To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: German Political scientists.
Journal articles on the topic 'German Political scientists'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'German Political scientists.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Pavlov, N. "Political Leadership under Conditions of «Chancellor Democracy»." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2011): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-11-25-38.
Full textAbstract:
In terms of Germany's foreign policy the concept of “chancellor democracy” begins to lose its validity. Nonetheless, the head of the government remains, as before, the leading political actor. In accordance with their own styles and characters each of the chancellors left their mark in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. Many German political scientists and historians are right to understand the “chancellor democracy” as historical concentration of power in the Federal chancellery to the detriment of ministerial principle. Indeed, in all turning points of German history the most important decisions had been taken by the Federal chancellery and by the Chancellor alone.
2
Babintseva, Ekaterina. "German naturalists in the service of the Russian Empire." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2020): 263–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi22.
Full textAbstract:
The article comprehensively examines the process of historical integration of German natural scientists into research work in Russia in the 17th - 18th centuries. It is concluded that the service of German natural scientists in Russia is conditioned not only by political, social and economic realities, but also by personal interest in the personal demand and career growth of researchers.
3
Kirchberger, Ulrike. "German scientists in the Indian forest service: A German contribution to the Raj?" Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 29, no. 2 (May 2001): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530108583117.
Full text
4
Fähnrich, Birte, and Corinna Lüthje. "Roles of Social Scientists in Crisis Media Reporting: The Case of the German Populist Radical Right Movement PEGIDA." Science Communication 39, no. 4 (June 21, 2017): 415–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547017715472.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the visibility of social scientists in the context of crisis media reporting by using the example of the German populist radical right movement PEGIDA. Based on previous research, a role typology was developed to serve as a framework for the empirical study. A content analysis of German newspapers demonstrates that social scientists are quite visible in the media coverage of PEGIDA and are presented mainly in the role of intellectuals. At the same time, new roles for social scientists are also discernible. Based on these findings, an extended role typology was developed to provide points of reference for further research.
5
Neumaier, Christopher. "Technological Solutions and Contested Interpretations of Scientific Results: Risk Assessment of Diesel Emissions in the United States and in West Germany, 1977–1995." NTM Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Wissenschaften, Technik und Medizin 28, no. 4 (October 7, 2020): 547–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00048-020-00276-2.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article traces the different classifications of diesel emissions either as “safe” or as “hazardous” in the US and in West Germany between 1977 and 1995. It argues that the environmental regulation of diesel emissions was a political threshold. It contributes to our general understanding of how politicians, environmental lobbyists, scientists, and engineers constructed the standards and norms that defined the “safe” limit of environmental pollutants. After discussing how diesel emissions came under review as a potential carcinogen, I will show that the coding as “safe” or as “hazardous” resulted from negotiations that were entirely dependent on the temporal, geographical, and intellectual contexts in which diesel technology, scientific research on their emissions, and political regulation were embedded. In particular, I trace the differences in German and US regulatory policy. While US regulation relied more on epidemiology that provided only weak data on the carcinogenicity of diesel particulates in the early 1980s, German government agencies tended to base their policy around the mid-1980s more on the results of animal tests and shortly afterwards also on epidemiology. Furthermore, the article reveals how US and German automakers tried to foster doubt on the carcinogenicity of diesel emissions and how their approaches differed and shifted. Thereby, it sheds light on the triangular relationship between technology, science, and politics in regulatory processes by analyzing the different roles of the state, automakers, scientists, and environmental agencies in Germany and in the United States.
6
Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.40-50.
Full textAbstract:
Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.
7
Melnyk, Viktor. "CZECHIAN GERMANS: THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL SELF-DESTRUCTION (1939–1945)." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.40-50.
Full textAbstract:
Objective of the study: to classify and identify the main causes of the process of political self-destruction of the German ethnic minority in the territory of Czechoslovakia; to propose, substantiate and introduce into scientific circulation the concept of political self-destruction of the German community in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, which existed under the suzerainty of the Third Reich from March 15, 1939 to May 13, 1945. Methodology: Therefore, the journalistic and literary works of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia were analyzed, as well as legal documents and diplomatic protocols adopted following the Yalta Conference (February 4 — F ebruary 11, 1945), the Potsdam Conference (July 17 — August 2, 1945). With the help of the traditional complex of historical and legal methods (text study, comparative analysis, legal analogy), were analyzed the content and external forms of legal succession of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in relation to the First Czechoslovak Republic (October 28, 1918 — September 30, 1938) and the Second Czechoslovak Republic (September 30, 1938 — March 15, 1939). Structural and functional method allowed to isolate the main reasons for the successful cultural and socio-economic coexistence of Germans and Czechs in the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia under the auspices of the Third Reich in 1939–1945. The socio-psychological approach, in turn, determined the political-political characterization of the rise of interethnic hostility of the Czechs to the Germans. The article argues that the cause of the massacres of Germans by Czech fighters (actions with clear signs of genocide) during 1945–1950 was the transfer of the so-called «guilt for Soviet occupation» by the Czech collective consciousness to the Germans. With the help of English and Soviet propaganda, a negative image of the Germans in the mass media was simultaneously formed. Results and conclusions: The history of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1918–1939 is a prime example of the confrontation between spatial and ethno-linguistic political ideologues. On the one hand, there were Sudeten and Bohemian Germans, supported by the strong movement of the Nazis. On the other hand, the concept of Central European Slavic integration, known as «Czechoslovakism». The struggle between these two ideologues often falls out of sight of contemporary political scientists (political scientists) and historians. This article does not fill the gap, but aims to demonstrate the Czech-German ethno-political conflict of the mid-twentieth century in the form of a logical sequence of events that led to the collapse of both Pan-Germanism and Czechoslovakism. The bloody war between the Slavs and the Germans in the center of Europe ended with the victory of «third power» — ideology of communism.
8
Gleißner, Werner, Florian Follert, Frank Daumann, and Frank Leibbrand. "EU’s Ordering of COVID-19 Vaccine Doses: Political Decision-Making under Uncertainty." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 4 (February 23, 2021): 2169. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18042169.
Full textAbstract:
Worldwide, politicians, scientists, and entrepreneurs are operating under high uncertainty and incomplete information regarding the adequacy of measures to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. It seems indisputable that only widespread and global immunity can bring normalization to social life. In this respect, the development of a vaccine was a milestone in pandemic control. However, within the EU, especially in Germany, the vaccination plan is increasingly faltering, and criticism is growing louder. This paper considers the EU’s political decision in general and the decisions of the German government to procure vaccine doses against the background of modern economics as a decision under uncertainty and critically analyzes the process.
