To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: German Protest movements.
Journal articles on the topic 'German Protest movements'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'German Protest movements.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Emanzipation oder Bildungslobby?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 34, no. 134 (March 1, 2004): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v34i134.646.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of 2003 German students started their biggest protest-movement since the year 1997. The article gives a short inside-view of the actual protests, combined with a historical analysis of German student movements in the past. The analysis shows that the students dilemma between demanding "more money for our university" and further emancipatoric aims. Mter a period of educational lobbyism in the nineties, today students seem to re-invent the political protest.
2
Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.
Full textAbstract:
In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
3
HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.
Full textAbstract:
The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.
4
Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.
5
ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. "The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.
6
Hanshew, Karrin. "Daring More Democracy? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism." Central European History 43, no. 1 (March 2010): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.
Full textAbstract:
Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.
7
Patton, David F. "Monday, Monday: Eastern Protest Movements and German Party Politics since 1989." German Politics 26, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 480–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2017.1365136.
Full text
8
Mayer, Margit. "Die deutsche Neue Linke im Spiegel der USA." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 92 (September 1, 1993): 411–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i92.1028.
Full textAbstract:
A comparison of the German and US Sixties Movements points to the role different political opportunity structures have played both in shaping the concrete form and direction of the protest in each country, and in the interpretations of the role and effects of these movements on society. The comparison with the US case sheds doubt on the widespread claim that '68 has »fundamentally liberalized« and »modernized« German society.
9
Robb, David. "The mobilising of the German 1848 protest song tradition in the context of international twentieth-century folk revivals." Popular Music 35, no. 3 (September 14, 2016): 338–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143016000532.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe rediscovery of democratic traditions of folk song in Germany after the Second World War was not just the counter-reaction of singers and academics to the misuse of German folk song by the Nazis. Such a shift to a more ‘progressive’ interpretation and promotion of folk tradition at that time was not distinct to Germany and had already taken place in other parts of the Western world. After firstly examining the relationship between folk song and national ideologies in the nineteenth century, this article will focus on the democratic ideological basis on which the 1848 revolutionary song tradition was reconstructed after the Third Reich. It will look at how the New Social Movements of West Germany and the folk scene of the GDR functioned in providing channels of transmission for this, and how in this process a collective cultural memory was created whereby lost songs – such as those of the 1848 Revolution – could be awakened from extinction. These processes will be illustrated by textual and musical adaptations of key 1848 songs such as ‘Badisches Wiegenlied’ (Baden Lullaby), ‘Das Blutgericht’ (The Blood Court) and ‘Trotz alledem’ (For all that) within the context of the West German folk movement and its counterpart in the GDR.
10
Cooper, Alice Holmes. "The West German Peace Movement and the Christian Churches: An Institutional Approach." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036147.
Full textAbstract:
Protestant participation in postwar West German peace movements has markedly outstripped Catholic participation, suggesting that age is not the only important cleavage separating participants and nonparticipants. It is argued that because churches interpret collective experience, they have helped shape individual attitudes and political protest across generations throughout the postwar period. In West Germany, church interpretations of fascism, World War Two, and postwar developments have offered interpretive frameworks and defined the parameters of defense issues for their members. In doing so, churches have provided or restricted ideological, as well as organizational, resources to peace protest within their midst. Similar processes are at work in institutions like parties and unions as well. Although younger generations have sometimes adopted more radical views than their elders, the interplay between generations has taken place in the context of a previous institutional framing of issues.
11
Balz, Hanno. "“We Don't Want Your 'Peace' …” The West German Antiwar Movement, Youth Protest, and the Peace Movement at the Beginning of the 1980s." German Politics and Society 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330302.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the changes in social movements, in particular the peace movement since the late 1970s, their processes of differentiation as well as their connections to older aspects of the movements. Of particular interest is the breadth of the peace movement, which succeeded in mobilizing several hundred thousand persons at the beginning of the 1980s. How points of conflict developed between this movement and an antiwar movement led by a “new youth movement” around 1980 is the focus of this article.
12
Macartney, Alex F. "Hirohitler on the Rhine: Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (April 27, 2020): 622–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420907666.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito) traveled to Europe as a way to promote a new, peaceful, Japan; however, his role as a wartime leader complicated this image. Hirohito’s presence in West Germany presented major issues of wartime crimes that were filtered through German’s own memory of perpetration and victimhood. Radical students in and West Germany responded to the Emperor’s visit by cooperating with Japanese exchange students to analyze and protest the history of Japanese militarism and fascism – and also its postwar attempts to regain an empire, especially in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. These concepts were seen, therefore, on another level: the US war in Vietnam, and Japanese and West German complicity in this conflict.
13
Rucht, Dieter. "Linking Organization and Mobilization: Michels'S Iron Law of Oligarchy Reconsidered." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.l2680365q32h6616.
