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Relevant bibliographies by topics / German Political scientists

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Academic literature on the topic 'German Political scientists'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "German Political scientists"

1

Pavlov, N. "Political Leadership under Conditions of «Chancellor Democracy»." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2011): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-11-25-38.

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In terms of Germany's foreign policy the concept of “chancellor democracy” begins to lose its validity. Nonetheless, the head of the government remains, as before, the leading political actor. In accordance with their own styles and characters each of the chancellors left their mark in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. Many German political scientists and historians are right to understand the “chancellor democracy” as historical concentration of power in the Federal chancellery to the detriment of ministerial principle. Indeed, in all turning points of German history the most important decisions had been taken by the Federal chancellery and by the Chancellor alone.

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Babintseva, Ekaterina. "German naturalists in the service of the Russian Empire." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2020): 263–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi22.

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The article comprehensively examines the process of historical integration of German natural scientists into research work in Russia in the 17th - 18th centuries. It is concluded that the service of German natural scientists in Russia is conditioned not only by political, social and economic realities, but also by personal interest in the personal demand and career growth of researchers.

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Kirchberger, Ulrike. "German scientists in the Indian forest service: A German contribution to the Raj?" Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 29, no. 2 (May 2001): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530108583117.

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Fähnrich, Birte, and Corinna Lüthje. "Roles of Social Scientists in Crisis Media Reporting: The Case of the German Populist Radical Right Movement PEGIDA." Science Communication 39, no. 4 (June 21, 2017): 415–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547017715472.

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This article examines the visibility of social scientists in the context of crisis media reporting by using the example of the German populist radical right movement PEGIDA. Based on previous research, a role typology was developed to serve as a framework for the empirical study. A content analysis of German newspapers demonstrates that social scientists are quite visible in the media coverage of PEGIDA and are presented mainly in the role of intellectuals. At the same time, new roles for social scientists are also discernible. Based on these findings, an extended role typology was developed to provide points of reference for further research.

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Neumaier, Christopher. "Technological Solutions and Contested Interpretations of Scientific Results: Risk Assessment of Diesel Emissions in the United States and in West Germany, 1977–1995." NTM Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Wissenschaften, Technik und Medizin 28, no. 4 (October 7, 2020): 547–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00048-020-00276-2.

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Abstract This article traces the different classifications of diesel emissions either as “safe” or as “hazardous” in the US and in West Germany between 1977 and 1995. It argues that the environmental regulation of diesel emissions was a political threshold. It contributes to our general understanding of how politicians, environmental lobbyists, scientists, and engineers constructed the standards and norms that defined the “safe” limit of environmental pollutants. After discussing how diesel emissions came under review as a potential carcinogen, I will show that the coding as “safe” or as “hazardous” resulted from negotiations that were entirely dependent on the temporal, geographical, and intellectual contexts in which diesel technology, scientific research on their emissions, and political regulation were embedded. In particular, I trace the differences in German and US regulatory policy. While US regulation relied more on epidemiology that provided only weak data on the carcinogenicity of diesel particulates in the early 1980s, German government agencies tended to base their policy around the mid-1980s more on the results of animal tests and shortly afterwards also on epidemiology. Furthermore, the article reveals how US and German automakers tried to foster doubt on the carcinogenicity of diesel emissions and how their approaches differed and shifted. Thereby, it sheds light on the triangular relationship between technology, science, and politics in regulatory processes by analyzing the different roles of the state, automakers, scientists, and environmental agencies in Germany and in the United States.

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Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.40-50.

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Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.

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Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.40-50.

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Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.

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Gleißner, Werner, Florian Follert, Frank Daumann, and Frank Leibbrand. "EU’s Ordering of COVID-19 Vaccine Doses: Political Decision-Making under Uncertainty." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 4 (February 23, 2021): 2169. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18042169.

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Worldwide, politicians, scientists, and entrepreneurs are operating under high uncertainty and incomplete information regarding the adequacy of measures to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. It seems indisputable that only widespread and global immunity can bring normalization to social life. In this respect, the development of a vaccine was a milestone in pandemic control. However, within the EU, especially in Germany, the vaccination plan is increasingly faltering, and criticism is growing louder. This paper considers the EU’s political decision in general and the decisions of the German government to procure vaccine doses against the background of modern economics as a decision under uncertainty and critically analyzes the process.

