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Journal articles on the topic 'German-Jewish Studies'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 3 June 2025

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Morris, Leslie. "How Jewish is German Studies?" German Quarterly 82, no. 3 (2009): vii—xii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1756-1183.2009.00050.x.

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2

Reicher, Rosa. "‘Go out and learn’." European Judaism 51, no. 2 (2018): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510218.

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Abstract This article deals with Shakespeare’s reception among German Jewish youth in the early twentieth century. The Jewish youth movements played an appreciable role in Jewish education and culture. The various Jewish youth movements reflected the German Jewish society of the time. Despite the influence of the German youth movement, the young people developed their own German Jewish Bildung canon. Many young Jews in Germany perceived Bildung as an ideal tool for full assimilation. Bildung placed an emphasis on the Jewish youth as an individual, and so served as an ideal tool for full assimi

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3

Yarbrough, Robert W. "Nexus: Essays in German Jewish Studies." Bulletin for Biblical Research 25, no. 4 (2015): 594–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.25.4.0594.

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4

Carr, Gilbert. "Nexus. Essays in German Jewish Studies." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 19, no. 1 (2020): 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2019.1706327.

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5

Batnitzky, Leora. "Schoenberg's Moses Und Aron and the Judaic Ban on Images." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 25, no. 92 (2001): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030908920102509205.

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This article argues that Schoenberg's monumental opera Moses und Aron reflects a broader German-Jewish concern with the philosophical meaning of the Second Commandment and its relation to German-Jewish identity. By way of the aesthetic theory of the German-Jewish philosopher Hermann Cohen, the article analyzes Moses und Aron and suggests that Cohen's theory offers a context through which to understand the philosophical and cultural underpinnings of Schoenberg's music and drama. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the social and political milieu in which Moses und Aron was created

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6

A.P. "The German-Jewish Centralverein." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 33, no. 1 (1988): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/33.1.95.

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7

Klapheck, Elisa. "A Jewish Reclaiming of German-Jewish Women Thinkers." Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies & Gender Issues 42, no. 1 (2023): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nashim.42.1.05.

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Abstract: The following essay describes a typical uneasiness with regard to the reception of the intellectual legacy of German-Jewish women thinkers like Hannah Arendt, Bertha Pappenheim, Regina Jonas and Margarete Susman. The material reality of the large role played by such Jewish women thinkers may have vanished in the Shoah. Their Jewish intellectual descendants in Germany today have built upon their work, but that work takes place in contested territory, where other, non-Jewish scholars also lay claim to this legacy. In this personal reflection, I analyze the different motivations of non-

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8

Klapheck, Elisa. "A Jewish Reclaiming of German-Jewish Women Thinkers." Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies & Gender Issues 42, no. 1 (2023): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nsh.2023.a907306.

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Abstract: The following essay describes a typical uneasiness with regard to the reception of the intellectual legacy of German-Jewish women thinkers like Hannah Arendt, Bertha Pappenheim, Regina Jonas and Margarete Susman. The material reality of the large role played by such Jewish women thinkers may have vanished in the Shoah. Their Jewish intellectual descendants in Germany today have built upon their work, but that work takes place in contested territory, where other, non-Jewish scholars also lay claim to this legacy. In this personal reflection, I analyze the different motivations of non-

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9

Hoffmann, C. "The German-Jewish Encounter and German Historical Culture." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 41, no. 1 (1996): 277–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/41.1.277.

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10

Rybak, Jan. "Racialization of Disease: The Typhus-Epidemic, Antisemitism and Closed Borders in German-Occupied Poland, 1915–1918." European History Quarterly 52, no. 3 (2022): 461–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103467.

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This article analyses responses to the typhus epidemic in German-occupied Poland during the First World War. The German conquest of the Kingdom of Poland in 1915 not only instated a new political regime, but also brought about social misery on an unprecedented scale. Especially in larger cities, the poor segments of the population were made homeless or cramped into tiny apartments and suffered from hunger and disease. From 1915 outbreaks of typhus occurred in major cities, often found amongst the Jewish population. The German occupiers forcefully responded by fumigating houses, quarantining su

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11

Presner, Todd. "Remapping German-Jewish Studies: Benjamin, Cartography, Modernity." German Quarterly 82, no. 3 (2009): 293–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1756-1183.2009.00051.x.

