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1

Lorenz, Dagmar C. G., and Pol O'Dochartaigh. "Jews in German Literature Since 1945: German-Jewish Literature?" German Studies Review 25, no. 2 (May 2002): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433071.

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2

Roemer, Nils. "Jews in German Literature since 1945: German-Jewish Literature?" Journal of Jewish Studies 55, no. 2 (October 1, 2004): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2576/jjs-2004.

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3

Taberner, Stuart, and Pol O'Dochartaigh. "Jews in German Literature since 1945: German-Jewish Literature?" Modern Language Review 98, no. 3 (July 2003): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3738386.

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4

Steer, Martina. "Nation, Religion, Gender: The Triple Challenge of Middle-Class German-Jewish Women in World War I." Central European History 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 176–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000333.

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AbstractGerman-Jewish women are elusive figures in the current literature on World War I. Looking at the complexity of their wartime experience and its consequences for the Weimar years, this article deals with Jewish middle-class women's tripartite motivation as Germans, Jews, and females to make sacrifices for the war. To that end, it traces their efforts to help Germany to victory, to gain suffrage, and to become integrated into German society. At the same time, the article shows how these women not only transformed the war into an opportunity for greater female self-determination but also responded to wartime and postwar antisemitism. The experience of the war and the need for reorientation after 1918 motivated them to become more involved in the affairs of the German-Jewish community itself and to contribute significantly to shaping public Jewish life in Weimar Germany—but without giving up their German identity.
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5

Hieke, Anton. "Aus Nordcarolina: The Jewish American South in German Jewish Periodicals of the Nineteenth Century." European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, no. 2 (2011): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x607195.

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Abstract For many German Jewish papers of the nineteenth century, the United States of America was held up as an ideal. This holds true especially for the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, then Germany’s most influential Jewish publication. In America, Jews had already achieved what their co-religionists in Germany strove for until complete legal emancipation with the formation of the German Empire in 1871: the transition from ‘Jews in Germany’ via ‘German Jews’ to ‘Germans of the Jewish faith.’ Thus, the experiences of Jews from Germany in America represented the post-emancipation hopes for those who had remained behind.2 When examined for the representation of Jewry living in the American Southern states,3 it becomes apparent that German Jewish papers in their coverage of America largely refrained from a regionalization. Most articles and accounts concerning Jewish life in the South do not show any significant distinctiveness in the perception of the region and its Jews. The incidents presented or the comments sent to the papers might in fact have occurred in respectively dealt with any region of the United States at the time, barring anything that remotely dealt with slavery or secession prior to 1865. When the Jewish South was explicitly dealt with in the papers, however, it either functioned as an ‘über-America’ of the negative stereotypes in respect to low Jewish piety, or took the place of an alternative America of injustice and slavery—the ‘anti-America.’ Jewish Southerners who actively supported the region during the Civil War, or who had internalized the South’s moral values as supporters of the Confederacy and/or slavery were condemned in the strongest words for endangering the existence of ‘America the Ideal.’ As the concept of the United States and its Jewish life is represented in a largely unrealistic manner that almost exclusively focused on the positive aspects of Jewish life in America, the concept of the Jewish South was equally far from being accurate.
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6

Nolden, Thomas. "CONTEMPORARY GERMAN JEWISH LITERATURE*." German Life and Letters 47, no. 1 (January 1994): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1994.tb01523.x.

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7

Tuckerová, Veronika. "The Archeology of Minor Literature." Journal of World Literature 2, no. 4 (2017): 433–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00204007.

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This article takes a “genealogical” approach to the concept of minor literature. It argues that the concept of minor literature originated with the idea of “triple ghetto” that emerged in the Prague Czech-German-Jewish environment and was applied to explain the work of Kafka and his fellow Prague writers. Minor literature is the most famous application of the “triple ghetto” concept. A close reconsideration of Kafka’s German/Czech/Jewish Prague reveals interesting relations among several “small,” “minor” and “ultraminor” literatures, relationships that Deleuze and Guattari overlooked. The relationships between various literary entities in Prague extend beyond the binary positioning of “minor” and “major” inherent in the concept of minor literature. In addition to Kafka’s relationship to German literature, we need to consider Kafka’s relationship to the “small” Czech literature, the marginal “ultraminor” German and German Jewish and Czech Jewish literatures of his times, and perhaps most interestingly, to writers who were equally at home in German and Czech.
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8

Garloff, Katja. "On Similarity in Contemporary German Jewish Literature." New German Critique 50, no. 3 (November 1, 2023): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0094033x-10708321.

