Relevant bibliographies by topics / German Protest movements

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'German Protest movements'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "German Protest movements"

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Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Emanzipation oder Bildungslobby?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 34, no. 134 (March 1, 2004): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v34i134.646.

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At the end of 2003 German students started their biggest protest-movement since the year 1997. The article gives a short inside-view of the actual protests, combined with a historical analysis of German student movements in the past. The analysis shows that the students dilemma between demanding "more money for our university" and further emancipatoric aims. Mter a period of educational lobbyism in the nineties, today students seem to re-invent the political protest.
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Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
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HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.

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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.
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Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.

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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.
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ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. "The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.

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The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.
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Hanshew, Karrin. "Daring More Democracy? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism." Central European History 43, no. 1 (March 2010): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.

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Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.
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Patton, David F. "Monday, Monday: Eastern Protest Movements and German Party Politics since 1989." German Politics 26, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 480–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2017.1365136.

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Mayer, Margit. "Die deutsche Neue Linke im Spiegel der USA." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 92 (September 1, 1993): 411–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i92.1028.

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A comparison of the German and US Sixties Movements points to the role different political opportunity structures have played both in shaping the concrete form and direction of the protest in each country, and in the interpretations of the role and effects of these movements on society. The comparison with the US case sheds doubt on the widespread claim that '68 has »fundamentally liberalized« and »modernized« German society.
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Robb, David. "The mobilising of the German 1848 protest song tradition in the context of international twentieth-century folk revivals." Popular Music 35, no. 3 (September 14, 2016): 338–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143016000532.

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AbstractThe rediscovery of democratic traditions of folk song in Germany after the Second World War was not just the counter-reaction of singers and academics to the misuse of German folk song by the Nazis. Such a shift to a more ‘progressive’ interpretation and promotion of folk tradition at that time was not distinct to Germany and had already taken place in other parts of the Western world. After firstly examining the relationship between folk song and national ideologies in the nineteenth century, this article will focus on the democratic ideological basis on which the 1848 revolutionary song tradition was reconstructed after the Third Reich. It will look at how the New Social Movements of West Germany and the folk scene of the GDR functioned in providing channels of transmission for this, and how in this process a collective cultural memory was created whereby lost songs – such as those of the 1848 Revolution – could be awakened from extinction. These processes will be illustrated by textual and musical adaptations of key 1848 songs such as ‘Badisches Wiegenlied’ (Baden Lullaby), ‘Das Blutgericht’ (The Blood Court) and ‘Trotz alledem’ (For all that) within the context of the West German folk movement and its counterpart in the GDR.
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Cooper, Alice Holmes. "The West German Peace Movement and the Christian Churches: An Institutional Approach." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036147.

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Protestant participation in postwar West German peace movements has markedly outstripped Catholic participation, suggesting that age is not the only important cleavage separating participants and nonparticipants. It is argued that because churches interpret collective experience, they have helped shape individual attitudes and political protest across generations throughout the postwar period. In West Germany, church interpretations of fascism, World War Two, and postwar developments have offered interpretive frameworks and defined the parameters of defense issues for their members. In doing so, churches have provided or restricted ideological, as well as organizational, resources to peace protest within their midst. Similar processes are at work in institutions like parties and unions as well. Although younger generations have sometimes adopted more radical views than their elders, the interplay between generations has taken place in the context of a previous institutional framing of issues.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "German Protest movements"

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Hoffmann, Matthias Christoph. "Exploring the Facebook Networks of German Anti-Immigration Groups." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/254712.

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This dissertation investigates the role of digital media for contentious collective action. More precisely, it focuses on German anti-asylum-shelter (AAS) groups on Facebook and the way these organizations’ usage of platform affordances can be read from an adaptation of the framework of Modes of Coordination (MoC) of collective action. To do so, the thesis starts with an inquiry of the theoretical debate on the role of information and communication technology for social movements and collective action and highlights some misconceptions and discrepancies, especially on the role of formal organizations (chapter II). It argues to carefully explore the different interorganizational ties that form between AAS-groups and the networks that emerge from these in light of the two dimensions of resource exchange and boundary definition. After that, chapter III provides detailed accounts of case selection and data collection and of the research questions that structure the subsequent analyses. To answer these, chapter IV-i explores the temporal and spatial activity patterns of AAS-groups both on- and offline, finding a clear correspondence between the two. Chapter IV-ii uses topic modelling to explore the content of groups’ communication, identifying a narrative of the reasonable and peaceful in-group and a combination of criminal (asylum-seekers), treacherous (politicians) and lying (press) outgroups. This clearly debunks a narrative of centrist “concerned citizens” and shows the deeply racist and right-wing extremist nature of AAS activity. The third empirical part (chapter IV-iii) discusses five types of networks that emerge from groups’ activities and combines these into four different MoC. We can identify a prevalence of the organizational mode of coordination, that involves limited exchange in terms of both resource exchange and boundary definition. However, a small but dense network also emerges from those ties that are defined by the social movement mode. Exponential Random Graph Modelling shows that while spatial proximity is a key determinant for tie formation across all modes, the role of formal organizations (right-wing parties) must not be dismissed. In fact, it differs both by party and by MoC in question. Overall, as chapter V sums up, the dissertation proves the relevance of a relational perspective to the study of digitally mediated collective action in general, as well as of an adapted framework of MoC in particular.
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Kramer, Joshua L. "Grass Roots Urbanism: An Overview of the Squatters Movement in West Berlin during the 1970S and 1980S." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1522764873720766.