Full textAbstract:
Robert Michels's iron law of oligarchy has rarely been submitted to rigorous empirical investigation. This article specifies the key assumptions of Michels's theory and tests them by the use of two data sets that focus on collective protest and the evolution of organizational features of German new social movement groups. With some significant exceptions, the data support Michels's theory. Movements tend to become more centralized-bureaucratic and more moderate in their actions over time. There was also a negative correlation between bureaucratization and radicalization. The findings suggest that informal groups are more radical than formal organizations. Also, new social movements that are less formalized and centralized tend to be more radical in their protest actions than "old movements." Within the new social movements themselves, those which are less formalized and centralized tend to be more radical. However, both theoretical reasoning and close inspection of the data lead us to conclude that there is no such thing as an "iron law" at work. Informal groups can be moderate in their activities and formal groups can tend towards radical action. Also, some of the national environmental organizations investigated became more moderate over time while others did not. Groups do not necessarily become more orderly with age. Organizational features influence but do not determine the forms of action.
14
Peal, David. "The Politics of Populism: Germany and the American South in the 1890s." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015851.
Full textAbstract:
A Populist newspaper in North Carolina commented in 1890 that agrarian unrest was common just about everywhere, in “high tariff and low tariff” countries as well as in “monarchies, empires, and republics.” Historians of this discontent have neglected the international dimension of protest that was so striking at the time. The countries that produced the most vigorous agrarian movements, Germany and the United States, have been especially well protected from the scrutiny of comparison. One reason for this neglect is that scholars in both countries emphasize their nations' peculiarities and capacity to make their own histories. The most influential study of American Populism, for instance, is still John D. Hicks' The Populist Revolt (1931). Hicks ascribed the movement to the closure of the frontier, the “safety valve” once thought to be the special feature of American history. Most scholars today reject the “Turner thesis,” but continue to see populism as uniquely democratic. Just as American Populists have been celebrated as “good guys,” German agrarian leaders have been demonized. The marked anti-Semitic aspect of agrarian movements in the 1890s has led historians to link them more or less directly to national socialism, the arguably unique “outcome” of German history. Whatever the sources of this exceptionalism, the constrained view has distorted the understanding of a crucial historical conjuncture.
15
Levsen, Sonja. "Sexualität und Politik um 1968: Eine transnationale Geschichte?" Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 1 (February 2019): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894418820269.
Full textAbstract:
Zusammenfassung Recent historiography stresses the ‘fundamentally transnational’ character of ‘1968’. The revolt against traditional sexual mores in this vein appears to be one aspect of a transnational or even global ‘youth revolt’. However, when looking beyond slogans such as ‘Make love, not war’ and the iconic images of Berlin’s ‘Kommune 1’, we discover fundamental differences in the ways in which protest movements dealt with sexuality. While ‘liberating’ sexuality in the early 1960s became a core concern of the German New Left, the respective French and British movements paid the topic only scant attention. The article discusses causes and consequences of these divergent paths. It shows that in 1968, the prominence, strategic use and political concept of sexuality in the protests differed widely – a fact that should prompt us to reconsider accepted assumptions about the ‘transnational’ 1960s.
16
NEHRING, HOLGER. "National Internationalists: British and West German Protests against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communications and the Social History of the Cold War, 1957–1964." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 559–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002766.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.
17
Andrievskiy, Oleksandr, and Oleksandr Ivanov. "Causes of the West German student movement’s radicalization in the late 60s and a foundation of terroristic organization RAF." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.64-83.
Full textAbstract:
On the basis of published documents on the activities of the terrorist organization “Red Army Fraction” (RAF) in West Germany during the 70s-80s, the authors highlight the causes that led to the radicalization of the student movement and the transition of activists to the armed confrontation with the police in the name of “City guerrilla” concept. Among the documents mentioned, texts of the RAF members, their manifestos, etc. are avaliable, as well as the articles by one of the leaders of the organization, Ulrike Meinhof, which she wrote for the left-radical magazine “Concrete”. Also there authors used the materials of the German media. In addition, the authors have analyzed foreign and domestic historiography focusing on German-language studies. The conclusions, to which the authors of the article have come, can be summarized as follows. There were three main reasons for the radicalization of the German student movement in the late 1960s. Firstly, the protest spirit and antipathy towards the “conformist” older generation, caused not least by the fact that the governments of the Chancellors Adenauer and Kiesinger were associated with the rehabilitation of former Nazis, so left-radicals saw in their politics the returning of authoritarianism and the militarization of FRG. Secondly, the views of the leftist scholars (such as Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno, Jurgen Habermas, and others) that were popular among young people and reflected, albeit exaggeratedly, the social problems of Germany at that time related to labor migration, property inequality etc. Thirdly, speaking of the internal political context, the authors have underlined the important role of the events that led to a creation of radical groups. Among these events the most important were the protest actions against so called “Extraordinary laws,” the beating of a peaceful demonstration by the police on the 2th of June and the killing of Benno Onezorge, the assassination of the leader of the student movement Rudi Dutschke, the occupations of universities in 1968 etc. Characterizing the foreign policy context, the authors figure out that in the conditions of the bipolar world and the unfolding of the Cold War, the German youth was inspired by the revolutionary movements of the Third World and also by the American youth movement against the war in Vietnam. At the same time, the future German “city guerrillas” were inspired by the images of Che Guevara, Mao Tse-tung, Ho Chi Minh, etc. There is no doubt that they were rather skeptic about the USSR, not considering it as a socialist state, while they were preferring Cuba or Maoist China, because at that time almost nobody was aware of an essence of the “cultural revolution” and Mao’s repressive policy. However, activity of left-radicals in West Germany was still profitable for the GDR government, controlled by Soviet Union, as far as they were trying to use every possibility to destabilize the situation in FRG.