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12

Geller, Jay Howard. "Theodor Heuss and German-Jewish Reconciliation after 1945." German Politics and Society 24, no. 2 (2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780681902.

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Since 1949, the Federal of Republic of Germany's titular head of state, the Federal President (Bundespräsident), has set the tone for discussion of the Nazi era and remembrance of the Holocaust. This precedent was established by the first Bundespräsident, Theodor Heuss. Through his speeches, writings, and actions after 1949, Heuss consistently worked for German-Jewish reconciliation, including open dialogue with German Jews and reparations to victims of the Holocaust. He was also the German Jewish community's strongest ally within the West German state administration. However, his work on beha

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13

SCHWARTZ, DANIEL B. "GAUGING THE GERMAN JEWISH." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 2 (2018): 579–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000380.

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Few fields are as riddled with terminological indecision as “German Jewish thought.” One cannot invoke this sphere without immediately bumping up against essential questions of definition. Should membership within its bounds be reserved for those who wrote, primarily, as Jews for Jews, even if in a non-Jewish language? Or should its borders be expanded substantially to include Jewish contributions to secular German thought—or, perhaps more aptly put, secular thought in German, in order not to exclude the vast number of Central European Jewish innovators who wrote in the language? If one takes

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14

Sacks, Elias. "Exegesis and Politics Between East and West: Nachman Krochmal, Moses Mendelssohn, and Modern Jewish Thought." Harvard Theological Review 114, no. 4 (2021): 508–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816021000274.

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AbstractRecent scholarship on modern Jewish thought has sought to overcome the field’s Germanocentrism by recovering diverse visions of Jewish life across eastern and western Europe. While studies typically emphasize either striking differences or surprising affinities between these settings, I use the neglected eastern European philosopher Nachman Krochmal to highlight a strategy of creative appropriation and redirection—an eastern European strategy of breaking with German-Jewish philosophy precisely by deploying that tradition’s own resources. One of modern Jewish philosophy’s early episodes

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15

Morris, Leslie. "German Studies and Jewish Studies: Symbiosis of Two Fields." German Studies Review 39, no. 3 (2016): 601–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2016.0092.

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16

Hochman, Oshrat, and Sibylle Heilbrunn. "‘I am not a German Jew. I am a Jew with a German passport’: German-Jewish identification among Jewish Germans and Jewish German Israelis." Identities 25, no. 1 (2016): 104–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2016.1214133.

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17

Brämer, Andreas. "“Making Teachers . . . Who do not Treat Their Profession As an Occasional Business”: Leopold Zunz and the Modernization of the Jewish Teacher Training in Prussia." European Journal of Jewish Studies 7, no. 2 (2013): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341252.

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Abstract Although Leopold Zunz has spent most of his years in Berlin, he had led an active life. German-Jewish history rightly remembers him first and foremost as the iconic figure of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the Science of Judaism) whose inspiring charisma has lasted to this day. However, Zunz has also left influential traces in the German and German-Jewish history as a preacher, pedagogue, and political contemporary. This essay ponders a facet of his biography which thus far has rather eluded further attention. When the entire educational system of German Jewry underwent a modernizati

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18

Feige, Edgar L., and William Velvel Moskoff. "German Jewish Soldiers and the Celebration of Yom Kippur in Wartime: Patriotic Images and Jewish Aspirations." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 3 (2023): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a918854.

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Abstract: One of the enduring themes in German Jewish history has been the deep-seated desire of Jews to be fully accepted as equals by other Germans, including the right to worship freely. Their conscription and voluntary service in the military during both the Franco-Prussian War (1870–1871) and World War I (1914–1918), provided an opportunity for Jews to demonstrate their fealty to the nation. Moreover, their requests for Jewish military chaplains were granted, enabling them to celebrate their traditional High Holy Days services. This article tells the story of Jewish religious worship on Y

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19

Lerner, Paul. "German Jews between Freud, Marx, and Halakha: Frieda Fromm-Reichmann, Erich Fromm, and the Psychoanalysis of Jewish Ritual in 1920s Heidelberg1." Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 64, no. 1 (2019): 219–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybz008.