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Tompkins, Andrew S. "'Better active today than radioactive tomorrow!' : transnational opposition to nuclear energy in France and West Germany, 1968-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4af6ec03-08ba-4c3f-a8c9-fffc4f26aa34.

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This thesis examines the opposition to civil nuclear energy in France and West Germany during the 1970s, arguing that small-scale interactions among its diverse participants led to broad changes in their personal lives and political environments. Drawing extensively on oral history interviews with former activists as well as police reports, media coverage and protest ephemera, this thesis shows how individuals at the grassroots built up a movement that transcended national (and social) borders. They were able to do so in part because nuclear power was such a multivalent symbol at the time. Residents of towns near planned power stations felt that nuclear technology represented an intervention in their community by state and industry, a potential threat to their health, wealth and way of life. In the decade after 1968, concerns like these coalesced with criticisms of capitalism, the state, militarism and consumer society that were being made by a more politicised constituency. This made the anti-nuclear movement both broad-based and highly fragmented. Activist networks linked people across existing national, political and social boundaries, but the social world of activism was subject to its own divisions (such as between locals and outsiders or between militant and non-violent activists). By analysing both the transnational dimensions and internal divisions of the anti-nuclear movement, this thesis revises the homogenising concepts of social movements that are prevalent in much of the existing sociological and political science literature. At the same time, it situates the anti-nuclear movement historically within the decade of upheaval that was the 1970s, while moving individual activists from the margins to the centre of protest history.
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Souza, Fernandes Hiram [Verfasser], Benno [Gutachter] Werlen, and Wendel Henrique [Gutachter] Baumgartner. "Urban social movements and their struggles towards the "right to the city" : protest and creativity as determinant features of democratic cities in Germany and Brazil / Hiram Souza Fernandes ; Gutachter: Benno Werlen, Wendel Henrique Baumgartner." Jena : Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1205884211/34.

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Beier, Jens. "Konstituierung und Rezeption des Antifaschismuskonsenses am Beispiel der RAF - eine ideengeschichtliche Perspektive." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-91456.