18
Hinger, Sophie. "Asylum in Germany: The Making of the ‘Crisis’ and the Role of Civil Society." Human Geography 9, no. 2 (July 2016): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861600900208.
Full textAbstract:
In most German cities today, refugees are welcomed and supported by a large and growing number of individuals and collectives whose volunteer work covers almost all aspects of refugee reception. At the same time, the arrival and establishment of refugees has been met with xenophobic protest and violence in many German localities. Focusing especially on the example of a local welcome initiative, but also considering exclusionary civil-society practices, this contribution explores recent civil-society involvement in refugee reception against the legal and political context of asylum in Germany. It will be argued that measures of forced dispersal, deterrence and discomfort, in particular, have materially and discursively produced the framing of current refugee movements as a ‘crisis’ and have triggered the differing actions and reactions among local populations. The fact that the ‘refugee crisis’ has been presented not only as a threat, but also as a ‘humanitarian crisis’ that needs to be tackled by both German state actors and civil society has encouraged the wave of positive reactions. Furthermore, taking into account local negotiation processes of asylum is significant if we want to understand the recent and often contradictory civil-society responses. The paper draws on observations from an ongoing research project on local migration regimes and urban asylum, as well as on other studies dealing with refugee reception in Germany.
19
Peaff, Steven. "The Theory of Civil Society and the East German Revolution: Movements, Protest, and the Process of Political Change." Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2-3 (April 1998): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.1998.11892200.
Full text
20
Peck, Jeffrey M. "Dedication to an Influential Generation of Germanists: The Transfer of Knowledge from Germans to Jews in American German Studies." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889129.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1960s and 1970s on both sides of the Atlantic, the American involvement in Vietnam and the demand for political and social change in response to these policies translated into activism on university campuses. Berkeley and Berlin became synonymous with protest; Mario Savio and Rudi Dutschke became the heroes of these student movements. However, this first postwar generation of German students at this time also was entangled in an additional personal and political crisis prompted by the war, namely their parents' and grandparents' past, the infamous Vergangenheitsbewältigung of the Third Reich. These children—born in the thirties and early forties (most in the war years themselves)—faced an older generation who not only instigated a world war but also participated, either implicitly or explicitly, in the persecution and extermination of six million Jews and other so-called undesirables. It was a harsh and painful time for these young people and their elders, the latter who were attacked for their complicity and the former who were accused of hubris.
21
Harrison, Brian. "Politics of Security: British and West German Protest Movements and the Early Cold War, 1945–1970, by Holger Nehring." English Historical Review 130, no. 543 (March 23, 2015): 500–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cev039.
Full text
22
Milder, Stephen. "Thinking Globally, Acting (Trans-)Locally: Petra Kelly and the Transnational Roots of West German Green Politics." Central European History 43, no. 2 (May 13, 2010): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891000004x.
Full textAbstract:
Thousands of demonstrators crowded Trafalgar Square on a chilly April afternoon in 1978 to protest the planned expansion of nuclear fuel reprocessing operations at the Windscale Reactor in rural Cumbria. Toward the end of the rally, a young woman faced the mass of protestors from behind the podium. “I am here to bring you greetings of solidarity from the various European, Australian, and Japanese anti-nuclear movements,” she announced. She explained that the movements whose greetings she brought to London represented “a great wave of transnational determination to put a stop to Windscale, to put a stop to a nuclearized, militarized Europe.” Within the next few moments, she described the contours of this “transnational wave.” She took her audience from Aboriginal territory in Australia, where Green Ban strikes interfered with uranium mining, to the nonviolent demonstrations against reactor construction in German villages, and back to Windscale, where protesters demanded a stop to nuclear fuel reprocessing. In the few minutes she stood at the podium, Petra Kelly narrated an around-the-world journey that had taken her most of the previous two decades to complete.
23
Hoetink, H. "The James versions." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 73, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1999): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002578.