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This essay calls for a theoretical discussion of the aesthetics and politics of comparison in contemporary German Jewish literature and beyond. It describes the tendency of recent German Jewish writers and thinkers to compare and connect the experiences of Jews to those of other minoritized groups. The essay briefly discusses several theoretical paradigms that spell out the political stakes of such comparisons, including touching tales (Leslie Adelson) and multidirectional memory (Michael Rothberg). It then draws attention to another modality of comparison that is particularly promising because of its purposive abstractness and its relevance for literary texts: similarity. Finally, the essay offers two examples of the productive use of similarity in recent German Jewish literature: Katja Petrowskaja’s Vielleicht Esther (which connects different instances of historical trauma) and Sasha Marianna Salzmann’s Außer sich (which weaves the experience of a Syrian refugee in Istanbul into a web of similar migratory movements).
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9

Grözinger, Karl Erich. "Jewish Literature in German Clothing…?" Slovo a smysl 19, no. 39 (June 30, 2022): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23366680.2022.1.1.

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10

Gelber, Mark H. "German Literature, Jewish Critics (review)." Jewish Quarterly Review 95, no. 4 (2005): 763–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2005.0075.

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11

Carlebach, Elisheva. "Dean Phillip Bell. Sacred Communities: Jewish and Christian Identities in Fifteenth-Century Germany. Studies in Central European Histories. Leiden: Brill, 2001. xii, 301 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405280091.

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German Jewish communities underwent momentous changes in status, composition, and character during the fifteenth century, yet apart from its intellectual legacy, this period has merited scant attention from historians. Even contemporaries viewed the post-plague German communities as a diminished and spent shadow of their vital medieval Ashkenazic predecessors, and historiography has maintained this perception. Scholars characterized the period as one of intellectual decline, population shrinkage and expulsion from the remaining cities that had not destroyed or expelled their Jewish communities during the bubonic plague depredations. Despite the real devastation caused by the fourteenth-century chaos, much vibrant life remained within German Jewish communities. Little has been written, particularly in English, concerning the reasons for subsequent Christian resistance to the presence of Jews and the effects of new Christian conceptions of their own communities on Jewish self-perception. Bell's book intends to fill this gap. Neither a social history, nor an intellectual history of fifteenth-century Germans and Jews, it is a pioneering attempt to track the changing definitions of Jewish and Christian identity in the fifteenth century. It is an ambitious enterprise.
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12

Magnus, Shulamit S. "“Who Shall Say Who Belongs?”: Jews Between City and State in Prussian Cologne, 1815–1828." AJS Review 16, no. 1-2 (1991): 57–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003123.

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The struggle for Jewish emancipation in Germany is commonly understood as a battle for civic equality at the state level. But an important chapter in the history of emancipation took place in the conflict between German states and localities over Jewish rights. Jurisdictional battles over Jewish status may seem quintessentially medieval, recalling the strife between competing levels of the feudal hierarchy for control of the Jews and the revenue they generated.Yet similar struggles persisted well into the nineteenth century in several German states, such as Bavaria, Baden, and Wiirt-temberg, where central governments were weak and localities exercised significant degrees of self-rule.
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Shavit, Zohar. "Cultural Agents and Cultural Interference." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 9, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.9.1.07sha.

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Abstract This paper deals with the major role played by translated literature in the emergence of a new system of books for Jewish children in the German-speaking countries at the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th. This role was due to the remarkable status of German culture in the eyes of the Haskala (Jewish Enlightenment movement), and to the absence of appropriate original texts which could serve the needs of the new system. As a result, translated texts were privileged in the system of Jewish children's literature, to the extent that, to the best of our knowledge, all books for children published by the Haskala in Germany were either official translations, pseudotranslations, or original texts based on existing German models.
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14

Hess, Jonathan M., Stephen S. Dowden, and Meike G. Werner. "German Literature, Jewish Critics: The Brandeis Symposium." German Quarterly 76, no. 4 (2003): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3252248.

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15

Bell, Dean Phillip. "The Little Ice Age and the Jews: Environmental History and the Mercurial Nature of Jewish– Christian Relations in Early Modern Germany." AJS Review 32, no. 1 (April 2008): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009408000019.

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Scholars have frequently portrayed early modern German Jewish history as underresearched and fragmentary, with an underdeveloped pool of historical sources. Even the very productive historian Stefan Rohrbacher, for example, has rued that “[t]he early modern period numbers among the till now very little researched epochs in the history of the Jews in Germany. It has recently received increased attention from historians, however, this interest is distributed very unevenly in the various areas and aspects of Jewish life.”
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16

Kabalek, Kobi. "Commemorating Failure: Unsuccessful Rescue of Jews in German Film and Literature, 1945–1960*." German History 38, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 96–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz021.