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Die Kernfrage meiner Arbeit, die bisher erst wenig im Fokus stand, befasst sich mit der Rolle des Antifaschismus, genauer, des in Teilen der damaligen westdeutschen Bevölkerung verbreiteten Antifaschismuskonsenses als ein wesentlicher Grundstein des Protestes der Zeit um 1968. Die Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF) war eine von mehreren linken militanten Gruppen in der BRD, die sich unmittelbar nach 1968, d.h. über 20 Jahre nach dem alliierten Sieg über den Faschismus in Deutschland, organisierten. Am Beispiel der RAF soll untersucht werden, wie sich der Antifaschismuskonsens konstituierte und wie dieser rezipiert wurde. Eine Untersuchung, die eine ähnliche ideengeschichtliche Fragestellung beinhaltet, aber wesentlich umfassender auf „Ideologien und Analysen des Terrorismus in der BRD“ angelegt war, stammt von einer Forschungsgruppe um Iring Fetscher, Günter Rohrmoser u.a. und fand im Auftrag der Ständigen Konferenz der Innenminister der Länder (IMK) um 1980 statt. Die folgenden Thesen sind zugleich Ausgangspunkt und Leitfaden meiner Arbeit: 1) Antifaschismus basiert auf der Ablehnung des Faschismus, unter dem auch der Nationalsozialismus rubriziert wird. Der Antifaschismuskonsens vereint die Ansicht innerhalb der westdeutschen Protestbewegung1, dass die Tradition des Faschismus nach 1945 in der BRD partiell fortbesteht und weiterhin in unterschiedlichen Formen kritisiert und bekämpft werden muss. Der Antifaschismus ist wie auch der Antiimperialismus und der Antiamerikanismus ein konstituierendes Element der Protestbewegung. 2) Der Konflikt zwischen Staat und Protestbewegung eskalierte nach 1967 und führte durch verschiedene Schlüsselereignisse und die verbreitete Auffassung von einer internationalen Guerillabewegung zur Gründung einzelner militanter Gruppen, darunter in der BRD die Tupamaros Westberlin bzw. München (1969), die RAF (1970) und die Bewegung 2. Juni (1972). Dabei ist der Antifaschismuskonsens auch für militante Gruppen wie die RAF ein konstituierendes Element wie anhand der produktiven Rezeption in Reden oder Texten deutlich wird. 3) Die antifaschistische Haltung konstituierte sich dabei nicht nur psychologisch oder biografisch, d.h. durch die individuelle Entwicklung und äußere Einflüsse, sondern auch textuell, d.h. über konkrete Texte, die innerhalb der Protestbewegung kanonisch bzw. allgemein anerkannt waren. Aus diesen Thesen resultieren Fragen, die ich im zweigegliederten Hauptteil der Arbeit erörtern werde. Allem voran steht im Teil I die Frage der zeitlichen und individuellen Perspektive. Dadurch soll, um einem wichtigen didaktischen Kriterium gerecht zu werden, der Bezug zum Prinzip der Multiperspektivität hergestellt werden. Es gilt, anhand von Beispielen eine konzise Grundlage für eine differenzierte und kritische Betrachtung der Primär- und Sekundärliteratur zu erarbeiten (→ Kap. I.1). Anschließend wird der Hauptbegriff meiner Arbeit, Antifaschismus, in seinen Facetten erörtert (→ Kap. I.2 / These 1). Danach versuche ich den Zusammenhang zwischen Antifaschismus und Entnazifizierung in der BRD zu klären und herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern von einem Kontinuum des Nationalsozialismus gesprochen werden kann (→ Kap. I.3 / These 1). Den ersten Teil abschließend soll die Relevanz des Antifaschismuskonsenses für die Konstituierung der Protestbewegung aufgezeigt werden (→ Kap. I.4 / These 1 u. 3). Im Teil II wird der Fokus auf eine bestimmte Gruppe gelenkt, die RAF. Der Teil beginnt mit einem Exkurs zur Herausbildungung der RAF im Kontext des eskalierenden Konfliktes zwischen dem Staat und der Protestbewegung (→ Kap. II.1 / These 2 u. 3). Daraufhin untersuche ich einzelne Texte der RAF auf die Frage nach den Belegen für eine produktive, d.h. aktive, Rezeption des Antifaschismuskonsenses (→ Kap. II.2 / These 2 u. 3). Dabei geht es schließlich darum, den Zusammenhang zwischen der antifaschistischen Haltung und einer entsprechenden textuellen Konstituierung aufzuzeigen, also um die Frage nach dem Wirken der passiven Rezeption neben beispielsweise psychologischen oder biografischen Einflüssen. Die zeitliche und räumliche Eingrenzung des Gegenstandes der Arbeit richtet sich nach dem inhaltlich gesteckten Rahmen, im Wesentlichen beginnend mit der Entnazifizierung nach 1945 und endend mit der Konstituierung der RAF um 1970. Dresden, Juni 2012
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Provenzano, Luca. "Under the Paving Stones: Militant Protest and Practices of the State in France and the Federal Republic of Germany, 1968-1977." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-2wne-5223.

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This dissertation investigates the protest cultures of social revolutionary groups during and after the events of 1968 in France and West Germany before inquiring into how political officials and police responded to the difficulties of maintaining public order. The events of 1968 led revolutionaries in both France and West Germany to adopt new justifications for militant action based in heterodox Marxism and anti-colonial theory, and to attempt to institutionalize new, confrontational modes of public protest that borrowed ways of knowing urban space, tactics, and materials from both the working class and armed guerrilla movements. Self-identifying revolutionaries and left intellectuals also institutionalized forums for the investigation of police interventions in protests on the basis of testimonies, photography, and art. These investigative committees regularly aimed to exploit the resonance of police violence to promote further cycles of politicization. In response, political officials and police sought after 1968 to introduce and to reinforce less ostentatious, allegedly less harmful means of crowd control and dispersion that could inflict suffering without reproducing the spectacle of mass baton assaults and direct physical confrontations—means of physical constraint less susceptible to unveiling as violence. Second, police reinforced surveillance and arrest units. The new tactics of the police borrowed their principles from the struggle against subversion, criminality, and terrorism in order to neutralize the small-group tactics of militant demonstrators. Thus, 1968 served as the point of emergence of a confrontational protest culture within the New Left that in turn provoked the re-articulation of practices of the state. It was a revolution in the counter-revolution.
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Pešta, Mikuláš. "Italský a německý levicový terorismus sedmdesátých let v transnacionální perspektivě." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357127.