Full textAbstract:
[First paragraph]C.L.R. James: His Intellectual Legacies. SELWYN R. CUDJOE & WILLIAM E. CAIN (eds.). Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1995. x + 476 pp. (Cloth USS 55.00, Paper US$ 19.95)C.L.R. James on the "Negro Question." SCOTT MCLEMEE (ed.). Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1996. xxxvii + 154 pp. (Paper US$ 16.95)C.L.R. James: A Political Biography. KENT WORCESTER. Albany: State University of New York, 1996. xvi + 311 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)"Why is there no socialism in the United States?," asked the German sociologist Werner Sombart (1906:43) in a famous essay at the beginning of the present century. Immigrants, it is true, had brought socialist notions with them in the middle of the past century, and had caused some anarchistic wavelets in the 1880s; there had been radical protest movements such as the Grangers, and a fledgling third party like the Populists; there were famous social critics and Utopians like Henry George and Edward Bellamy, but - in striking contrast to other parts of the Hemisphere - a socialist movement of any political weight never came off the ground.
24
Nikonova, Zhanna, Valery Bukharov, and Inna Yastremskaya. "Political Coloring of Adjectives in German Political Discourse." Nizhny Novgorod Linguistics University Bulletin, Special issue (December 31, 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.47388/2072-3490/lunn2020-si-73-92.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the functional potential of basic adjective color-coding in modern German political discourse, illustrating cases of its political connotation. Using a variety of linguistic research methods, the authors examine functional peculiarities of color adjectives such as rot, orange, gelb, grün, blau, and violett in German-language texts related to politics. Specific examples show that all these adjectives are politically colored, demonstrating the realization of both traditional and contemporary meanings that reflect modern realities of German socio-political life. The research also reveals the frequency of conveying specific values through the usage of color adjectives in the German political discourse. It is established, for instance, that the most frequent is the color adjective grün, used in non-fiction political texts to designate the political party Die Grünen and shedding some light on its style of governing and the political position of its electorate. Within the political discourse of modern Germany this color designation is also a verbal marker of ecological and environmental concerns as well as the color of hope. The authors also discuss such additional meanings of grün as “extracted from natural sources, renewable” in the phrase grüne Energie and “misleading in terms of environmental effects or environmental influence something causes” in the phrase grün waschen. The second most frequently used basic color meaning in German political dis-course is the color designation rot, traditionally symbolizing blood, terror, revolution, and war, as well as struggle, protest movements, mass demonstrations, and campaigns. It also denotes a specific form of a country’s political system and remains the main color of left-wing parties, expressing adherence to certain political parties and the style of their government. In addition, this color code serves as a strong warning in situations of grave danger and, in texts on political topics, often symbolizes the Russian Federation and everything related to it. The least frequent is the color designation violett, which can express membership in the political party Die Violetten. It is the color of the German public association Aktionsbündnis Amoklauf Winnenden and retains vital importance as a sign of warning in emergency situations (such as natural disasters, etc.). The results of the study contribute new information on the semantic space of color codes to the field of political linguistics and modern German studies, illustrating political connotations of basic color codes in German.
25
IDDON, MARTIN. "Trying To Speak: Between Politics and Aesthetics, Darmstadt 1970–1972." Twentieth-Century Music 3, no. 2 (September 2006): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572207000485.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the historiography of the Darmstadt Ferienkurse, the 1970s, when they are examined at all, are generally regarded as a period of stagnation, between the fervour of serial activity in the 1950s and the resurgence of the courses in the 1980s under the banner of various inflections of New Complexity. Yet, in a period of political upheaval after 1968, dissent was felt at Darmstadt too, and protests in 1970 and 1972 saw the institution at its most politically volatile. These protest movements caused the courses’ director, Ernst Thomas, to institute wide-scale changes in their structure and content. Key roles in these protests were taken by journalists: indeed, clear parallels can be drawn between the seemingly egalitarian calls from journalists for Mitbestimmung (co-determination) at Darmstadt and the similar demands being made by their trade unions in the West German federation. Thomas’s failure to deal with journalistic pressure and his heavy-handed treatment of individual protesters (notably Reinhard Oehlschlägel) meant that, shrewd and durable though his reinvention of the courses was, it would be only in 1982, with the accession of a new director, that the press would begin to speak positively about the Darmstadt courses once more. A close reading of these two protests shows the sometime ‘citadel of the avant-garde’ at a distinctly precarious moment in its history. At the time, some felt that such protests could lead to the demise of the courses, and it was far from clear whether Thomas’s reforms would be successful. But, even within this period of uncertainty, the Darmstadt Ferienkurse were anything but stagnant.
26
MOLLOY, OWEN. "Politics of Security: British and West German Protest Movements and the Early Cold War, 1945-1970. By Holger Nehring. Oxford University Press. 2013. xiv + 342pp. £65.00." History 101, no. 348 (December 2016): 810–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.12322.
Full text
27
Wåhlin, Vagn. "Folkelige og sociale bevægelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forståelser." Grundtvig-Studier 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v54i1.16435.