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Abstract Scholars have so far interpreted postwar depictions of Germans saving Jews from Nazi persecution mainly as apologetic references that allowed Germans to avoid addressing problematic aspects of their history. Yet although such portrayals appear in many postwar German accounts, depictions of successful rescues of Jews are relatively rare in literary and filmic works produced between 1945 and the early 1960s. This article argues that in presenting failed rescue of Jews, several German authors aimed to contribute to the re-education and moral transformation of the German population. The article’s first part shows that narratives of failed rescue were considered particularly useful for arousing Germans’ empathy with the Nazis’ Jewish victims. The article’s second part examines those works that went further and tailored stories of unsuccessful rescue to criticize Germans for not doing more to resist the regime. Although these works presented Germans as victims, as was common in many contemporaneous depictions, it would be misleading to view them merely as apologetic accounts. Rather, the widespread reluctance to commemorate the persecution of Jews urged several authors to retain the common image of Germans as victims in order to avoid alienating their audience. At the same time, using narratives of failed rescue, these writers and filmmakers explored new ways to allow Germans to speak about the Holocaust and reflect on their conduct. Attempts to both arouse a moral debate and avoid directly speaking about Germans’ collective responsibility might seem irreconcilable from today’s perspective, but not for Germans of the 1940s and 1950s.
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17

Spinner, Samuel J. "Reading Jewish." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, no. 1 (January 2019): 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.1.150.

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How do you read jewish? The question sounds odd. Why is it that reading jewish is catachrestic in a way that reading German is not? The obvious answer is that German is a language while Jewish is not. Yet there are Jewish languages. Hebrew is one, of course, and linguists describe many more, from Ladino (the language of the Iberian Jewish diaspora) to Krymchak (the ethnolect of a group of Crimean Jews). There is also Yiddish, the language of most European Jews for roughly the millennium preceding the Holocaust; now it lives on primarily in Hasidic communities around the world. Yiddish means Jewish; and in a sense, knowing how to read the former (i.e., decipher the Yiddish language) can imply knowing how to read the latter (i.e., decipher Jewish identity). This has been the belief of many Jews from the late nineteenth century to the present who accept the idea that language is central to national identity. Strangely, in this period the reverse notion has also been active: that knowing Jewish implies knowing Yiddish. his paradox—that you can read a language without knowing it—was catalyzed by a modernist approach to the intersection of Jewish language with Jewish identity. But it was also grounded in facets of the history and philology of Yiddish reading that opened a path to literacy through illiteracy.
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18

Raz-Krakotzkin, Amnon. "Orientalism, Jewish Studies and Israeli Society: A Few Comments." Philological Encounters 2, no. 3-4 (August 16, 2017): 237–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-12340034.

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One of the claims that was voiced in the debate over Edward Said’s book Orientalism was that the author ignored German Orientalist research. This essay does not discuss this claim itself, but rather uses this debate as a starting point for investigating different aspects of Israeli consciousness. Indeed, German Orientalism was not directly connected to colonialist activity, but it encompassed the discourse regarding the relation between Germany and Judaism and “the Jewish Question.” The question was whether Jews were Oriental and therefore foreign to European culture, or rather a religious group that could be integrated into that culture. The modern national definition of the Jewish collective was based on adopting this worldview and on accepting the Orientalist paradigm. The tendency was to define the Jews as a European nation, emphasizing the difference between the new entity and the Orient. This tendency was manifested both in the attitude towards Arabs and towards the history of “the land” [Palestine/“Land of Israel”], and in the attitude to Oriental Jews [Mizraḥim]. Nonetheless, other directions for the definition of Jewish thought and identity can also be found in the Orientalist literature.
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19

Grözinger, Karl E. "»Jüdische Philosophie«." Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, no. 2 (2017): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107993.

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The beginning of a universal culture of rationality in Judaism did not begin in the so called »Medieval Jewish philosophy« but had its precedents in the Biblical Wisdom Literature and in Rabbinic legal rationality. The Medieval Jewish authors, therefore, did not regard the medieval Philosophy propounded by Jewish authors as »Jewish philosophy« but as a participation of Jews in just another specific phase of universal rationalism. The reason why Jewish authors in the 19th century nevertheless alleged that there existed a specific »Jewish philosophy« at the side of a German, Christian or English philosophy had its reason in the exclusion of Jewish thought from the new leading science of interpretation of human existence in Europe, namely philosophy, by German intellectuals and universities. If we despite this want to retain the term of »Jewish philosophy« we should be aware that there cannot be an essential difference to general philosophy but merely a heuristic pragmatism.
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20

Watanabe-O'Kelly, Helen. "The Jewish Question in German Literature, 1749-1939." Journal of Jewish Studies 52, no. 1 (April 1, 2001): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2335/jjs-2001.