9
Szabaciuk, Wojciech. "Odbiór idei szkoły austriackiej w Niemczech i w Austrii." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 18, no. 1 (2020): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2020.1.6.
Full textAbstract:
This article is an attempt to analyze the reception of the Austrian School in Austria and Germany in general. The article aims to present the attitude of German and Austrian scientists and political leaders to the liberal ideas presented by the Austrian School. The author has discussed the birth of the Austrian School, methodenstreit, and the causes of the gradual removal of the heritage of Carl Menger and his successors from Austria.
10
Gimbel, John. "German Scientists, United States Denazification Policy, and the ‘PaperclipConspiracy’." International History Review 12, no. 3 (September 1990): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1990.9640553.
Full text
11
Korovin, Kirill. "The German History of Concepts and the History of Political and Legal Doctrines: Facets of Interaction." Legal Concept, no. 4 (February 2021): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lc.jvolsu.2020.4.7.
Full textAbstract:
the German history of concepts became popular after the translation into Russian of some articles from “The Historical Dictionary of Socio-Political Language in Germany”. This event is remarkable for legal science, since legal concepts are of particular importance for both the legislator and legal scientists when developing legal doctrine. The purpose of the paper is to apply a historical and conceptual approach to the study of state-legal phenomena in the history of political and legal doctrines. Methods: the methodological basis of this study is a systematic approach that allows to structure the constituent elements of the German history of concepts, as well as a structural and functional one, thanks to which the application of specific elements in practice was shown. Results: as a result of the analysis of the German experience of studying concepts, the author made conclusions that reflect the possibility of its use in law. First of all, the classification of concepts used in the dictionary is important. It allows you to structure and systematize the concepts used in the political and legal doctrines. The processes of transformation of concepts described methodologically by the Germans can be analyzed by analogy in Russian historical and legal science. The context of the emergence and evolution of the concepts reflects the fundamental changes in society and the state, so its description is necessary to explain the features of legal concepts. Conclusions: the adaptation of historical concepts with the help of modern legal language to the terminological apparatus of the theory of state and law is possible through the diachronic principle. The linguistic basis of the German dictionary is certainly interesting for lawyers from the point of view that the distinction between terms and concepts contributes to the improvement of legal techniques. Thus, the German history of concepts is largely interrelated with the history of political and legal doctrines, and further development of this issue is required.
12
Sachse, Carola. "The Max Planck Society and Pugwash during the Cold War: An Uneasy Relationship." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 1 (April 2018): 170–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00804.
Full textAbstract:
When the Federation of German Scientists (VDW) was founded as the West German section of Pugwash in the late 1950s, several high-profile scientists from the Max Planck Society (MPS), especially nuclear physicists, were involved. Well into the 1980s, institutional links existed between the MPS, the Federal Republic's most distinguished scientific research institution, and Pugwash, the transnational peace activist network that was set up in 1957 in the eponymous Nova Scotia village following the publication of the Russell-Einstein Manifesto. At the beginning, the two organizations’ relationship was maintained primarily by the physicist and philosopher Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker. However, the relationship was difficult from the start, and the distance between them grew during the rise of détente in the 1970s, when the scientific flagship MPS was deployed more and more frequently in matters of foreign cultural policy on behalf of West Germany and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a whole. This article explores the resources and risks of transnational political engagement during the Cold War, focusing on the individual strategies of top-ranking researchers as well as the policy deliberations within a leading scientific organization along the chief East-West divide: the front line between the two German states.
13
Langenbacher, Eric, and Friederike Eigler. "Memory Boom or Memory Fatigue in 21st Century Germany?" German Politics and Society 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780979976.
Full textAbstract:
Is "memory fatigue" setting in? One often hears this question in regards to Germans whenever another Holocaust-centered or Nazi era memory event erupts. But, one also increasingly hears this question about intellectuals and scholars in the humanities. Political scientists, lamentably, never really got into the study of memory in the first place. As an overly qualitative phenomenon the study of collective memory was impervious to dominant quantitative or rationalist methodologies in the discipline. Like culture more generally, it was considered either a default category or an irrelevant factor for the core of political analysis—interests and institutions—and was best left to the humanities or sociology. Others have argued that memory never really mattered at all for the vast majority of Germans who are interested in the consumerist present or for a proper understanding of the political system. At the most, it concerned only a small circle of the German elite and media such as the feuilleton section of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Der Spiegel, and, certain German studies centers and journals in the USA.
14
GRAF, RÜDIGER. "PROVINCIALIZING AMERICA: NEW AND NOT SO NEW INTELLECTUAL HISTORIES OF WEIMAR GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 541–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000638.
Full textAbstract:
Together the two volumes under review contain over forty essays on the intellectual history of Weimar Germany and its legacy today. The wide interdisciplinary field of authors, historians, philosophers, theologians, and literary, legal, and religious scholars, as well as social and political scientists, testifies to the continuing fascination of this era of thought in Anglo-American academia. With the exceptions of Mitchell G. Ash, Michael Krois, and Klaus Tanner, the authors teach at American, British or Canadian universities and represent major tendencies of the anglophone engagement with Weimar's intellectual history. Despite the fact that intellectual history of the Weimar Republic has been a flourishing field of research in Germany over the last decades, the volumes contain no contributions by German historians. This observation is by no means negligible in an age of transnational academic exchange, as may be exemplified by the recentOxford Handbook of Modern German History, which contains contributions by German, American, and British experts in their fields.
15
Lehmbruch, Gerhard. "Institutional Change in the East German Transformation Process: The Role of the State in the Reorganization of Property Rights and the Limits of Institutional Transfer." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 13–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486507.
Full textAbstract:
German social scientists have often stressed that the East German transformation was a process sui generis that differed strongly from the transformation paths of eastern European countries. This difference was of course mainly due to the integration of the former GDR into the Federal Republic of (West) Germany. Indeed, it is commonly assumed that the wholesale transfer of West German institutions left little room for the endogenous paths of transformation observed in eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. The unintended outcome of this strategy of “exogenous” institutional change was a transformation crisis with the effect of a profound external shock. To be sure, this shock was mitigated by the simultaneous introduction of the West German “social net,” accompanied by massive transfer payments. But many of the dire predictions made by skeptical observers in 1990 have indeed come true.