Full textAbstract:
Folkelige og sociale bevagelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forstaelser[Popular and Social Movements. Recent Research Approaches and Qualitative Interpretations]By Vagn WahlinHowever fascinating Grundtvig himself is as a central figure in 19th century Denmark, we, the citizens of the Third Millennium, have to ask why and how he is also interesting today and how his word, work and influence spread. Part of the answer to that fundamental question lies in the fact that he was the right man at the right place at the right time, with the right tidings to tell some clergymen and many peasant farmers on their dominant, middle size, family farms that they were the core of the nation. But part of the answer is to be found in the fact that his followers managed to elevate him to the influencing position as an inspirer and prophet of a broad popular movement that lasted for generations after his death. This popular, national and Christian movement of the Grundtvigians interacted in the social and political development of more than a hundred years with the other broad popular and ideological movements of Denmark such as the Labour Movement, the more Evangelical movement of the Home Mission, the Temperance movements, the Suffragists and women’s organizations, the associations of the world of sport, the political and youth organizations, etc. They were all active on the local level and soon also on the national level and, from the 1880s and onwards, established more firm organizations and institutions to deal with practical matters such as schools, boy scouts, community houses, soccer stadiums, magazines, newspapers, political associations, trade unions, as well as organized economic and anticapitalistic activities by co-operative dairies, breweries, slaughterhouses, export companies etc. As long as the agrarian sector of society (until around 1960-1970) dominated the national export to pay for the large import of society, that pattern of popular movements, also in the urban industry, influenced most of Danish history and life - and is still most influential in today’s post-modern society.During absolutism (1660-1848), organized social activities and associations were forbidden or strictly controlled. Yet a growing and organized public debate appeared in Copenhagen in late 18th century, followed by literary and semi-political associations amongst the enlightened, urban bourgeoisie. Around 1840 the liberals had organized themselves into urban associations and through newspapers. They were ready to take over the power of the society and the state, but could only do so through an alliance with the peasant farmers in 1846 followed by the German uprising in 1848 by the liberals in Schleswig-Holstein.In Denmark there existed a rather distinct dividing line - economic, cultural, social and in terms of political power - between two dominant sectors of society: Copenhagen, totally dominant in the urban sector, in contrast to the agrarian world, where 80% of the population lived.In the urban as well as in the agrarian sectors of society, the movements mostly appeared to be a local protest against some modernization or innovative introductions felt as a threat to religious or material interests - except for a few cases, where the state wanted an enlightened debate as in the Royal Agrarian Society of 1769. Whether the said local protesters won or lost, their self organization in the matter could lead to a higher degree of civil activity, which again could lead to the spread of their viewpoints and models of early organization. The introduction of civil liberties by the Constitution of 1849 made it more easy and acceptable for the broad masses of society to organize. However, with the spread of organizations and their institutions in the latter part of the 19th century, an ethical and social understanding arose that the power of the organized citizens should be extended from the special or vested interests of the founding group to the benefit of the whole of society and of all classes.So everybody who contributes positively, little or much, to the upholding and development of Danish society should be benefited and embraced by the popular movements. Around 1925 the Labour Movement as the last and largest in number and very influential had finally accepted that ethical point of view and left the older understanding of the suppressed army of toiling and hungry workers. The people, the ‘folk’, and the country of all classes had then been united into ‘Danmark for folket’ (a Denmark o f by and fo r the people).So while a social movement may be an organization of mere protest or vested interests or a short-lived phenomena, a ‘folkelig bevagelse’ (popular movement) became what it was at first - in the understanding of the majority of the Danes, but not in the eyes of the 19th century bourgeois and landowner elite - a positive label. It is still so today, though it is now questioned by many of the more internationally-minded members of the new elite. The word ‘folk’ in the term ‘folkelig bevagelse’ is so highly valued that nearly all political parties of today have included it in their names. For the majority of people, Danish and popular and movements stand for the organized societal activity of those who accept the language, history, culture including religion, landscapes, national symbols, etc. of Denmark and who incorporate all this as a valid part of their self-understanding just as they actively take part in the mutual responsibility for their fellow countrymen. This general attitude is most clearly demonstrated when it is severely breached by some individual or group.With the addition of the Church and the Christian dimension, we have what is the essence of Grundtvig’s heritage. Without this source of inspiration, the popular movements up to a generation ago would have been different and perhaps of less importance, and without the popular movements, Grundtvig’s influence would have been less important in Denmark of the last hundred years. We may best understand this as a process of mutual dependency and of a mutual societal interaction.
28
Burdah, Ibnu. "Morocco protest movements in the post-constitutional reform." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v7i2.201-219.