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21

Slofstra, B. "O sjorem magaaije! Fiktyf Joadsk etnolekt yn ‘e Fryske literatuer." Us Wurk 69, no. 1-2 (August 1, 2020): 38–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5d4811aa0744f.

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In the past, Westerlauwers Friesland was already inhabited by a multilingual population, including speakers of local Frisian and non-Frisian vernaculars, the Dutch standard language and etnolects of foreign origin like those of German harvesters and Jewish merchants.In the past, Westerlauwers Friesland was already inhabited by a multilingual population, including speakers of local Frisian and non-Frisian vernaculars, the Dutch standard language and etnolects of foreign origin like those of German harvesters and Jewish merchants. Frisian literature reflects this multilingual situation to some extent. The details of it have yet to be studied in a systematic way, however. This case-study exemplifies how Jews were characterized in Frisian literature, especially drama. It turns out that the stereotypical Jewish character is presented as speaking a variety of artificial and real languages. This study sheds some light on the question of how literature relates to reality, prejudice and language. It is argued that Frisian literature and multilingualism interconnect, the former existing in a multilingual reality, the latter being creatively manipulated by literary fiction.
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Graczyk, Konrad. "Prawnicy tylko dla Żydów. Konsulenci z okręgu Wyższego Sądu Krajowego w Katowicach." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 45, no. 1 (January 22, 2024): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.45.1.3.

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The article is devoted to the issue of consultants, an institution introduced in the Third Reich to represent Jews in legal matters. Some of the Jewish lawyers excluded from the German bar became consultants. The article presents the legal regulation, the reasons for its issuance and its effects. Based on the personal files of three consultants from the district of the Higher National Court in Katowice, the procedure of admitting them and the conditions of their activity were presented. On the basis of court files, the manner in which they conducted their work in criminal cases was analyzed and assessed. A significant amount of anti-Jewish legislation was passed in Germany after Hitler seized power. Some of the newly introduced regulation also targetted lawyers of Jewish origin, whose professional activities were hindered, and eventually banned. In 1938 Jews were definitively removed from the German bar. At the same time, it was ensured that Jews would be provided with legal assistance and represented by consultants, i.e. lawyers of Jewish origin. There were clearly fewer consultants than Jewish lawyers (several in the districts in which individual higher national courts operated). Their admission was discretionary. According to sparse findings in the literature, consultants were treated adequately by the German courts and were not hindered in their access to court files, contact with clients or the possibility of submitting lawsuits. Three examined cases of consultants from the district of the Higher National Court in Katowice indicate that they enjoyed similar freedoms while performing their functions in the courts, as described in the literature. In their daily activities, however, they had to struggle with difficulties of an administrative or factual nature, which were a manifestation of discrimination and bans against Jews. Based on these three cases, it could be concluded that they were admitted to consular activity due to positive opinions among the population, the judiciary and the Gestapo, as well as their patriotic attitude during the First World War and during the Silesian Uprisings. Their exemplary professional conduct, war decorations, and even injuries sustained on the front of the Great War did not prevent the consultants from sharing the tragic fate of European Jews.
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23

Vallois, Nicolas. "JEWISH SOCIAL SCIENCE AND THE ANALYSIS OF JEWISH STATISTICS IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 43, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837219000634.

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The late nineteenth century saw the multiplication of statistical studies on Jewish populations. This literature is now known as “Jewish Statistics” or “Jewish Social Science” (JSS). This article focuses on the articles published in Zeitschrift für Demographie und Statistik der Juden (Journal for Demography and Statistics of the Jews, ZDSJ). The ZDSJ was the main journal in JSS and appeared from 1905 until 1931.Existing scholarship on JSS has either focused on the influence of Zionism (Hart 2000) or eugenics and race theory (Efron 1994). This article proposes to relate JSS to the history of economics and statistics. As is suggested by the intellectual profile of the main contributors to the ZDSJ, we argue that JSS was a by-product of the German historical school in economics. Though JSS was intended for a mostly Jewish audience, its organization and methods were clearly inspired by those of German economists.
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24

Gruner, Wolf. "The Factory Action and the Events at the Rosenstrasse in Berlin: Facts and Fictions about 27 February 1943 — Sixty Years Later." Central European History 36, no. 2 (June 2003): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916103770866112.

