sustainability. The federal systems in Canada and Germany diverge in the institutional conditions relevant for policy change and stability. Canadian federalism separates powers in energy policy and allows the federal and provincial governments to change policies on their own. In contrast, German federalism requires co-operation between federal and Länder governments which favors policy stability but renders significant change unlikely. However, energy transformation started in the 1990s in Germany under conditions that allowed the federal government to avoid the usual mode of joint decision-making. In Canada, provincial governments took the lead in energy transformation, when the conservative federal government showed no interest in intergovernmental coordination. The article explains these shifts in power within the institutional framework. It also discusses the consequences, considering the stability of transformative energy policy. In Germany, policy change from the center undermined the stabilizing structures of intergovernmental coordination, in Canada, institutional conditions favoring continuity never existed. Hence in both countries, governments changed policies but failed to reform institutions of governance.

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46

Petersen, Thieß, Henrik Scheller, and Ole Wintermann. "Public Attitudes towards German Federalism: A Point of Departure for a Reform of German (Fiscal) Federalism? Differences between Public Opinion and the Political Debate." German Politics 17, no. 4 (December 2008): 559–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000802501638.

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47

RUBIN, GIL. "From Federalism to Binationalism: Hannah Arendt's Shifting Zionism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 3 (July 6, 2015): 393–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000223.

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AbstractThe German-Jewish intellectual Hannah Arendt (1906–1975) had famously opposed the establishment of a Jewish nation state in Palestine. During the Second World War, however, Arendt also spoke out repeatedly against the establishment of a binational Arab-Jewish state. Rejecting both alternatives, Arendt advocated for the inclusion of Palestine in a multi-ethnic federation that would not consist only of Jews and Arabs. Only in 1948, in an effort to forestall partition, did Arendt revise her earlier critique and endorse a binational solution for Palestine. This article offers a new reading of the evolution of Arendt's thought on Zionism and argues that her support for federalism must be understood as part of a broader wartime debate over federalism as a solution to a variety of post-war nationality problems in Europe, the Middle East and the British Empire. By highlighting the link between debates on wartime federalism and the future of Palestine, this article also underscores the importance of examining the legacy of federalism in twentieth century Europe for a more complete understanding of the history of Zionism.

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48

Bespalova, L. N. "“Kulturkampf” as the confrontation of the catholic church and the imperial government of Germany in the 70s of the XIX century." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-4/02.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the origins and content of the kulturkampf policy initiated by the German Reich Chancellor in the 1870s. The Struggle for Culture played a decisive role not only in the formation of the Center party as one of the most influential political parties of the Reichstag in the second half of the 19th century, but also in the history of Germany as a whole. The political orientation of the first German Reich Chancellor towards the strong secular state controlling and limiting church structures was initially in favor of the empire united in 1871 and in line with the trends of the times. But the Reich Chancellors harsh, restrictive laws led to police arbitrariness and infringement on the Catholic population of the German Empire. The author identifies the main reasons that led to the persecution and repression of the Catholic minority of the German Empire. The problems of the unification of the German Empire, particularism, federalism, ultramontanism and confessional conflicts are considered in close connection with the topic under study. The research is based on the works of Russian and German researchers and on the legislative acts of Prussia and the German Empire. In addition, the materials of parliamentary debates presented in the verbatim records of the Reichstag and extracts from the memoirs of contemporaries of the event were used.

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Stiller, Sabina. "Governance in Contemporary Germany: The Semisovereign State Revisited." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390707059x.

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Governance in Contemporary Germany: The Semisovereign State Revisited, Simon Green and William E. Paterson, eds., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 338.Nearly twenty years after Katzenstein's diagnosis of the German polity as “semisovereign state,” this volume re-evaluates unified Germany in the light of the original study. It starts with a concise introduction by the editors to the original argument and to the challenges of unification to semisovereign governance. Then, eleven contributions cover Katzenstein's “policy nodes” (political parties, federalism, and parapublic institutions), developments in previously covered policy areas (economic and social policy, industrial relations, immigration, administrative reform) and two additional ones: the environment and EU integration. The volume is concluded by Katzenstein himself, arguing that despite many political and socio-economic changes, semisovereignty still reigns in Germany.

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Паулу Роберту Барбоса Рамос and Paulu Robertu Barbosa Ramos. "FEDERALISM: THE CONDITIONS FOR THE POSSIBILITY OF THE FORMATION AND MAIN CHARACTERISTICS." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14263.

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The author analyzes the issues of appearance and consolidation of the idea of federalism in the Constitution of the various states and examines the characteristics of federalism. The Confederate state model has failed in the United States, as could not find a political formula that could justify the possibility of execution by the central government of its functions with the greatest efficiency. The adoption of a new formula for the exercise of political power in the USA by choosing representatives as well as the gradual accession of Member States allowed the US to overcome the disadvantages of the confederate model, which made it impossible to peaceful coexistence and effective state. The term “federal state” first appeared in German literature as most accurately reflects the context and the difference with the concept of “confederation”. As a new form of organization of the state a federal state was seen in the United States, and later in Sweden, Germany and Brazil. Despite the fact that the Americans are the creators of the phenomenon of federalism, the Constitution of the United States of 1787 does not contain any mention of the federation, federalism, or federal states. In any case, nothing takes away from the merits of Americans in the “invention of the formula” of federalism, which has undergone some changes depending on the location and the conditions which apply. The government, which wants to be called a federal, must have a constitution, two spheres of political power, the incoming participants must have a certain autonomy, as well as the opportunity to participate in the decisions of the central government also requires the Constitutional Court to deal with emerging conflicts. The federal system has made a great contribution to the history of mankind: the decision of the state of conflict with the help of legal organization, for which all parties recognize the right of the last word in matters of distribution of powers between the States.

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