Full textAbstract:
dth: 0px; "> The research describes and explains the wave of protest movement in theKingdom of Morocco, one of the Muslim countries in the Western Arab, in the post-2011 constitutional referendum. The constitutional reform was carried out as a response to the large and massive people protest. Unlike the cases in other neighboring states where “Arab Spring” took place, the Moroccan movement receded without neither the fall of the regime nor massive casualties. However, intense protest kept taking place, especially in Muhammad V Street leading to the Parliament Building. Some interesting questions arise, including what the nature of the current protest is and why people still protest after the vast popular agreement toward the constitutional referendum. Based on library research and intense observation for forty days, and interviews, this study found that, to some extent, the Morocco protest has the same nature as that of the Arab Spring. The protest has “hidden agendas” although there are evidences that they dissembled in “smaller and partial issues because of some reasons”. The author holds that Morocco is an important lesson for political reform in the current turbulent Arab world and, to abroader context, in the Muslim world. 0px; "> Penelitian ini mendeskripsikan dan menjelaskan gerakan protest di KerajaanMaroko, salah satu negara Muslim di Arab Barat, paska referendum konstitusitahun 2011. Reformasi konstitusional di Maroko telah dilaksanakan sebagai respon terhadap protes rakyat dalam skala luas dan massif. Berbeda dengan yang terjadi di negara-negara “Musim Semi Arab” yang lain, gerakan protes itu surut tanpa disertai jatuhnya rezim dan jatuhnya korban dalam jumlah yang besar. Namun, Maroko masih diwarnai gerakan protes yang cukup intensif hampir setiap hari (kendati skalanya lebih kecil) khususnya di Jalan Muhammad V sampai depan gedung parlemen. Pertanyaannya adalah apa sesungguhnya karakter dari protes-protes yang masih berlangsung bahkan hingga saat ini? Mengapa mereka masih melakukan protes pasca persetujuan secara luas rakyat Maroko terhadap reformasi konstitusi? Penelitian yang dilakukan dengan cara studi kepustakaan yang didukung oleh observasi di lapangan sekitar 40 hari, berkesimpulan bahwa karakter protes itu adalah “Arab Springs” (mengarah pada penjatuhan rezim) kendati itu tak dinyatakan secara terbuka. Mereka memiliki agenda terselubung itu dan tidak mengemukakannya dengan berbagai alasan. Penulis berpendapat, Maroko adalah pelajaran penting bagi reformasi politik di dunia Arab yang sedang bergolak saat ini, bahkan mungkin pula untuk dunia Islam.
29
Rozovyk, Olesya. "The eviction of Polish and German population from the border regions of the Ukrainian SSR to the Kazakh SSR in 1935–1936." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 1 (December 4, 2020): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200112.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the article is to reveal the process of forced eviction of the Polish and German population from the border regions of the Ukrainian SSR to the Kazakh Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (since 1936 – the Kazakh SSR) in the period of 1935–1936 based on the analysis of little-known documents stored in the archives of the Security Service of Ukraine. The research methodology is based on historical and scientific principles, as well as the use of historical-genetic, problem-chronological and comparative methods. Results. In 1935–1936, the Soviet government pursued a policy of forced eviction of residents from the territories near the western border of the Ukrainian SSR. The border areas were under the supervision of the military command of the republic at that time. In the early 1930s the border began to be actively fortified, and the border area of 7,5 km was defined as esplanade (that is, a territory between military or fortified objects and settlements). According to the Soviet leadership, it was necessary to evict the local population from this territory, including Polish and German people. Residents of the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR came under special attention of the NKVD, who for the most part had a negative attitude towards the Soviet regime. Besides, they had relatives abroad, and in the case of a future armed conflict with neighboring countries, they could support foreign troops. There were 178 such settlements. They were home to 4 232 Polish and 1 357 German families with a total number of more than 27 000 people. But subsequently, the total number of planned migrants increased to 15 000 families, which amounted to 70 000 people. Due to the fact that all vacant lands in the southeastern regions of the republic were settled in the 1920s, it was planned to move the named number of Polish and German families mainly to Kazakhstan. Conclusions. In 1935–1936, the NKVD officers evicted not only the Ukrainian population, but also residents of Polish and German national regions. In 1936, more than 74 000 people were resettled from Vinnytsa, Kyiv and Odesa regions to the Kazakh SSR. Thus, forced eviction of population from the border areas became a continuation of the Soviet regime’s repressive policy as a means of overcoming the protest movements of the inhabitants of the Ukrainian SSR. Practical value. The results of the study outline a range of little-studied problems that can be investigated in the future with declassification of new documents of this period; the information presented in the article can be used in the development of educational programs. Originality. The study is based on little-known documents stored in the archives of the Security Service of Ukraine. Scientific novelty. The article supplements historical research on the national and repressive policies of the Soviet regime, which makes it topical and fills in the gaps in historical data on forced evictions of the mid-1930s. Article type: empirical.
30
Jantzen, Kyle. "Totalitarianism: Propaganda, Perseverance, and Protest: Strategies for Clerical Survival Amid the German Church Struggle." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 295–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654455.