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On 27 February 1943 in Nazi Germany the Gestapo brutally arrested more than ten thousand Jewish men and women. Martin Riesenburger, later the Chief Rabbi of the German Democratic Republic, recalled that day as “the great inferno.” This large-scale raid marked the beginning of the final phase of the mass deportations, which had been under way since October 1941. Also interned in Berlin were people who, according to NS terminology, lived in so-called mixed marriages. But new documents show that no deportation of this special group was planned by the Gestapo. In the past decade, in both the German as well as the American public, quite a bit of attention has been paid to the fact that non-Jewish relatives publicly demonstrated against the feared deportation of their Jewish partners. The scholarly literature as well has pictured this protest as a unique act of resistance that prevented the deportation of these Jews living in mixed marriages. The fact that during this raid an untold number of Jews, both women and men, fled and went underground has so far been ignored. Since we still know much too little, the following article will discuss all the events of the spring of 1943 and their background.
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25

Reershemius, Gertrud. "Language Shift Revisited. Linguistic Repertoires of Jews in Low German-Speaking Germany in the Early 20th Century: Insights from the LCAAJ Archive." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 30, no. 2 (April 18, 2018): 134–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542717000083.

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This paper analyzes the linguistic repertoires of Jews in the Low German-speaking areas in the first decades of the 20th century, as a contribution to historical sociolinguistics. Based on fieldwork questionnaires held in the archives of the Language and Culture Atlas of Ashkenazic Jewry (LCAAJ), it addresses the question of whether the Jewish minorities spoke a supralectal form of standard German or Koiné forms of dialects, relating this to issues of language shift from Western Yiddish. The study shows that many Jews living in northern Germany during the 1920s and 1930s still had access to a multilingual repertoire containing remnants of Western Yiddish; that a majority of the LCAAJ interviewees from this area emphasized their excellent command of standard German; and that their competence in Low German varied widely, from first language to no competence at all, depending on the region where they lived.*
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Vinnitsa, Gennadiy. "The Resistance of the Jewish Population of Eastern Belarus to the Nazi Genocide in 1941–1944." European Journal of Jewish Studies 13, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 103–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11311053.

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Abstract The resistance of the Jews of the Eastern Belarus to the Nazi genocide is a chapter of World War II history to which little attention has been paid. This article deals with the position and resistance of the Jewish population of the eastern regions of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) to the Nazi genocide during the German occupation in 1941–1944. The material presented here is the first attempt towards a comprehensive coverage of the activities of Jews concentrated in places of isolation to resist Nazi actions against the Jewish population. Materials from Belarusian, Israeli, German and Russian archives have substantially supplemented data from the author’s personal archive.
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Brenner, Michael. "Else Lasker-Schüler: A Study in German-Jewish Literature." Journal of Jewish Studies 46, no. 1-2 (July 1, 1995): 339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1840/jjs-1995.

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28

Eva Lezzi. "Gender Constructions in the Debates on German-Jewish Literature." Journal of Jewish Identities 1, no. 1 (2008): 17–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jji.0.0034.

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29

Pentlin, Susan Lee, and Lynn Rapaport. "Jews in Germany after the Holocaust: Memory, Identity, and Jewish-German Relations." German Quarterly 72, no. 2 (1999): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/408400.

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30

Ortner, Jessica. "The reconfiguration of the European Archive in contemporary German-Jewish migrant-literature." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 28, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.65912.

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A considerable number of Eastern European migrant authors of Jewish origin are currently lifting Holocaust memory to a new level. Writing in German about events taking place in remote areas of the world, they expand the German framework of memory from a national to a transnational one. By partaking in reconsidering what is ‘vital for a shared remembering’ of Europe, this branch of writing reflects the European Union’s political concern for integrating the memories of the socialistic regimes in European history writing without relativising the Holocaust. In Vielleicht Esther, Katja Petrowskaja consults various national and private archives in order to recount the history of the mass shooting of over 30,000 Ukrainian Jews at Babij Jar – a canyon near Kiev. Thus, she ‘carries’ a marginalised event of the Holocaust into the German framework of memory and uncovers the layers of amnesia that have not only concealed the event amongst the Soviet public but also distorted and for ever made inaccessible her family’s past.
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31

Lizarazu, Maria Roca. "“Integration Ist Definitiv Nicht Unser Anliegen, Eher Schon Desintegration”. Postmigrant Renegotiations of Identity and Belonging in Contemporary Germany." Humanities 9, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h9020042.