16
Glassmeier, Karl-Heinz. "Karl Friedrich Almstedt – scientist, teacher, and co-founder of the German Geophysical Society." History of Geo- and Space Sciences 11, no. 1 (April 16, 2020): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hgss-11-71-2020.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. The German Geophysical Society was founded in 1922 as the Deutsche Seismologische Vereinigung. One of the 24 founders of this society was Karl Friedrich Almstedt. Born in 1891 and deceased in 1964, Almstedt represents a generation of academics and scientists who grew up during the decline of the European empires, experiencing the devastations of the two World Wars and the cruelties of the Nazi era as well as the resurrection of academic and cultural life in post-war Germany. A detailed biographical sketch of Karl Almstedt's life is presented through historical notes on his social, political, and scientific environment.
17
Schröder, Martin, Mark Lutter, and Isabel M. Habicht. "Publishing, signaling, social capital, and gender: Determinants of becoming a tenured professor in German political science." PLOS ONE 16, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): e0243514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0243514.
Full textAbstract:
We apply event history analysis to analyze career and publication data of virtually all political scientists in German university departments, showing that each published refereed journal article increases a political scientist’s chance for tenure by 9 percent, while other publications affect the odds for tenure only marginally and in some cases even negatively. Each received award and third party funding increases the odds for tenure by respectively 41 and 26 percent, while international experience, social capital and children hardly have a strong influence. Surprisingly, having degrees from a German university of excellence strongly decreases the odds for tenure. Women with similar credentials have at least 20 percent higher odds to get tenure than men. Our data therefore suggests that the lower factual hiring rates of women are better explained by a leaky pipeline, e.g. women leaving academia, rather than because women are not hired even when they are as productive as men. The article contributes to a better understanding of the role of meritocratic and non-meritocratic factors in achieving highly competitive job positions.
18
Davidson-Schmich, L. K., K. Hartmann, and U. Mummert. "You can lead a horse to water, but you can’t (always) make it drink: postive freedom in the aftermath of German unification." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, no. 3 (September 1992): 325–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00014-4.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the degree to which the East Germans have acted on the freedoms they gained after the fall of the German Democratic Republic (GDR). Initially, many observers expected that the East Germans would quickly take advantage of their political, religious, and economic freedoms to become as entrepreneurial, partisan, and religious as their Western counterparts. Over the past decade, however, social scientists have discovered the persistence of ‘Leninist legacies,’ arguing that the East Europeans’ socialization under communism will make them reluctant to act on the before-mentioned freedoms. Contrary to both of these expectations, we find considerable variation in the Easterners’ behavior. In the economic sphere, while the Easterners have been willing to engage in legal market activity, they have been reluctant to get involved with gray market activity. In the political realm the elites have embraced partisan politics more thoroughly than have ordinary citizens. Finally, the Easterners have flocked neither to the Catholic and Protestant churches nor to new religious movements like Scientology. These results suggest that the combination of Western rights and Eastern Leninist legacies has created a unique incentive structure in East Germany. The Easterners face a different cost-benefit calculus than do the Westerners and, as a result, at times are less willing to act on their positive freedoms.
19
Schulte-Bockholt, Arnd, and Axel Bauer. "Innere Medizin in den deutschsprachigen Ländern und in den USA." Gesnerus 52, no. 1-2 (November 27, 1995): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0520102009.
Full textAbstract:
Scientific relations in Internal Medicine between German-speaking countries and the United States were characterized by various stages during the last hundred and twenty years. From 1870 to the First World War German medical research and teaching as well as the competitive German university system were regarded as a model for US Medical Schools. After World War I, however, things changed as a result of American Medical Schools’ reforms which had been implemented. On the other hand, financial equipment of German universities was decreasing due to inflation and unemployment. Furthermore, between 1933 and 1945, many excellent scientists and clinicians were forced to emigrate from Germany and Austria to the US because of persecution by the Nazis for political or “racial” reasons. After the end of World War II, scientific and technical leadership of American Internal Me-dicine remained unchallenged; today many European physicians complete their training in the biomedical sciences in the United States. Beginning in the 1980s, German-speaking internists increasingly publish the results of their research in American scientific journals.
20
Flam, Helena, and Jochen Kleres. "Inequality and Prejudice. German Social Scientist as Producers of Feeling Rules." Sociological Research Online 21, no. 1 (February 2016): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3841.
Full textAbstract:
This article is about how sociological research in Germany addresses issues that first seem to be unconnected: young new Fascists and migrants. We will present research in these two areas to show how social scientists contribute to feelings about their respective objects of research. We will argue that although both have cultural disorientation of their study objects as their point of departure, they offer differing explanations for it and as a consequence construct contrasting emotions towards the new Fascists and migrants: they portray new Fascists as disoriented victims of modernization in need of sympathy, while they blame migrants for their disorientation resulting from migration and thus call for indifference or antipathy towards this group. Comparing both research fields we can show that both sets of emotions interconnect and thus form a dichotomous emotional regime. Sociological research helps to sustain lines of inclusion and exclusion from the German society.
21
Linhart, Eric, and Oke Bahnsen. "Die Reformen des Wahlrechts zum Deutschen Bundestag 2011 und 2013 im öffentlichen Diskurs." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 4 (2020): 844–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-4-844.
Full textAbstract:
The German electoral law to the federal parliament was reformed in 2011 and in 2013 . While political scientists have extensively evaluated consequences of these reforms, the role of the public discourse has been largely neglected . We analyze articles from three leading German newspapers (FAZ, SZ, Welt) on this topic and find the debate around the reforms to be dominated by parties and political institutions . Scientists, interest groups, and journalists have only played minor roles . Regarding content, the discourse largely focused on surplus seats, reform speed, and a proposal by the CDU/CSU‑FDP coalition government in 2011 . A broad public debate in which multiple social groups could participate has not taken place . From a normative perspective this is problematic since the lack of a public debate might have contributed to the poor quality of the reform’s result .
22
SVATEK, PETRA. "Ethnic cartography and politics in Vienna, 1918–1945." British Journal for the History of Science 51, no. 1 (February 13, 2018): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000708741800002x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn Vienna, the close of the First World War and the period of the peace negotiations in Paris saw an enormous boom of ethnic-geographic research approaches and ethnic map-making. This process continued with the appointment of the Viennese geographer Hugo Hassinger (1877–1952) to the chair of human geography at the University of Vienna in 1931 and intensified with the establishment of the South East German Research Association and the National Socialist takeover in March 1938. But did the initiatives to create ethnic maps originate with politicians and authorities, or did they come from the scientists themselves? This article argues that scientists embarked upon ethnic geographies on their own initiative. Although political institutions used scientists and their resources for their own, political ends (ethnographic maps served as an important source for the National Socialists in their operations for ethnic consolidation), scientists also mobilized resources from the political sphere for career and disciplinary purposes.