Full textAbstract:
The Protestant historiography of the German Church Struggle has been shaped largely by its attention to two fundamental issues. The first has been the intrachurch struggle dominated by two churchpolitical factions: the Faith Movement of the German Christians and the Confessing Church. German Christians whole-heartedly endorsed the government of Adolf Hitler, campaigned to align the organization, theology, and practice of the twenty-eight German Protestant Land Churches with the racial and authoritarian values of the National Socialist regime and worked to create a centralized Reich church under a powerful Reich bishop. The Confessing Church stood for theological orthodoxy and ecclesiastical independence, rejected the authority of the Land Church governments that had fallen under the control of German Christians, and asserted itself as the uniquely legitimate church government in Germany.
31
Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. "Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.
Full textAbstract:
The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
32
Koopmans, Ruud, and Paul Statham. "Political Claims Analysis: Integrating Protest Event and Political Discourse Approaches." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.d7593370607l6756.
Full textAbstract:
Starting from a critique of protest event and political discourse analysis, we propose an extended methodological approach that has the quantitative rigor of event analysis but also retrieves the qualitative discursive elements of claims. Our political claims approach extends the sample of contentious actions beyond protest event analysis by coding institutional and civil society actors, and conventional and discursive action forms, in addition to protests by movement actors, This redefines the research object to acts of political claims making in a multi-organizational field. We use examples from a research project on mobilization about migration and ethnic relations in Britain and Germany to demonstrate the analytic gains that are possible with our approach. By situating protest and social movements, not just theoretically but also methodologically, in a wider context of political claims making, we are in a better position to follow the recent calls for more integrated approaches, which place protest within multi-organizational fields, link it to political opportunities and outcomes, and are sensitive to discursive messages.
33
Teune, Simon. "Humour as a Guerrilla Tactic: The West German Student Movement's Mockery of the Establishment." International Review of Social History 52, S15 (November 21, 2007): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900700315x.
Full textAbstract:
A small group within the German student movement of the 1960s expressed its critique of society in humorous protests that condensed the urge for a non-materialist, individualistic, and libertarian change. In the early phase of an emerging cycle of protest, Spassguerilla [fun guerrilla] contributed to shaping the face of the student movement, despite differences with the more traditional groups within that movement. In happenings, pamphlets, and judicial trials, humorous activists derided conventional ways of thinking and living. A responsive environment played a decisive role in shaping the image of the insurgents, thus reinforcing the impact of their actions and drawing in sympathizers.
34
Schmaltz, Eric J. "Reform, “Rebirth” and Regret: The Rise and Decline of the Ethnic-German Nationalist Wiedergeburt Movement in the USSR and CIS, 1987–1993." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 2 (June 1998): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408561.
Full textAbstract:
In early 1989, the Soviet Germans established the Wiedergeburt (“Rebirth”) All-Union Society. An umbrella-organization originally designed to protect and advance ethnic-German interests in the USSR, the “Rebirth” Society adopted the most effective legal means by which it could confront the regime—namely, political dissent based on Lenin's notion of national self-determination. The “Rebirth” movement evolved in this context and represented the fifteenth-largest Soviet nationality numbering more than two million in the 1989 Soviet census. By 1993, official membership in the “Rebirth” Society included nearly 200,000 men and women. Ironically, at the very moment the Soviet Germans became more politically conscious, the Soviet Union and the ethnic-German community were disintegrating.
35
Chan, Alexsia T., and Beverly K. Crawford. "The puzzle of public opposition to TTIP in Germany." Business and Politics 19, no. 4 (November 23, 2017): 683–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2017.32.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractGermany is pivotal to the success of any trade agreement between the European Union and the United States. As the third largest exporter in the world, Germany is dependent on open markets; throughout the post-war period, government support for free trade has been unequivocal. Despite these positive incentives for expanding free trade, both German business and the wider public voiced fierce opposition to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). TTIP became a flash point for the German public to overcome collective action problems and create a broad protest movement against a free trade agreement for the first time in German history. This movement enabled the public to successfully exercise influence on German foreign economic policy-making, which had long been protected from public pressure. By 2015, the success of that pressure in penetrating the policy-making apparatus combined with growing government concern about the potential of international firms to undermine national policy. As a result of the confluence of these two forces, German leaders changed their position in TTIP negotiations.
36
Karapin, Roger. "Opportunity/Threat Spirals in the U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 1 (February 1, 2011): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.1.y1007j0n837p5p45.
Full textAbstract:
Many have noted that protesters sometimes expand political opportunities for later protests, but there has been little analysis of how this occurs. The problem can be addressed by analyzing opportunity/threat spirals, which involve positive feedback among: actions by challengers (bold protests and the formation of alliances between challenger groups); opportunity-increasing actions by authorities and elites (elite divisions and support, procedural reforms, substantive concessions, and police inaction); and threat-increasing actions by authorities and elites (new grievance production and excessive repression). Interactions among these eight mechanisms are demonstrated in two cases of social movement growth, the U.S. women's suffrage movement of the 1910s and the German anti-immigration movement of the early 1990s. The cases show similar positive feedback processes despite many other differences, a finding which suggests that the specified interactions may operate in a wide range of social movements in democratic countries.