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Szabaciuk, Wojciech. "Odbiór idei szkoły austriackiej w Niemczech i w Austrii." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 1 (2020): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.1.6.

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This article is an attempt to analyze the reception of the Austrian School in Austria and Germany in general. The article aims to present the attitude of German and Austrian scientists and political leaders to the liberal ideas presented by the Austrian School. The author has discussed the birth of the Austrian School, methodenstreit, and the causes of the gradual removal of the heritage of Carl Menger and his successors from Austria.

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Gimbel, John. "German Scientists, United States Denazification Policy, and the ‘PaperclipConspiracy’." International History Review 12, no. 3 (September 1990): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1990.9640553.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "German Political scientists"

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Diers, Andreas. "Arbeiterbewegung - Demokratie - Staat : Wolfgang Abendroth ; Leben und Werk 1906 - 1948 /." Hamburg : VSA-Verl, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0713/2006436179.html.

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Books on the topic "German Political scientists"

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Einstein's German world. London: Allen Lane the Penguin Press, 2000.

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John H. Herz: Leben und Denken zwischen Idealismus und Realismus, Deutschland und Amerika. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2011.

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Brudny, Michelle-Irène. Hannah Arendt: Essai de biographie intellectuelle. Paris: Grasset, 2006.

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Jünger, Ernst. Briefe 1930-1983. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1999.

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Hannah, Arendt. Der Briefwechsel 1967-1975. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Suhrkamp, 2004.

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Einstein's German world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999.

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Einstein's German World. Princeton: Princeton U.P., 2001.

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Schnurmann, Claudia. Brücken aus Papier: Atlantischer Wissenstransfer in dem Briefnetzwerk des deutsch-amerikanischen Ehepaars Francis und Mathilde Lieber, 1827-1872. Berlin: Lit, 2014.

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Harley, Lewis R. Francis Lieber: His life and political philosophy. Clark, N.J: Lawbook Exchange, 2003.

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1940-, Mack Charles R., and Mack Ilona S. 1943-, eds. Like a sponge thrown into water: Francis Lieber's European travel journal of 1844-1845. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press for the South Caroliniana Library, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "German Political scientists"

1

Söllner, Alfons. "On Transit to America — Political Scientists from Germany in Great Britain after 1933." In Deutsche Politikwissenschaftler in der Emigration, 83–97. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-90228-3_5.

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Wagner, Peter. "Social Sciences and Political Projects: Reform Coalitions between Social Scientists and Policy-Makers in France, Italy, and West Germany." In The Social Direction of the Public Sciences, 277–306. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-3755-0_11.

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Houghton, Vince. "A Reasonable Fear." In The Nuclear Spies, 5–29. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501739590.003.0002.

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The first chapter details the causes of the United States Government’s considerable apprehension about the German atomic bomb program. By 1942 American progress in atomic development had made it apparent that atomic bombs were more than theoretical possibilities, they were practical certainties. That is to say, it was only a matter of time before someone built an atomic bomb. The Germans had the best scientists, a well-developed industrial system, widespread political support, and they had a significant head start. American scientists had reason to worry.

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Fleck, Christian. "Austrian Refugee Social Scientists1." In In Defence of Learning. British Academy, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264812.003.0013.

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This chapter presents an overview of one sub-group of Nazi refugees: social scientists from Austria, and Vienna in particular. After a deft sketch of the constraints and opportunities for scholars, especially Jewish scholars, in 1930s Austria with its economic decline, political turmoil, and rampant anti-semitism, it compares the number of Jews in Vienna, the size of the educated class in the city, and the number of Austrian émigré and refugee social scientists with the equivalent figures for Germany. These statistics provide some explanation for the ‘disproportionally large group of former Austrians’ among the émigrés and refugee scholars in the 1930s. The chapter then illustrates the often lowly occupations of many later famous social scientists and the remarkable intellectual milieu they were part of in Vienna. The final section examines the personal and social factors that influenced their fate in exile. It concludes that, within the larger group of German-speaking refugee scholars, the Austrians who later became sociologists had characteristics that enabled them to succeed after their traumatic experiences.