23
Hayes, Peter. "Carl Bosch and Carl Krauch: Chemistry and the Political Economy of Germany, 1925–1945." Journal of Economic History 47, no. 2 (June 1987): 353–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700048117.
Full textAbstract:
Carl Bosch and Carl Krauch, accomplished scientists and prominent executives in the BASF and IG Farben chemical corporations, were drawn together by mutual admiration and common technical interests. In the Nazi era, however, they came to embody competing liberal and nationalist conceptions of German political economy. This article examines their relationship, the reasons for their divergent stances, and their individual contributions to the economic and productive power of the Third Reich. Ironically, Bosch's understanding of his industry, his nation, and scientific progress led him to oppose the Nazis, but also to lay the basis for their recruitment of Krauch and the German chemical industry for their expansionist purposes.
24
Corry, Leo, and Norbert Schappacher. "Zionist Internationalism through Number Theory: Edmund Landau at the Opening of the Hebrew University in 1925." Science in Context 23, no. 4 (November 25, 2010): 427–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889710000177.
Full textAbstract:
ArgumentThis article gives the background to a public lecture delivered in Hebrew by Edmund Landau at the opening ceremony of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem in 1925. On the surface, the lecture appears to be a slightly awkward attempt by a distinguished German-Jewish mathematician to popularize a few number-theoretical tidbits. However, quite unexpectedly, what emerges here is Landau's personal blend of Zionism, German nationalism, and the proud ethos of pure, rigorous mathematics – against the backdrop of the situation of Germany after World War I. Landau's Jerusalem lecture thus shows how the Zionist cause was inextricably linked to, and determined by political agendas that were taking place in Europe at that time. The lecture stands in various historical contexts - Landau's biography, the history of Jewish scientists in the German Zionist movement, the founding of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, and the creation of a modern Hebrew mathematical language. This article provides a broad historical introduction to the English translation, with commentary, of the original Hebrew text.
25
Thompson, Martyn P. "Letter from Germany: Reflections Occasioned by the First East-West German Political Philosophy Meeting." Government and Opposition 25, no. 4 (October 1, 1990): 463–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00397.x.
Full textAbstract:
ON THE SAME WEEKEND AS EAST GERMANS OFFICIALLY exchanged East Marx for real Marks, another kind of exchange took place between East and West German professors at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Research in Bielefeld. The recently established Deutsche Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des politischen Denkens, in the person of Volker Gerhardt (Cologne), had invited some sixty senior philosophers, political theorists and political scientists from both sides of the inner-German border to discuss basic questions in political philosophy. The meeting was not a conference. The organizer, recognising the absence of any shared traditions of inquiry and debate, had issued invitations to a mere meeting. It was the first such meeting since the collapse of the East German Communist regime. In fact, it offered the first opportunity after almost six decades of dictatorships in the East for academics from the former front-lines, as it were, to reflect openly together on their subject, on their academic pasts and on their possible academic futures. Initially, the atmosphere was very tense. But, amazingly, the tensions soon evaporated. A strange sort of civility came to characterize the discussions both inside and outside the conference rooms. Conflicts were largely avoided, to the obvious relief of most participants. From an inner- German perspective, the meeting was a great success. At the end, Ernst Vollrath (Cologne) summed up a general view: ‘We have begun to see that we can learn from one another.’ But this reciprocity was not evident in the academic discussions. Something else was involved apart from the surface issue of Marxism-Leninism versus the rest of the world. It is worth reflecting on the development of the meeting and on what this something else was.
26
Steltemeier, Rolf. "On the Way Back into Government? The Free Democratic Party Gearing Up for the 2009 Elections." German Politics and Society 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270205.
Full textAbstract:
After the first Bundestag elections in 1949, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) established itself as kingmaker either of the Christian Democrats or the Social Democrats. The entrance of the Green Party into the German Bundestag in 1983 brought about a significant change in the German political landscape, which challenged the German Liberals to redefine themselves. At present, it seems that the FDP is on its way back into the federal government after ten years of opposition, although "neoliberal" ideology is currently facing a severe international crisis. This constitutes a puzzling issue for political scientists, which is addressed in this article by analyzing the factors that can explain the German Liberal's latest success. Furthermore, the FDP's chances in comparison to the other two small parties (Left Party and Greens) are discussed. Finally, attention is focused on the characteristics of the FDP's election campaign and its coalition options for 2009 and beyond.
27
Hoffmann, Jürgen. "Co-ordinated Continental European Market Economies Under Pressure From Globalisation: Germany's “Rhineland capitalism”." German Law Journal 5, no. 8 (August 1, 2004): 985–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013018.
Full textAbstract:
[Editors’ Note: The 22 July 2004 acquittals of all six defendants in the criminal proceedings against former Mannesmann CEO, Klaus Esser; Deutsche Bank's CEO (Vorstandssprecher) and then Member of Mannesmann's supervisory board, Josef Ackermann, and other members of Mannesmann's Supervisory Board have, once more, highlighted to German, European and International observers the particular features of law and politics in “Germany Inc.”, “Rhenish Capitalism”, or “Rhineland Capitalism”. As begun in the aftermath of Josef Ackermann's inthronization at the head of Deutsche Bank and Ackermann's subsequent transformation of the Board's control structure, German Law Journal has published several contributions to the ongoing changes in German corporate governance and its embeddedness within the specific German economic and legal system. In his fine piece, Jürgen Hoffmann, Professor of Sociology in Hamburg, surveys the current interdisciplinary debate over the future fate of so-called Rhineland Capitalism and reconstructs Germany's recent history in an international context. In the next issue, to be published on 1 September 2004, Professor Christopher Allen of the University of Georgia will further deepen this inquiry and place the contemporary debate over the possible end of Rhineland capitalism in the historical context of Germany's development in the 20th Century. The Editors of German Law Journal are very pleased and honored to be able to provide for a further forum for this important debate, bringing together lawyers, economists, political scientists and sociologists, for a much needed exploration of the historical and political origins as well as of the legal framework of Germany's much critizised and, at the same time, ardently praised system of corporate governance and industrial relations. We invite our readers to contribute to this debate, which has so far found too little resonance in Germany itself. The Editors.]