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Abstract This essay explores the psychoanalytic sanitarium (Therapeutikum) directed by Frieda Fromm-Reichmann and Erich Fromm in Heidelberg from 1924 to 1928. The Therapeutikum aimed to combine adherence to Jewish ritual with psychoanalytic practice and radical politics for a group of German Jews who were rethinking their Orthodox backgrounds in light of new intellectual and political currents and modern sensibilities. Visitors to the sanitarium included many leading German-Jewish thinkers, and Heidelberg’s proximity to Frankfurt placed the Therapeutikum in the orbit of the Institute for Socia

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20

Klapper, Melissa R. "German-Jewish Identities in America." Journal of American Ethnic History 24, no. 2 (2005): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501582.

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21

Voigts, Manfred. "Weder Höhepunkt der Geschichte noch Schrei ins Leere. Grundriß der deutsch-jüdischen Symbiose." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 57, no. 2 (2005): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570073053978951.

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AbstractThis essay attempts to explain the German-Jewish symbiosis by examining the history of the German 'Bildungsbürgertum' and the peculiarity of the German Geistesgeschichte', which was shaped by the delay in national unification. On the one hand, the lack of political competence in German intellectual life conformed to Jewish peculiarities; on the other hand, it failed to engage in a critical discussion and rejection of anti-Judaic tendencies.

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22

Rozenblit, Marsha L. "Creating Jewish Space: German-Jewish Schools in Moravia." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 108–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723781300009x.

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In 1911 malt factory owner Ignatz Briess of Olmütz/Olomouc wrote a memoir to explain the nature of Jewish life in small town Moravia before the Revolution of 1848 to his children and grandchildren. He related that he had attended a German-Jewish Trivialschule, a German-language elementary school run by the Jewish community for Jewish children, in his home town of Prerau/Přerov in the late 1830s and early 1840s. At the school, the children had two to three hours of German subjects every morning; and at the end of every year, the state school inspector, a local priest, examined them on their stu

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23

Baader, Benjamin Maria. "German-Jewish Identities in America (review)." American Jewish History 92, no. 2 (2004): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2006.0003.

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24

Allert, Beate. "Goethe in German-Jewish Culture (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 21, no. 1 (2002): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2002.0090.

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25

Schoeps, Julius H. "Das (nicht-)angenommene Erbe. Zur Debatte um die deutsch-jüdische Erinnerungskultur." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 57, no. 3 (2005): 232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570073054396037.

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AbstractThis essay shows how Jewish identity in pre-1933 Germany defined itself and how the widely known concept of German-Jewish symbiosis came into question after the organized murder of the European Jews. The search for a German-Jewish legacy in postwar Germany as well as in the countries in which the Jewish émigrés found a new home will be explored. Moreover, the Eastern European cultural roots of Jews who migrated from Russia to Germany in the 1990s will also be discussed.

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26

Nolden, Thomas. "CONTEMPORARY GERMAN JEWISH LITERATURE*." German Life and Letters 47, no. 1 (1994): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0483.1994.tb01523.x.

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27

Homolka, Walter. "Jewish theology and Jewish studies in Germany." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 29, no. 2 (2018): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.70966.

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This article presents some insights into the German developments of studying Judaism and the Jewish tradition and relates them to the ongoing development of the subject at universities in the Nordic countries in general and Norway in particular. It also aims to present some conclusions concerning why it might be interesting for Norwegian society to intensify the study of Judaism at its universities.

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28

Zwiep, Irene E. "The Haskamah of History or Why Did the Dutch Wissenschaft des Judentums Spurn Zunz’s Writings?" European Journal of Jewish Studies 7, no. 2 (2013): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-12341251.