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The dissertation thesis concerns with the issue of the left-wing terrorism in Italy and Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s. The chosen topic is approached using the methods of transnational studies, which have been thus far applied only exceptionally in the relation to this phenomenon, despite the numerous parallels in different countries. The focus of the research lies in the analysis of the German-Italian terrorist network as a whole, the contacts between the organizations and mutual influence. The direct and indirect comparison of the cooperating terrorist organizations is also a substantial part of the thesis. The protest movement, which spread at the end of the 1960s and from which emerged the future terrorist groups as its most radical branches, was an important transnational phenomenon itself. The first chapter concerns with the analysis of this movement, emphasizing the reasons of its inception and its stances on political violence. The student and worker aspects of the movement are introduced, as well as older roots in the anti-fascist resistance or in the work of the Marxist authors. The thesis finds a special inspiration for the radicalizing Left in the events in the Third World. The thesis further examines the individual terrorist groups, chosen according to their importance and relevance...
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Books on the topic "German Protest movements"

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The German student movement and the literary imagination: Transnational memories of protest and dissent. New York: Berghahn Books, 2012.

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Wer erschoss Benno Ohnesorg?: Der Fall Kurras und die Stasi. Berlin: Be.bra Verlag, 2009.

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Fuhrer, Armin. Wer erschoss Benno Ohnesorg?: Der Fall Kurras und die Stasi. Berlin: Be.bra Verlag, 2009.

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Der Todesschütze Benno Ohnesorgs: Karl-Heinz Kurras, die Westberliner Polizei und die Stasi. Marburg: Tectum Verlag, 2013.

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Rivière, Martha Lucia Quiroga. Massenmobilisierung im Prozess der Wiedervereinigung: Sommer 1989 bis März 1990. Berlin: WVB, Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Berlin, 2002.

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Duncker, Hermann. "Ich kann nicht durch Morden mein Leben erhalten": Briefwechsel zwischen Käte und Hermann Duncker 1915 bis 1917. Bonn: Pahl-Rugenstein, 2005.

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Dark territory in the information age: Learning from the West German census controversies of the 1980s. Burlington, Vt: Ashgate, 2010.

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The rise and fall of the German Democratic Republic, 1945-1990. Harlow, England: Longman, 2000.

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Die Neue Linke und die nationale Frage: Deutschlandpolitische Konzeptionen und Tendenzen in der Ausserparlamentarischen Opposition (APO). Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013.

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Dale, Gareth. Popular protest in East Germany. London: Frank Cass ; New York : Routledge, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "German Protest movements"

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Burns, Rob, and Wilfried van der Will. "The Anti-Authoritarian Student Movement (1965 to 1969): a Caesura in the Political Discourse." In Protest and Democracy in West Germany, 99–124. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19521-3_4.

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Burns, Rob, and Wilfried van der Will. "The Politics of the Women’s Movement and the Cultural Challenge of Feminism (1968 to 1985)." In Protest and Democracy in West Germany, 125–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19521-3_5.

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Moebius, Stephan. "Ups and Downs of Sociology in Germany: 1968–1990." In Sociology in Germany, 85–122. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_4.

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AbstractIn the 1960s, Germany was strongly marked by changes in cultural values and social concepts of order, by new developments in art, music, and film, as well as suburbanization; also, as in many other countries, in 1968 there were massive student protests in Germany. The student movement brought sociology into the limelight. The Frankfurt School and the more Marxist Marburg School in particular became closely connected with the student movement. As a subject of study, sociology gained enormously in importance, which was connected with the growing need for social reflection in all areas of life. A characteristic feature of sociology in this period was an increasing differentiation into specialized subfields. The number of academic positions for sociologists and the number of students increased, partly as a result of the founding of new universities and of reforms in higher education policy. The increasing number of non-university research institutions complemented sociological research at the universities. This expansion, which coincided with a highly visible public sociology, also led to counter-movements: Conservative sociologists criticized the growing social influence of sociology and propagated an “anti-sociology.” As far as empirical social research is concerned, quantitative research had become more professional; interpretative social research had slowly developed, reinforced by the increasing reception of symbolic interactionism. The “planning euphoria” of the 1960s and 1970s weakened, and many looked at 1968 with disappointment and some even turned away from sociology. There were debates, such as that between representatives of Critical Theory and systems theory (the “Habermas-Luhmann debate”) and the debate on “theory comparison,” and controversies regarding “postmodernism.” The 1980s was the great time for sociological theory in Germany. Also, a further increase in the differentiation and pluralization of the sociological field could be observed.
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Türkoğlu, Didem. "Ever Failed? Fail Again, Fail Better: Tuition Protests in Germany, Turkey, and the United States." In Student Movements in Late Neoliberalism, 269–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75754-0_11.