28
Allgaier, Joachim. "Rezo and German Climate Change Policy: The Influence of Networked Expertise on YouTube and Beyond." Media and Communication 8, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 376–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i2.2862.
Full textAbstract:
Just before the European election in May 2019 a YouTube video titled <em>The Destruction of the CDU</em> (Rezo, 2019a) caused political controversy in Germany. The video by the popular German YouTuber Rezo attacked the conservative Government party CDU (<em>Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands</em>) mainly for climate inaction. As a reaction to the subsequent attacks on Rezo and his video from the political establishment an alliance of popular German YouTubers formed to release a second video. In this video, the YouTubers asked their followers not to vote for the Government or the far-right parties, because they would ignore the expertise of scientists and the scientific consensus on anthropogenic climate change and therefore be unable to provide sustainable solutions for the future. This debate started as a YouTube phenomenon but quickly evolved into a national public discussion that took place across various social media channels, blogs, newspapers, and TV news, but also e.g., in discussions in schools, churches, as well as arts and cultural events. The focus of this contribution is on the formation of the heterogeneous coalition that emerged to defend and support the YouTubers. It prominently involved scientists and scientific expertise, but other forms of expertise and ‘worlds of relevance’ were also part of this coalition. The conceptual tools of ‘networked expertise’ and ‘ethno-epistemic assemblages’ are employed to explore expertise and credibility as well as the associations and networks of actors involved which illuminate how a single YouTuber was able to contribute to the unleashing of a national debate on climate change policy.
29
Berman, Sheri E. "Modernization in Historical Perspective: The Case of Imperial Germany." World Politics 53, no. 3 (April 2001): 431–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2001.0007.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years historical research on Imperial Germany has called into question traditional interpretations of this case at the same time that political science research on the “third wave” has transformed the study of political development. This article argues that combining the insights of these two literatures offers benefits to both. For historians, the exercise provides a fresh perspective on the purported distinctiveness of Imperial Germany's political system and the relationship between its economic and political development. For political scientists, the German case has important lessons to teach about the role of structure versus agency in driving political liberalization, the time frame necessary for genuine political development to occur, and the role of war and the nature of the international system as wild cards in changing the outcome of the game. Most interestingly, perhaps, it also shows that a weak version of modernization theory holds true, namely, that it is not possible over the long term for a simple authoritarian regime to maintain control over an increasingly economically developed society.
30
Mitchell, Neil J. "Theoretical and Empirical Issues in the Comparative Measurement of Union Power and Corporatism." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (July 1996): 419–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007523.
Full textAbstract:
What aspects of national trade-union movements systematically affect national policy making and economic performance? While there is general agreement that union density, the proportion of the workforce organized in unions, is an important element of union strength, social scientists are only beginning to identify the other critical elements. That union density is not the whole story can quickly be appreciated by comparing the influence of unions in Britain and Germany. For much of the post-war period, union density has been higher in Britain than Germany, although German unions have sustained at least as important a political and economic role as British unions. An influential theory of group-government relations directed our attention to the degree of hierarchy and monopoly present in an interest structure and to the degree of institutionalized access to policy-making circles, wrapping these characteristics together in the concept of corporatism. Yet there is a developing interest, particularly in the analysis of labour movements, in disaggregating corporatism as part of an effort to understand the specific characteristics that produce political and economic influence.
31
Zhanbosinova, A. S. "Memory as trauma: memoriesvictims of political repression in the focus of his documents." Ethnography of Altai and Adjacent Territories 10 (2020): 214–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37386/2687-0592-2020-10-214-219.
Full textAbstract:
Interdisciplinary concepts of the “New historical science” led to interest in documents of personal origin, which caused demand for the appeared publishing series “Documents of the Soviet era”, “Narration in documents”. The microhistoric approach proposed by German and Italian scientists brought documents created by small people to the forefront of research. Thanks to the change in the angle of view, the forefront of the history of political repression has spoken with many voices, previously unknown people. The sources of analysis of the memories of victims of political terror were archival and investigative materials deposited in departmental archives.
32
Ivanova, Ana, Mike S. Schäfer, Inga Schlichting, and Andreas Schmidt. "Is There a Medialization of Climate Science? Results From a Survey of German Climate Scientists." Science Communication 35, no. 5 (February 25, 2013): 626–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1075547012475226.
Full text
33
Krohn, Claus-Dieter. "L'esilio degli intellettuali tedeschi negli Stati Uniti dopo il 1933." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 31 (September 2009): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-031002.
Full textAbstract:
- The exile of German intellectuals after Hitler took power was the largest transfer of skills and talents that ever occurred in modern and contemporary times. German scientists, settled in an American environment which welcomed them, developed a series of analysis on the transformation of society, economy and the future of democracy, that had a great impact on various sectors of the US culture, ensuring to the country a primacy in various fields of knowledge for a long time.Parole chiave: Weimar, esilio, trasformazioni sociali, cultura di massa, democrazia, impatto scientifico Weimar, exile, social transformation, mass culture, democracy, scientific impact
34
Muller, Jerry Z. "German Neoconservatism and the History of the Bonn Republic, 1968 to 1985." German Politics and Society 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486660.
Full textAbstract:
German neoconservatism and its role in the political culture of the Federal Republic is largely uncharted scholarly territory. Especially for English-language historians and political scientists, its place on the historical map is marked, “Here lie monsters.” This article is intended not as a definitive treatment, but as a sketch suggesting the contours of the subject. It has become commonplace to regard 1968 as a pivotal year in the history of the Bundesrepublik. This article suggests that this may be true in a broader sense than is usually meant: that the significance of 1968 derives not only from the 68ers and their transformation of the political culture of the left, but also from the neoconservative reaction to the 68ers, which helped recast the political culture of the non-left. The article begins by exploring some of the difficulties in getting a conceptual and definitional handle on German neoconservatism. It then proceeds to examine in some depth the career and ideas of one of the most prominent German neoconservatives, Hermann Lübbe. Then the article discusses several key issues, events, and processes that defined neoconservatism, before touching briefly on the reasons for its dissolution as a coherent phenomenon and reflecting on its place in the history of the Bundesrepublik.