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This article examines the notion of “Desintegration” (de-integration), as introduced by German Jewish authors Max Czollek and Sasha Marianna Salzmann, against the backdrop of ongoing re-negotiations of identity, belonging, and “Heimat” (sense of home) in contemporary Germany. While many artistic contributions to the debates around “Desintegration” have come from the realm of performance art, I will pay special attention to Salzmann’s prize-winning novel Außer Sich (Beyond Myself) (2017), as a literary approximation of the “Desintegration” paradigm, which showcases what I call a “non-authoritative” poetics of non-belonging. I will conclude by showing that the notion of “Desintegration” and its connection to a broader “postmigrant” trajectory enable novel perspectives on three of the central issues discussed in this article: the current location of German Jewish literature and culture; contemporary German-language contestations of “Heimat” and belonging; and the relationship between art and politics.
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32

Schainker, Ellie R. "Banning Jewish “Extremist” Literature in Russia: Conversion and Toleration in Historical Perspective." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 46, no. 2 (April 23, 2019): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04602005.

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In 2017, Russia’s Ministry of Justice banned a nineteenth-century book written by the German rabbi Markus Lehmann, labeling it extremist literature. This article places current Russian efforts to stamp out religious extremism in a broader historical context of imperial productions of tolerance and intolerance and the impact on religious minorities. It examines the case of Jews in the Russian Empire and post-Soviet Russia through the lens of religious conversion, forced baptisms, and freedom of conscience in the realm of apostasy. Lehmann’s book, characteristic of nineteenth-century Orthodox Jewish historical fiction in German, used the historical memory of forced conversions of Jews in medieval and early modern Europe to forge a new path to integration in tolerant, Protestant environs. This article offers a historical and literary reading of Lehmann’s banned book against the longer arc of imperial Russian toleration and conservative appropriations of toleration for discrimination against minorities.
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33

Morris, Leslie. "How Jewish is German Studies?" German Quarterly 82, no. 3 (September 24, 2009): vii—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1756-1183.2009.00050.x.

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34

Carruthers, Jo. "Melodrama and the ‘art of government’: Jewish Emancipation and Elizabeth Polack’s Esther, the Royal Jewess; or The Death of Haman!" Literature & History 29, no. 2 (October 19, 2020): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197320945947.

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This article challenges historians’ representations of working-class Jewish attitudes to emancipation in the early nineteenth century through a reading of Elizabeth Polack’s 1835 melodrama, Esther, the Royal Jewess, or the Death of Haman! Low expectations of working-class political engagement and the working-class genre of the melodrama are challenged by the astute political content of Polack’s play. Its historical and political value is revealed by placing the play within the tradition of the purimspiel, the Jewish genre that traditionally explores Jewish life under hostile government. Reading the play alongside Walter Benjamin’s writings on the disparaged German melodramatic genre of the trauerspiel enables a finely articulated reading of its complex exploration of issues of sovereignty, law, and religious and political freedom.
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35

Brämer, Andreas. "“Making Teachers . . . Who do not Treat Their Profession As an Occasional Business”: Leopold Zunz and the Modernization of the Jewish Teacher Training in Prussia." European Journal of Jewish Studies 7, no. 2 (2013): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341252.

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Abstract Although Leopold Zunz has spent most of his years in Berlin, he had led an active life. German-Jewish history rightly remembers him first and foremost as the iconic figure of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the Science of Judaism) whose inspiring charisma has lasted to this day. However, Zunz has also left influential traces in the German and German-Jewish history as a preacher, pedagogue, and political contemporary. This essay ponders a facet of his biography which thus far has rather eluded further attention. When the entire educational system of German Jewry underwent a modernization process of transformation, Zunz had not only given fresh impetus for the momentary education at his Gemeinde-Knabenschule (Berlin’s former Jewish Freischule where Zunz served as principal). In addition, Zunz was among the most significant advocates of a Jewish faculty at schools. He sought their professionalization through raising the general level of qualification. Zunz’s efforts in this are the subject of the following discussion. The focal point will be set on Zunz’s years as principal of the Jewish Lehrerseminarium (Teachers’ Seminary) in Berlin which offered training to young prospective Jewish teachers between 1840 and 1850.1
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Zwiep, Irene E. "The Haskamah of History or Why Did the Dutch Wissenschaft des Judentums Spurn Zunz’s Writings?" European Journal of Jewish Studies 7, no. 2 (2013): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341251.