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Emerson, Blake. "Origins of Progressivism." In The Public's Law, 23–60. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190682873.003.0002.

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This chapter describes German state theory in the nineteenth and twentieth century. It describes this tradition in order to clarify the relevance of German ideas to the American context. American political scientists and legal scholars frequently rely on German thinkers such as Max Weber and Carl Schmitt to understand the state. But these divergent assessments lack a grounding in the longer trajectory and the institutional dilemmas of German legal theory. The chapter provides that broader context and directs readers’ attention to the most promising strand of German thought: the philosophy of G.W.F. Hegel. Hegel would have formative significance for the Progressive thinkers who developed the American administrative state. Hegel understood the state’s purpose to be the advancement of freedom. The chapter contextualizes this idea and shows its influence throughout the nineteenth century, in the Rechtsstaat theories of Robert von Mohl, Lorenz von Stein, and Rudolf von Gneist. It then shows how this normative concept of the state was emptied out with the turn to legal positivism at the end of the century. Weber’s formal-rational conception of bureaucracy then arrived at a particularly unstable moment in German constitutional history, in the transition from monarchy to democracy. Weber’s bifurcated conception of legal and charismatic authority paved the way for Schmitt’s proto-totalitarian theory of the state. The chapter concludes by showing how German theorists in the second half of the twentieth century, such as Jürgen Habermas, continued to rely on Weber’s instrumental conception of bureaucracy.

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Sorokina, Marina Yu. "Within Two Tyrannies: The Soviet Academic Refugees of the Second World War." In In Defence of Learning. British Academy, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264812.003.0015.

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This chapter places the exodus of Russian scholars in the context of the country's turbulent twentieth-century experience of ‘three revolutions, two world wars, civil strife, and several changes of political regime’. It presents an account of the plight of Russian academics in German occupied territories who were caught ‘in the dead space between two tyrannies’. For some the price of survival in the 1940s involved temporary collaboration with the Nazi invaders, which is illustrated in the morally ambiguous wartime experiences of Nikolas Poppe, Professor of Oriental Studies in Leningrad University, a leading expert of the languages and literatures of northern inner Asia; and of Ivan Malinin, professor and head of the department of pathology in the Krasnodar Medical Institute. Both found a way of resisting the communist state through temporary ‘collaboration’, and thus, reaffirmed ‘the right of the individual to make choices’. The chapter concludes by noting the change in Soviet policy towards the emigration of scientists after perestroika and its double-edged effect: ‘On the one hand, emigration impoverishes home institutions, but, on the other, the free migration of scientists has become one of the most effective mechanisms for integrating the country into the global scientific community’.

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Worster, Donald. "The Ecology of Order and Chaos." In Wealth of Nature. Oxford University Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195092646.003.0016.

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The science of ecology has had a popular impact unlike that of any other academic field of research. Consider the extraordinary ubiquity of the word itself: it has appeared in the most everyday places and the most astonishing, on day-glo T-shirts, in corporate advertising, and on bridge abutments. It has changed the language of politics and philosophy— springing up in a number of countries are political groups that are self-identified as “Ecology Parties.” Yet who ever proposed forming a political party named after comparative linguistics or advanced paleontology? On several continents we have a philosophical movement termed “Deep Ecology,” but nowhere has anyone announced a movement for “Deep Entomology” or “Deep Polish Literature.” Why has this funny little word, ecology, coined by an obscure nineteenth-century German scientist, acquired so powerful a cultural resonance, so widespread a following? Behind the persistent enthusiasm for ecology, I believe, lies the hope that this science can offer a great deal more than a pile of data. It is supposed to offer a pathway to a kind of moral enlightenment that we can call, for the purposes of simplicity, “conservation.” The expectation did not originate with the public but first appeared among eminent scientists within the field. For instance, in his 1935 book Deserts on the March, the noted University of Oklahoma, and later Yale, botanist Paul Sears urged Americans to take ecology seriously, promoting it in their universities and making it part of their governing process. “In Great Britain,” he pointed out, . . . the ecologists are being consulted at every step in planning the proper utilization of those parts of the Empire not yet settled, thus . . . ending the era of haphazard exploitation. There are hopeful, but all too few signs that our own national government realizes the part which ecology must play in a permanent program. Sears recommended that the United States hire a few thousand ecologists at the county level to advise citizens on questions of land use and thereby bring an end to environmental degradation; such a brigade, he thought, would put the whole nation on a biologically and economically sustainable basis.