35
Puff, Roman. "Scientists of the State, Science of the State, and the State: Austrian and German Public Lawyers in the Short 20th Century Part 1: The Age of Catastrophe, 1914-1945." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10076-012-0013-z.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT Between the First World War and the end of the Cold War, Germany and Austria, whose legal cultures were highly interdependent in terms of persons, conceptions, and institutions, saw eleven or twelve fundamentally different regimes, depending on the interpretation of Austria’s status from 1938-45. Lawyers often ensured the legal functioning of these regimes and legitimized their existence. This again affected their notions of law, legality, and justice, and of the principles underlying these concepts, as well as their personal preferences and societal roles. Based on the analysis of about two hundred biographical sketches of Austrian and German lawyers, mostly from the field of public (international) law, of about 2,500 contributions to the leading “(Österreichische) Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht” from 1914 to 1945, and of the respective legal history-literature, this contribution analyzes the relation of Austrian and German lawyers to their respective states and regimes, and outlines the typical patterns of how they were affected by regime changes and how they reacted to them. Proceeding from this analysis, in the second part of this study, the relation between lawyers and the state until the end of the cold war will be illustrated and it will be shown that some typical patterns in the lawyers’ reaction to regime changes can be identified. Also the impact the state-lawyers-relation had on the development of Austria and Germany to stable, functioning democracies will be outlined.
36
Grube, Norbert. "A “New Republic”? The debate between John Dewey and Walter Lippmann and its reception in pre- and postwar Germany." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 10 (October 27, 2009): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v10i0.2137.
Full textAbstract:
This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.
37
MAYER, ANNA-KATHERINA. "Moralizing science: the uses of science's past in national education in the 1920s." British Journal for the History of Science 30, no. 1 (March 1997): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087496002890.
Full textAbstract:
The present interest of Englishmen in education is partly due to the fact that they are impressed by German thoroughness. Now let there be no mistake. The war has shown the effectiveness of German education in certain departments of life, but it has shown not only its ineffectiveness, but its grotesque absurdity in regard to other departments of life, and those the departments which are, even in a political sense, the most important. In the organization of material resources Germany has won well-merited admiration, but in regard to moral conduct, and in regard to all that art of dealing with other men and other nations which is closely allied to moral conduct, she has won for herself the horror of the civilized world. If you take the whole result, and ask whether we prefer German or English education, I at any rate should not hesitate in my reply.Thus William Temple, future archbishop, addressing the Educational Section at the 1916 meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in Newcastle. Temple's statement introduced his contribution to the ‘neglect-of-science’ debate, a public dispute over the place of science in English secondary education. Originally, the debate had been started by prominent scientists convinced that England's military and industrial fortunes were suffering as a result of the country's continuing scientific illiteracy. The contrasts Temple drew between ‘us’ and ‘them’, between England and Germany, between ‘conduct’ and ‘efficiency’, cropped up throughout the debate.
38
Rolshoven, Max Philipp. "The Last Word? – The July 22, 2004 Acquittals in the Mannesmann Trial." German Law Journal 5, no. 8 (August 1, 2004): 935–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012967.
Full textAbstract:
[Editors’ Note: This short note concerns the most recent acquittals in the Mannesmann criminal trial against former Mannesmann CEO, Klaus Esser; Deutsche Bank's CEO (Vorstandssprecher) and then Member of Mannesmann's supervisory board, Josef Ackermann, and other members of the Supervisory Board. The Landgericht [Regional Court] Düsseldorf acquitted all six defendants on 22 July 2004, and this timely note provides but for a first rendition of the circumstances, the reactions and the thrust of the judgment. For more extensive background to the criminal proceedings against Esser, Ackermann et al. and the importance that domestic and international observers have regularly been assigning to this case in the context of a worldwide corporate governance debate, see already Peter Kolla's article in the 1 July 2004 Issue of German Law Journal. German Law Journal will publish a more extensive case commentary in the coming months. Meanwhile, the Mannesmann proceedings have, once more, highlighted to German, European and International observers the particular features of law and politics in “Germany Inc.”, “Rhenish Capitalism”, or “Rhineland Capitalism”. As begun in the aftermath of Josef Ackermann's inthronization at the head of Deutsche Bank and Ackermann's subsequent transformation of the Board's control structure, German Law Journal has published several contributions to the ongoing changes in German corporate governance and its embeddedness within the specific German economic and legal system. In this issue, we are publishing a fine piece by Jürgen Hoffmann, Professor of Sociology in Hamburg, on the current interdisciplinary debate over the future fate of so-called Rhineland Capitalism. In the next issue, to be published on 1 September 2004, Professor Christopher Allen of the University of Georgia will further deepen this inquiry and place the contemporary debate over the possible end of Rhineland capitalism in the historical context of Germany's development in the 20th Century. The Editors of German Law Journal are very pleased and honored to be able to provide for a further forum for this important debate, bringing together lawyers, economists, political scientists and sociologists, for a much needed exploration of the historical and political origins as well as of the legal framework of Germany's much critizised and, at the same time, ardently praised system of corporate governance and industrial relations. We invite our readers to contribute to this debate, which has so far found too little resonance in Germany itself. The Editors.]
39
Sandschneider, Eberhard. "Jürgen Domes (1932–2001)." China Quarterly 168 (December 2001): 998–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443901000584.
Full textAbstract:
On 22 September 2001, Jürgen Domes passed away after a week of fighting a sudden illness. It was six months before his 70th birthday. Within hours of the news spreading, tributes flooded in from China scholars all over the world, colleagues and friends mourning his passing and paying their respects to one of the leading figures of contemporary China studies in Europe. Indeed, Jürgen Domes was one of the first German political scientists to work on contemporary China. He approached his subject from a strictly disciplinary perspective, his fluency in Chinese allowing him to base his analyses on primary sources. For almost four decades, he was one of the most internationally renowned German scholars working on contemporary China.
40
Misyurov, N. N. "Book in the literary discourse of the German Enlightenment." Bibliosphere, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20913/1815-3186-2018-4-27-31.