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Abstract According to common opinion, nineteenth-century Dutch Jewry never developed a follow-up to the German Wissenschaft des Judentums. This paper makes a case for the opposite: Dutch Jewish intellectuals not only were avid readers of Wissenschaft publications, they also used them extensively as sources of inspiration and information. The result, however, lacked the academic dimension of the German tradition. Instead, Dutch Jewish scholars consistently merged the results of critical scholarship with the edifying content of the traditional treatises they were translating and annotating. Time-bound historical truth thus served to affirm the timeless truth of Jewish ethics. It is further argued that this indeed somewhat derivative strategy was more than a mere sign of conservatism or scholarly mediocrity. The Dutch Wissenschaft soon became one of the key instruments in formulating a new Jewish civic identity in the decades following the Emancipation Decree of 1796. Working from rather than towards political equality, the Dutch Jewish scholars could afford to ignore the radical content of Jewish national philology as developed by Leopold Zunz and his German colleagues.
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37

Kogman, Tal. "Haskalah scientific knowledge in Hebrew garment." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 19, no. 1 (July 26, 2007): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.19.1.05kog.

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Scientific texts for Jewish children and youth were produced within the German-Jewish culture from the end of the 18th century and throughout the 19th century. The intention was to fill in the gap in the Judaic literature in Hebrew vis-à-vis the German-Christian literary and educational systems as part of modernization processes. Two case studies of German-Hebrew scientific translations (in natural history and astronomy) are described in an attempt to illustrate the strategies applied by the Jewish translators, which in their turn reflect the cultural constraints they faced and the creative ways they chose to deal with them, taking into account the models already available to the target system and the types of target audience the translated texts were intended for.
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Lizarazu, Maria Roca. "German Jewish Literature after 1990 by Katja Garloff Agnes Mueller." Modern Language Review 115, no. 1 (2020): 212–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2020.0047.

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39

Robertson, Ritchie. "When Kafka Says We: Uncommon Communities in German-Jewish Literature." Journal of Jewish Studies 62, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3037/jjs-2011.

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40

Lowenstein, Steven M. "John M. Efron. Medicine and the German Jews: A History. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001. viii, 343 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940536017x.

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This volume is an ambitious and wide-ranging (perhaps too wide-ranging) study of the interrelationship between medicine and German-speaking Jews throughout the ages. In essence it deals with two separate but intertwined issues: German-speaking Jews in the medical profession and the use of medical discourse to analyze and evaluate the Jewish people. The book covers a wide area both chronologically and geographically. “German Jews” is interpreted very broadly and includes a number of East European figures who either wrote in German or were trained in German universities. Although the bulk of the volume (Chaps. 4–7) deals with the period from around 1870 to the beginning of World War I, the first three chapters “begin at the beginning” (the Middle Ages) and carry the story up to the late eighteenth century.
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41

Livingstone, Rodney. "Some Aspects of German-Jewish Names." German Life and Letters 58, no. 2 (April 2005): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0016-8777.2005.00312.x.

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42

Taberner, Stuart. "German Nostalgia? Remembering German-Jewish Life in W. G. Sebald'sDie AusgewandertenandAusterlitz." Germanic Review: Literature, Culture, Theory 79, no. 3 (July 2004): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/gerr.79.3.181-202.

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43

Leuenberger, Stefanie. ",,Heim nach Dameschek". Jerusalem als Ursprung und Verschiebung in der deutsch-jüdischen Literatur vor 1948." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 58, no. 3 (2006): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007306777834528.

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AbstractExamining the depiction of Jerusalem in German-Jewish literature between 1848 and 1948, this essay explores the occupation of real places by the imagination. The work with the old myths as well as the invention of new ones about Jerusalem expressed the negotiation of cultural identity and the German-Jewish situation in an era that saw the far-reaching modernization of Judaism. In the tension between the force of descent and the horizon of self-invention, some authors created the space for the ,,invention of a tradition" in modernity.
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Waldinger, Albert. "The primal scream of Glückl and the Frauenbibel." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 46, no. 2 (December 31, 2000): 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.46.2.05wal.

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This article analyzes the “cry from the heart” of Bertha Pappenheim through her German version of the Yiddish Memoirs of Glückl von Hamel and the renowned “female Bible” (Tsenerene). Involved here is the placing of this output in the framework of her private life — a somewhat hysterical one, winning her the name of “Anna O” in psychoanalytic literature — and in the context of her feminism and social activism (among other things, she was the head of a Jewish orphanage in Germany and an investigator of Jewish cultural values in Eastern Europe). Her work shows how a tradition of biblical commentary can inspire both vernacular creativity and sacred literalism — inventiveness in the sense of a creation of a new form of Yiddish called Taytshsprakh (“language of commentary”) and “interlineal literalism” in Walter Benjamin’s sense. Most particularly, Pappenheim’s work as translator brings out the proud nature of a Jewish response to Hitler and helps to define the field of Jewish translation.
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45

Zhang, Ruoyu. "China-Rezeption der jüdischen Emigranten in Shanghai am Beispiel von Kurt Lewin und Willy Tonn." Jahrbuch für Internationale Germanistik 53, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/ja531_91.