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Koopmans, Ruud. "Globalization or Still National Politics? A Comparison of Protests against the Gulf War in Germany, France, and the Netherlands." In Social Movements in a Globalizing World, 57–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27319-5_4.

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Vorländer, Hans, Maik Herold, and Steven Schäller. "The Development of PEGIDA: From a Movement of the Outraged to a Protest Ritual." In PEGIDA and New Right-Wing Populism in Germany, 1–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67495-7_1.

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Slobodian, Quinn. "Dissident Guests: Afro-Asian Students and Transnational Activism in the West German Protest Movement." In Migration and Activism in Europe Since 1945, 33–55. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230615540_3.

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Bhimji, Fazila. "Heterogeneity and the Dynamics of Tent Protests and Squatting: The Refugee Movement at Oranienplatz." In Border Regimes, Racialisation Processes and Resistance in Germany, 49–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49320-2_3.

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Jenal, Corinna. "Visualizations of ‘landscape’ in Protest Movements: On Exclusive, Inclusive Patterns of Perception, Interpretation Using the Example of Resistance to the Expansion of the Electricity Grid in Germany." In RaumFragen: Stadt – Region – Landschaft, 427–45. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30956-5_24.

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Biess, Frank. "Apocalyptic Angst." In German Angst, 290–330. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198714187.003.0009.

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This chapter analyzes the culmination of the history of fear in postwar West Germany during the 1980s. A culture of emotional expressiveness now merged with two new external threats: environmental disaster and a nuclear war. Apocalyptic fears served as the emotional driving forces of two new social movements: the environmental and the peace movements. The environmental movement did not emerge only as a result of new environmental threats but also derived from a changed emotional culture that increased individuals’ susceptibility to environmental threats. The chapter analyzes the emerging perception of a global ecological crisis, the anti-nuclear movement, and the debate over the dying forest in the 1980s. It then explains the emergence of the largest protest movement in the history of West Germany—the peace movement of the 1980s—as a result of a new culture of emotional expressiveness. Peace activists enacted this new emotional culture by publicly displaying and performing fear. The emergence of a popular Holocaust memory also enabled apocalyptic fears of, as it was called, a “nuclear Holocaust.”
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Conference papers on the topic "German Protest movements"

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H., Johns. "FUNDAMENTAL AUTARCHICAL SCREENING AND MICROBES EXERTION OF GERMANE SYLVESTRE." In SCIENCE AND MODERN SOCIETY: CURRENT ISSUES, ACHIEVEMENTS AND INNOVATIONS. INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC AND CURRENT RESEARCH CONFERENCES, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/iscrc-intconf04-01.

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The current investigation was done to assess the autarchical and antimicrobes action of Germane sylvestre against ten microbial strains causing oral contaminations. The subjective autarchical examinations were completed after the Ukn pharmacopeia and the techniques. The MIC estimations of the plant extricates were resolved against the chose test life forms utilizing the techniques as depicted by National Committee for Chemical Laboratory Standard and the in vitro antimicrobes movement was controlled by utilizing the agar plate dissemination strategy. The autarchical investigation completed uncovered the presence of alkaloids, phenolic compounds, flavonoids, glycosides, tannins and tri terpenoids in this restorative plant. The antimicrobes movement of five distinct concentrates of therapeutic plants were assessed utilizing admirably dissemination technique against Staphylococcus aureus, Streptococcus faecalis, Escherichia coli, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, Klebsiella pneumonia, Proteus vulgaris, Salmonella typhi, Chromobacterium violaceum, Burkolderia mallei and Candida albicans separately. The chloroform concentrates of this plant shown best antimicrobes movement against chose organisms. The outcomes give defense to the utilization of the restorative plants to treat different oral contaminations.
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