Full textAbstract:
The books’ role in the German Enlightenment discourse explores the intersection of different but complementary disciplines: bibliology, philosophy of culture and «text linguistics», as well as the history of literature that expands the possibilities of studying cultural and public communication. A text (magazine, book) is interpreted as a mechanism that controls the process of learning and understanding. To illustrate the study theoretical foundations, the author considers the historical practice of the literary era in Germany in 1770-1790. The struggle of «cilturtregers» to renew German culture moved from the political sphere to journalism and literature. The author concludes that the book (both scientific and artistic) and reading became a factor of social communication. The struggle for the renewal of German culture, its national identity preservation due to a number of historical reasons hindering the development of the country moved from the political sphere to the journalism and literature field. It was closely connected with the whole complex of the European Enlightenment ideas. The book - both scientific (philosophical work, art treatise) and artistic one (literary and journalistic composition, dramatic creation, etc.) became an indispensable tool of the nation aesthetic education. In such circumstances, a book obtains the significance of not only the «source of knowledge» but a kind of «catechism» to struggle for national culture. Thus, considering a book text as a phenomenon of the German culture of the Enlightenment century with ideological and aesthetic significance, it should be especially notes that such a «text» (a book of scientific, philosophical, moralistic or artistic content) is addressed both to a specific reader, a representative of some class, and to a «collective reader». The German novel (it is the genre of «trivial» literature that is considered directly) is a product of the era. The dialogue «author - reader» (or a complicated triad «author - publisher - reader») was the basis of the nation estetic education. Reading became a fact (and a factor) of social communication. The German book has been transformed from an expensive and exclusive «source of knowledge» targeted for scientists, connoisseurs of «beauty» to a catechism (available for the ordinary reader) of the national struggle to preserve the German culture self-existence and to acquaint the nation to the treasures of the world classical «ancient» and modern literature.
41
Murdock, Caitlin E. "Public Health in a Radioactive Age: Environmental Pollution, Popular Therapies, and Narratives of Danger in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–1970." Central European History 52, no. 1 (March 2019): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000037.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the 1950s and 1960s, West German citizens found themselves living in a “radioactive age.” The public learned that radiation exposure pervaded postwar society, not only from atomic testing but also from medical treatment, workplace exposures, and radium consumer goods. By 1970, West Germans—ranging from farmers and housewives, to physicians, scientists, and bureaucrats—had recast nuclear radiation from a technological wonder or health aid into a public health hazard. This article illustrates that anxieties about uncontrollable technology, ineffective institutions, disingenuous political leaders, and volatile citizens persisted from the 1950s to the 1970s, coexisting with optimism and progress, without truly subsiding in the 1960s, as historians often suggest. Further, it advocates taking those fears seriously, showing that they played a critical—and lasting—role in shaping public policy and state-society relations in the early Federal Republic.
42
Leibfried, Stephan, Christoph Möllers, Christoph Schmid, and Peer Zumbansen. "Redefining the Traditional Pillars of German Legal Studies and Setting the Stage for Contemporary Interdisciplinary Research." German Law Journal 7, no. 8 (August 1, 2006): 661–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200005009.
Full textAbstract:
This essay describes an emergent scheme for modernizing the study of law in German universities, creating a structure that is better equipped to address twentyfirst century socio-legal issues and bring legal scholarship to bear on relevant research problems in the social sciences—and vice versa. It is a by-product of efforts by University of Bremen professors and administrators to foster their university's coming of age as a mature, internationally recognized research university and to compete for new funds that the German government is making available to select universities. As such, it provides a rare example of the integration of legal studies into a large interdisciplinary research program, and of law professors rising to the challenges of contemporary funding demands, joining forces with political scientists, sociologists, economists, and philosophers.
43
Mohr, Barbara, and Annette Vogt. "German Women Paleobotanists From the 1920S to the 1970S—Or Why Did This Story Start So Late?" Earth Sciences History 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 14–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.20.1.q7643x2308728m56.
Full textAbstract:
This study documents women paleobotanists and their achievements from the late 1920s to the early 1970s in Germany. More than forty women were involved in paleobotanical research and related fields during this period. After they had finished their degrees, about two thirds of them left the field for private, political, and/or economic reasons. Several of them, however, had a successful career or were even leaders in their field. Compared with other disciplines and neighbouring countries, the unusually late entry of women students into this discipline from the 1930s on is explained by the close affiliation of the discipline with Paleozoic geology and mining in Germany before 1945. It is significant that of the thirteen women who finished a degree in the field before 1945, about two thirds studied Quaternary pollen analysis and vegetation history. Only a minority was involved in pre-Quaternary paleobotany. After World War II, the number of women scientists increased noticeably only when Tertiary palynology/paleobotany became more important sub-disciplines of paleobotany, a pattern which was similar in both parts of the newly divided country. During the period between 1945 and 1955, the number of women students in West Germany was significantly higher than in the East. This is partly explained by the policies of the East German communist party, which put restrictions on women students from a middle-class background. Between 1955 and 1973 the number of women students in East Germany exceeded those in the West. This was due to the East German party policy of activating the female working force, especially in fields which had been traditionally occupied by men, such as geology, mining, and engineering.
44
Krauss, Werner, Mike S. Schäfer, and Hans von Storch. "Post-Normal Climate Science." Nature and Culture 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2012.070201.
Full textAbstract:
This special symposium grew out of a workshop held in Hamburg in 2011 (Krauss and von Storch 2012) and of a long-term interest in climate research as post-normal science. A decade earlier, Dennis Bray and Hans von Storch (1999) stated that the management of uncertainty and its extension into the political and social realm make climate science a case for post-normal science. Interpreting a survey among German and American climate scientists, they suggested that scientific policy advice is the result of both scientific knowledge and normative judgment.
45
Allen, Christopher S. "Ideas, Institutions and the Exhaustion ofModell Deutschland?" German Law Journal 5, no. 9 (September 1, 2004): 1133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013122.
Full textAbstract:
[Editors’ Note: This is the fourth consecutive article published in German Law Journal since July 2004 that is dedicated to the ongoing debate over the fate and prospects of the German model of Capitalism, welfare policy and corporate governance. The 22 July 2004 acquittals of all six defendants in the criminal proceedings against former Mannesmann CEO, Klaus Esser; Deutsche Bank's CEO (Vorstandssprecher) and then Member of Mannesmann's supervisory board, Josef Ackermann, and other members of Mannesmann's Supervisory Board have, once more, highlighted to German, European and International observers the particular features of law and politics in “Germany Inc.”, “Rhenish Capitalism”, or “Rhineland Capitalism”. As begun in the aftermath of Josef Ackermann's inthronization at the head of Deutsche Bank in May 2002 (exactly two years and two months before his acquittal before theLandgerichtDüsseldorf) and Ackermann's subsequent transformation of the Board's control structure,German Law Journalhas published several contributions to the ongoing changes in German corporate governance and its embeddedness within the specific German economic and legal system (seehttp://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=156). In the Journals July issue, Peter Kolla, a law student of Osgoode Hall Law School of York University in Toronto, meticulously traced the background debates to the closely observed criminal proceedings in the Mannesmann aftermath (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=460), and in our August issue, Jürgen Hoffmann, Professor of Sociology in Hamburg, surveyed the current interdisciplinary debate over the future fate of so-called Rhineland Capitalism and reconstructed Germany's recent history in an international context of globalization and privatisation (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=485). Also in the August issue, Max Rolshoven, writing his Ph.D. in law at the University of Münster, offered a first assessment of the acquittals in the Mannesmann case (http://www.germanlawjournal.com/article.php?id=480). In the article, published here, Professor Christopher Allen of the University of Georgia further deepens this inquiry from an economic point of view, while placing the contemporary debate over the possible end of Rhineland capitalism in the historical context of Germany's development in the 20th Century. The Editors ofGerman Law Journalare very pleased and honored to be able to provide for a further forum for this important debate, bringing together lawyers, economists, political scientists and sociologists, for a much needed exploration of the historical and political origins as well as of the legal framework of Germany's much critizised and, at the same time, ardently praised system of corporate governance and industrial relations. We invite our readers to contribute to this debate, which has so far found too little resonance in Germany itself.The Editors.]