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Abstract This article explores the social-cultural, but little-known phenomenon based on German-language Shanghai Jewish exile publications: In the 1930s and 40s, these Jewish intellectuals, such as Kurt Lewin and Willy Tonn, fascinated by the Chinese culture, not only “studied” the enduring cultural essence of Chinese civilization that has survived and thrived for thousands of years, but they also “thought” about the common oriental virtues between Chinese and Jewish culture, to encourage the Jews in the Diaspora to bravely find the spiritual salvation, with a firm conviction that their culture will never die out in spite of a devastating blow by the Nazis.
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46

Liska. "On German-Jewish Thinkers Not Knowing Hebrew." Prooftexts 33, no. 1 (2013): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/prooftexts.33.1.140.

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47

Roemer, Nils. "Jew or German? Heinrich Heine's German-Jewish Reception in the Nineteenth Century." Germanic Review: Literature, Culture, Theory 74, no. 4 (January 1999): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00168899909601542.

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48

Ortner, Jessica. "Memory between Locality and Mobility: Diaspora, Holocaust and Exile as Reflected in Contemporary German-Jewish Literature." Studia Liturgica 50, no. 1 (March 2020): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320720906543.

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Memory is not only a biological capability but also a social practice of constructing the past, which is carried out by social communities (e.g., the nation state, the family, and the church). Since the 1980s, memory studies has intertwined the concept of cultural memory with national narratives of the past that are to legitimize the connection between state, territory, and people. In the present time of growing migratory movements, memory studies has abandoned this “methodological nationalism” and turned its attention towards dynamic constructions of cultural memory. Indeed, memories cross national and cultural borderlines in various ways. The cultural memory of the Jewish people, ever since its beginning, has been defined by mobility. As the exile and forty years of wandering in the wilderness preceded the Conquest of Canaan and the building of the temple, the cultural memory of the Jewish people has always been based on the principle of extraterritoriality. The caesura of the Holocaust altered this ancient form of mobility into a superimposed rediasporization of the assimilated Jews that turned the eternal longing for Jerusalem into a secularized longing for the fatherland. This article presents examples of German-Jewish literature that is concerned with the intersection between the original diaspora memory, rediasporization and longing for a return to the fatherland. I will analyze literary writings by Barbara Honigmann and Vladimir Verlib that in a paradigmatic manner navigate between memory of the Holocaust, exile and the mythological past of Judaism, and negotiate the question of belonging to diverse territorial and mobile mnemonic communities.
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49

Shafi, M. "Jews In German Literature Since 1945: German-Jewish Literature? Edited by Pol O'Dochartaigh. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000. xviii x 673 pages. $148.00/ $60.00." Monatshefte XCV, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/m.xcv.1.151.

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50

Wichert, Wojciech. "„Exerzierplatz des Nationalsozialismus“ — der Reichsgau Wartheland in den Jahren 1939–1945." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 2 (August 16, 2018): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.2.4.

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The aim of the article is the analysis of German policy in Reichsgau Wartheland, an area of western Poland annexed to Germany in the years 1939–1945. In scientific literature German rule in Warthegau with its capital in Poznań is often defined as ,,experimental training area of National Socialism”, where the regime could test its genocidal and racial practices, which were an emanation of the German occupation of Poland. The Nazi authorities wanted to accomplish its ideological goals in Wartheland in a variety of cruel ways, including the ethnic cleansing, annihilation of Polish intelligentsia, destruction of cultural institutions, forced resettlement and expulsion, segregation Germans from Poles combined with wide-ranging racial discrimination against the Polish population, mass incarceration in prisons and concentration camps, systematic roundups of prisoners, as well as genocide of Poles and Jews within the scope of radical Germanization policy and Holocaust. The aim of Arthur Greiser, the territorial leader of the Wartheland Gauleiter and at the same time one of the most powerful local Nazi administrators in Hitler‘s empire, was to change the demographic structure and colonisation of the area by the hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans Volksdeutschen from the Baltic and other regions in order to make it a ,,blond province” and a racial laboratory for the breeding of the ,,German master race”. The largest forced labour program, the first and longest standing ghetto in Łódź, which the Nazis renamed later Litzmannstadt and the first experimental mass gassings of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe carried out from autumn 1941 in gas vans in Chełmno extermination camp were all initiated in Warthegau, even before the implementation of the Final Solution. Furthermore, some of the first major deportations of the Jewish population took place here. Therefore in the genesis of the of the Nazi extermination policy of European Jewry Wartheland plays a pivotal role, as well as an important part of ruthless German occupation of Polish territories.
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