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Abstract According to common opinion, nineteenth-century Dutch Jewry never developed a follow-up to the German Wissenschaft des Judentums. This paper makes a case for the opposite: Dutch Jewish intellectuals not only were avid readers of Wissenschaft publications, they also used them extensively as sources of inspiration and information. The result, however, lacked the academic dimension of the German tradition. Instead, Dutch Jewish scholars consistently merged the results of critical scholarship with the edifying content of the traditional treatises they were translating and annotating. Time

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29

Ferruta, Paola. "Zwischen ,Wissenschaft des Judentums' und politischem Messianismus Saint-Simonismus und deutsche Reformbewegung." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 61, no. 3 (2009): 209–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007309788620683.

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AbstractThe relationship between the religious political group of the Saint-Simonians and the German movement for political reform around 1830 has already been amply investigated. Significantly less explored is the Jewish aspect of this connection. The article focuses on the significance of the participation of the Jewish members of the Saint-Simonian movement and the cultural transfer initiated by them with German Jewish intellectuals and political activists such as Gabriel Riesser.

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30

Von Braun, Christina. "A Renaissance of Jewish Studies in Contemporary Germany." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 31, no. 1 (2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.89060.

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This paper provides an overview of the development of Jewish studies in Germany since reunification. After a brief historical review of the subject in the nineteenth century with the development of modern Reform Judaism and the science of Judaism (Wissenschaft des Judentums) created by Jewish religious and secular scholars, it focuses on the development of the past thirty years, in which not only the Jewish community but also Jewish studies have increased in importance. The growth of the Jewish community was largely due to immigration from the Soviet Union, but also partly to young Israelis wh

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31

Kaplan, Marion A., and Enzo Traverso. "The "German-Jewish Symbiosis" Revisited." New German Critique, no. 70 (1997): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/488504.

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32

Lange, Horst, Klaus L. Berghahn, and Jost Hermand. "Goethe in German-Jewish Culture." German Studies Review 26, no. 1 (2003): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432922.

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33

Grözinger, Karl Erich. "Jewish Literature in German Clothing…?" Slovo a smysl 19, no. 39 (2022): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23366680.2022.1.1.

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34

Hieke, Anton. "Aus Nordcarolina: The Jewish American South in German Jewish Periodicals of the Nineteenth Century." European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, no. 2 (2011): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x607195.

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Abstract For many German Jewish papers of the nineteenth century, the United States of America was held up as an ideal. This holds true especially for the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, then Germany’s most influential Jewish publication. In America, Jews had already achieved what their co-religionists in Germany strove for until complete legal emancipation with the formation of the German Empire in 1871: the transition from ‘Jews in Germany’ via ‘German Jews’ to ‘Germans of the Jewish faith.’ Thus, the experiences of Jews from Germany in America represented the post-emancipation hopes for t

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35

Benz, W. "The Legend of German-Jewish Symbiosis." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 37, no. 1 (1992): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/37.1.95.

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36

Dalby, H. V. "German-Jewish Female Intellectuals and the Recovery of German-Jewish Heritage in the 1940s and 1950s." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 52, no. 1 (2007): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/lbyb.2007.5206.

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37

Lustig, Jason. "Who Are to Be the Successors of European Jewry? The Restitution of German Jewish Communal and Cultural Property." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (2016): 519–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416647116.

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Who are to be the successors of European Jewry? This question faced Jewish leaders after the Holocaust, in terms both legal – inheriting heirless property – as well as spiritual – carrying forward Jewish culture. Looted Jewish property was never merely a matter of inheritance. Instead, disputes revolved around the future of Jewish life. While Jewish restitution organizations sought control of former communal property to use around the world, some German-Jewish émigrés and survivors in Germany sought to establish themselves as direct successors to former Jewish communities and institutions. Suc

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38

Carlebach, Elisheva. "Dean Phillip Bell. Sacred Communities: Jewish and Christian Identities in Fifteenth-Century Germany. Studies in Central European Histories. Leiden: Brill, 2001. xii, 301 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (2005): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405280091.