46
Fleck, Christian. "Per un profilo prosopografico dei sociologi di lingua tedesca in esilio." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 31 (September 2009): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-031006.
Full textAbstract:
- Sociologists have an eminent role among social scientists which were forced to migrate to the United States after 1933. The objective of defining their prosopographic profile pushed the author to identify the main features that determine the identity of this figure, which did not have a precise profile in Europe in the 1920's and 1930's. Crossing various sources, the article first delineates the basic identikit of the German speaking sociologist and then compares a few specific categories: scholars who migrated, those who remained in their native country, and those of German or Austrian origin. The second part of the essay is totally devoted to the evaluation of the impact of the scientific production of this group of sociologists on American culture.Parole chiave: sociologia, esilio, universitŕ, prosopografia, carriere, impatto scientifico sociology, exile, universities, prosopography, careers, scientific impact
47
Subert, Gabrijela. "When Goethe met Vuk...: Views on selected pages of Serbian-German relations." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 129 (2009): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0929007s.
Full textAbstract:
Serbian-German relations were viewed within a specific social and cultural-historical development of both nations, and were also interpreted from the standpoint of cognitive and semiotic theory of culture. The first part of the paper deals with the dominant trends and spiritual tendencies in German culture, from the transformation of the humanist interest in 'exotics' into Herderian romantic understanding of nation and into Grimm's equalization of the poetic and the folk quality, thanks to which in the first half of the nineteenth century, as well as during the Serbian liberation wars against the Turks, the Serbian way of life gained the position of an ideal cultural model. Therefore, special attention is dedicated to Vuk's relations with the most important German minds of the so-called golden age. The paper particularly underlines the contribution of Talfj, who adjusted her translations of Serbian poetry to German sensibility, as well as to the entire contemporary European taste. The second part of the paper follows the changes in the Serbian-German relations from the second half of the nineteenth century till our days, conditioned by unhappy historical-political occurrences. Illustrated both from the German and Serbian standpoint with works, experiences, thoughts and feelings of statesmen and warriors scientists and writers, as well as ordinary people - these relations are presented as ambivalent, but never broken.
48
Święcicki, Łukasz. "Carl Schmitt w polskich interpretacjach politologicznych 1984–2007." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 4 (January 28, 2020): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.4.7.
Full textAbstract:
Carl Schmitt in Polish political-science interpretations 1984–2007The article discusses Polish political-science interpretations of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt. It gives an overview of the main literature published between the 1980s and 2000s. Polish political scientists became interested in Schmitt only after a period of intensive studies conducted by lawyers. Polish political science, ideologically oriented during the times of the communist regime, took its leading role in Schmitt’s reception with the transformation of Poland’s political system. Interestingly, the flow of new translations of Schmitt’s writings in the first decades of the century shifted the reception substantially and moved it towards more philosophical and theological interpretations. The interpretations present in the field of political science have been divided into two kinds based on different methodologies: the first, focused on Schmitt as a political theorist, which aims at introducing his substantial contributions to political science, and the second, which focuses on Schmitt as a representative of conservatism. The article may serve as a practical introduction to Polish political-science research on Schmitt.
49
Haker, Hille. "Towards a Decolonial Narrative Ethics." Humanities 8, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8030120.
Full textAbstract:
This essay explores the contribution of two works of German literature to a decolonial narrative ethics. It analyzes the structures of colonialism, taking narratives as a medium of and for ethical reflection, and reinterprets the ethical concepts of recognition and responsibility. This essay examines two stories. Franz Kafka’s Report to an Academy (1917) addresses the biological racism of the German scientists around 1900, unmasking the racism that renders apes (or particular people) the pre-life of human beings (or particular human beings). It also demonstrates that the politics of recognition, based on conditional (mis-)recognition, must be replaced by an ethics of mutual recognition. Uwe Timm’s Morenga (1978) uses the cross-reference of history and fiction as an aesthetic principle, narrating the history of the German genocide of the Nama and Herero people at the beginning of the 20th century. Intercultural understanding, the novel shows, is impossible when it is based on the conditional, colonial (mis-)recognition that echoes Kafka’s unmasking; furthermore, the novel illuminates the interrelation of recognition and responsibility that requires not only an aesthetic ethics of reading based on attentiveness and response but also a political ethics that confronts the (German) readers as historically situated agents who must take responsibility for their past.
50
Selvage, Douglas. "Operation “Denver”." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 3 (2021): 4–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01024.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This second part of a two-part article moves ahead in showing how the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) came to play a key role in the disinformation campaign launched by the Soviet State Security Committee (KGB) in 1983 regarding the origins of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) and the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS). The KGB launched the campaign itself, but in the mid-1980s it sought to widen the effort by enlisting the cooperation of intelligence services in other Warsaw Pact countries, especially the Stasi. From the autumn of 1986 until November 1989, the Stasi played a central role in the disinformation campaign. Despite pressure from the U.S. government and a general inclination of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to curtail the campaign by the end of 1987, both the KGB and the USSR's official Novosti press agency continued until 1989 to spread false allegations that HIV was a U.S. biological weapon. Even after the KGB curtailed its disinformation in 1989, the Stasi continued to disseminate falsehoods, not least because it had successfully maintained plausible deniability regarding its role in the campaign. The Stasi worked behind the scenes to support the work of Soviet–East German scientists Jakob Segal and Lilli Segal and to facilitate dissemination of the Segals’ views in West Germany and Great Britain, especially through the leftwing media, and to purvey broader disinformation about HIV/AIDS by attacking U.S. biological and chemical weapons in general.