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Neugröschel, Marc. "Anti-Semitism as a Civil Religion." In Comparative Perspectives on Civil Religion, Nationalism, and Political Influence, 106–24. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0516-7.ch004.

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This chapter portrays the 19th century political ideology of anti-Semitism as a form of civil religion that promoted the ideation of a German national society. In contrast to its interpretation as a right-wing reactionary protest against modernity, antisemitism, it will be argued, adapted the conceptualization of collective identity to the premises of a progressive worldview, defining German society in terms of the modern paradigms of nationalism, scientism and anti-transcendentalism. Evidence for this assertion will be elicited from texts by German anti-Semitic writers and analyzed with the aid of contemporary theories and thinkers.

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Chapoutot, Johann. "A Nordic Mediterranean." In Greeks, Romans, Germans. University of California Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520275720.003.0003.

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This chapter illustrates the drawing of Greece and Rome into the orbit of the Nordic race and its civilization—upon which the reimagining of the new rhetoric on racial origins was founded. The Nordicism of the Greeks and Romans was confirmed by historians and racial scientists and publicized in a number of ways, not all of them scholarly. This rhetoric was also adopted by the regime's political leaders, to a surprising degree. Yet this issue assumed a singular importance for the Nazi leadership, because it allowed them to define and promote their vision of the Nordic race, including its proprietary claims on Europe's most prestigious cultural and historical heritage, as a prelude to their other plans for territorial conquest.

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Johnston, Jean-Michel. "Expectations." In Networks of Modernity, 33–58. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198856887.003.0003.

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This chapter focuses upon the 1830s, when intellectuals, scientists, state officials, and entrepreneurs throughout Germany placed their hopes on the possibility of instantaneous, long-distance communication and increasingly became aware of the practicalities of bringing this vision to life. The correspondence of the scientists Carl Friedrich Gauß and Carl Steinheil illuminates their research into telegraphy and the networks connecting academics across Germany, through which it was discussed. Railway companies took an interest in this research, as they began to see in the technology a potential means of improving the efficiency and profitability of their services. The writings of the political theorists Friedrich List and Robert von Mohl, meanwhile, demonstrate the growing recognition that telegraphic communication could unleash the economic energies inherent in society, while also presenting new challenges for the administration of the state. Bremen is introduced as a counterexample to developments taking place across Germany. By the late 1830s these ideas were brought together as scientists and entrepreneurs turned to one another and to the state as a means of gathering the financial, logistical, and technical resources which they required to develop the technology.

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Conference papers on the topic "German Political scientists"

1

Eryücel, Ertuğrul. "A Comparative Analysis on Policy Making in Western Countries and Turkey in the Context of Eugenics." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01847.

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The word eugenics was coined in 1883 by the English scientist Francis Galton, who took the word from a Greek root meaning “good in birth” or “noble in heredity”. Eugenics aimed to assist states in implementing negative or positive policies which would improve the quality of the national breed. The intensive applications of eugenic policies coincide between two World Wars. İn the decades between 1905 and 1945, eugenics politics implemented in more than thirty countries. The method of this study is based on a literature survey on the sources of the eugenic subject. The sources of the data are documents such as books, articles, journals, theses, projects, research reports about the politics and legal regulations of the countries on the family, population, sport, health and body. This study comparatively examines eugenic policy-making in Turkey and in Western countries: Britain, United States, France, Germany (1905-1945). This study aims to discuss the relation of eugenic politics in countries with nation building process, ethnic nationalism, and racism. This is a basic claim that the eugenic practices in Turkey contain more positive measures and that there is no racial-ethnic content of eugenics in Turkey.

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