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German Jewish communities underwent momentous changes in status, composition, and character during the fifteenth century, yet apart from its intellectual legacy, this period has merited scant attention from historians. Even contemporaries viewed the post-plague German communities as a diminished and spent shadow of their vital medieval Ashkenazic predecessors, and historiography has maintained this perception. Scholars characterized the period as one of intellectual decline, population shrinkage and expulsion from the remaining cities that had not destroyed or expelled their Jewish communities

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39

Grossman, J. A. "The Business of Memory: German Jewish Studies Today." Monatshefte 103, no. 4 (2011): 584–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mon.2011.0122.

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40

Gillman, Abigail. "Beyond Dialogue: New Scholarship in German-Jewish Studies." Prooftexts 23, no. 2 (2003): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ptx.2003.0020.

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41

Peretz, Dekel. "Generation Enraged." European Judaism 56, no. 2 (2023): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2023.560208.

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Abstract How does the increasing diversification of both the Jewish and general population in Germany influence Jewish self-positioning in German society? It seems that especially young Jews no longer perceive themselves in a binary relationship to the majority society alone, but as part of a heterogeneous, post-migrant society. The journal Jalta – Positionen zur jüdischen Gegenwart [Yalta – Positions on the Jewish Present], published between 2017 and 2020, served as an important mouthpiece for the young generation's rage and desires. This study identifies and expounds upon three sets of relat

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42

Nawrocka, Irene. "Cultural transfer in Swedish exile." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 34, no. 1 (2023): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.126105.

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After the death in 1934 of his father-in-law Samuel Fischer, founder of the well-known publishing house S. Fischer in Berlin, Gottfried Bermann Fischer moved to Vienna with the aim of publishing the works of prominent German-speaking Jewish and non-Jewish authors who could no longer publish in National Socialist Germany. After the ‘Anschluss’ to Nazi Germany in March 1938 he fled to Sweden with help from Karl Otto and Tor Bonnier, heads of Albert Bonniers Förlag. Eagerly observed by the Nazi authorities, Gottfried Bermann Fischer published books of well-known German, Austrian, and Swedish writ

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43

Mühlstein, Jan, Lea Muehlstein, and Jonathan Magonet. "The Return of Liberal Judaism to Germany." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (2016): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490105.

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AbstractThe German Jewish community established after World War Two was shaped by refugees from Eastern Europe, so the congregations they established were Orthodox. However, in 1995 independent Liberal Jewish initiatives started in half a dozen German cities. The story of Beth Shalom in Munich illustrates the stages of such a development beginning with the need for a Sunday school for Jewish families and experiments with monthly Shabbat services. The establishment of a congregation was helped by the support of the European Region of the World Union for Progressive Judaism and ongoing input fro

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44

Levenson, Alan T. "German-Jewish History in Modern Times (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 19, no. 3 (2001): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2001.0029.

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45

Zimmermann, M. "Jewish History and Jewish Historiography: A Challenge to Contemporary German Historiography." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 35, no. 1 (1990): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/35.1.35.

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46

Friesel, E. "Jewish and German-Jewish Historical Views Problems of a New Synthesis." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 43, no. 1 (1998): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/43.1.323.

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47

Meyer, M. A. "German Jewish Thinkers Reflect on the Future of the Jewish Religion." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 51, no. 1 (2006): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/51.1.3.

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48

Lorenz, Dagmar C. G., and Pol O'Dochartaigh. "Jews in German Literature Since 1945: German-Jewish Literature?" German Studies Review 25, no. 2 (2002): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433071.

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49

Magnus, Shulamit S. "“Who Shall Say Who Belongs?”: Jews Between City and State in Prussian Cologne, 1815–1828." AJS Review 16, no. 1-2 (1991): 57–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003123.

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The struggle for Jewish emancipation in Germany is commonly understood as a battle for civic equality at the state level. But an important chapter in the history of emancipation took place in the conflict between German states and localities over Jewish rights. Jurisdictional battles over Jewish status may seem quintessentially medieval, recalling the strife between competing levels of the feudal hierarchy for control of the Jews and the revenue they generated.Yet similar struggles persisted well into the nineteenth century in several German states, such as Bavaria, Baden, and Wiirt-temberg, w

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50

Paucker, A. "Researching German-Jewish Responses and German-Jewish Resistance to National Socialism: Sources and Directions for the Future." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 51, no. 1 (2006): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/51.1.193.

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