37
Schweppe, Peter. "The politics of removal:Kursbuchand the West German protest movement." Sixties 7, no. 2 (July 3, 2014): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2015.1043802.
Full text
38
Fathy, Rusydan. "GNPF MUI: STRATEGI PEMBINGKAIAN DAN KEBERHASILAN GERAKAN POPULIS ISLAM DI INDONESIA." ASKETIK 3, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/ask.v3i1.1180.
Full textAbstract:
Armed with a social movement approach, this paper discusses the framing strategy in the success of the Islamic populist movement in Indonesia. Islamic populism coloring political life and democracy in Indonesia in recent years. As with other forms of populist movements, Islamic populism in Indonesia manifests itself in mass movements or actions that show protest or resistance to certain regimes and government systems. The emergence of the Gerakan Nasional Pengawal Fatwa Majelis Ulama Indonesia (GNPF-MUI/Guard National Movement for Indonesian Religious Leader) includes the 411, 212 movement, and the grand reunion of 212 alumni is a manifestation of the rise of Islamic populism in Indonesia.
39
Bach, Jonathan, Heather L. Dichter, Kirkland Alexander Fulk, Alexander Wochnik, Wilko Graf von Hardenberg, and Carol Hager. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 34, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 100–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340305.
Full textAbstract:
Jon Berndt Olsen, Tailoring Truth: Politicizing the Past and Negotiating Memory in East Germany, 1945-1990 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2015) Reviewed by Jonathan BachMicahel Krüger, Christian Becker, and Stefan Nielsen, German Sports, Doping, and Politics: A History of Performance Enhancement (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015) Reviewed by Heather L. DichterSusanne Rinner. The German Student Movement and the Literary Imagination: Transnational Memories of Protest and Dissent (New York: Berghahn Books, 2013) Reviewed by Kirkland Alexander FulkKristen Kopp, Germany’s Wild East: Constructing Poland as Colonial Space (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2012) Reviewed by Alexander WochnikSean Ireton and Caroline Schaumann, eds., Heights of Reflection: Mountains in the German Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Twenty-First Century, Studies in German Literature, Linguistics, and Culture (Rochester: Camden House, 2012). Reviewed by Wilko Graf von HardenbergFrank Uekötter, The Greenest Nation? A New History of German Environmentalism (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2014). Reviewed by Carol Hager
40
Sufyan, Fikrul Hanif. "KEPANDUAN DAN POLITIK: GERAKAN PADVINDERS DI PADANG PANJANG 1926-1934." Patanjala: Journal of Historical and Cultural Research 13, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v13i1.630.
Full textAbstract:
Gerakan kepanduan pernah meledak di Afdeling Batipuh X dan Priaman di awal abad ke-20. Tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisis hadirnya gerakan kepanduan dengan segala dinamikanya. Gerakan kepanduan ini beberapa kali melakukan gebrakan serta tuntutan Indonesia merdeka yang mereka suarakan langsung dari Padang Panjang. Mulai dari gerakan protes, hingga membentuk Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia, atau dikenal dengan istilah PNI Baru Hatta-Sjahrir. Tulisan ini disusun berdasarkan kaidah metode sejarah –dimulai dengan heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Padvinders di Padang Panjang telah dimulai sejak tahun 1924. Gerakan yang hadir di Padang Panjang antara lain International Padvinders Organitatie, El-Hilaal, Hizbul Wathan, dan Kepanduan Indonesia Muslim (KIM). Masing-masing kepanduan lahir dari sekolah-sekolah yang muncul sejak awal abad ke-20, kemudian bermetamorfosis menjadi sebuah gerakan politik. Gerakan politik KIM menjadi PNI Baru, telah mengubah paradigma kepanduan –yang selama ini hanya dianggap sebagai kegiatan ekstrakurikuler sekolah. The scout movement rose to fame in the afdeling of Batipuh X and Priaman in the early 20th century. This paper is designed to analyze the presence of the scout movement and related matters. It had constituted a break with years of colonial era and pushed for an independent Indonesia, which they voiced directly from Padang Panjang. The movements they organized was from the protest movement to the formation of the Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia or more popularly known as the PNI Baru Hatta – Sjahrir. The paper is organized according to the standard historical method rules; heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The scout movement, it all started in Padang Panjang in 1924. The International Padvinders Organitatie, the El-Hilaal, the Hizbul Wathan, and the Kepanduan Indonesia Muslim (KIM) were around then. They were originally established in schools at the beginning of the 20th century who transformed into the political movement then. KIM, which turned into a political movement or known as PNI Baru, has changed the scouting paradigm, which so far has only been regarded as the extracurricular school activity.
41
Brühöfener, Friederike. "Politics of Emotions: Journalistic Reflections on the Emotionality of the West German Peace Movement, 1979-1984." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330408.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the reaction of the West German press to the powerful peace movement that gripped the Federal Republic of Germany between 1979 and 1984. Following NATO's double track decision and Russia's invasion of Afghanistan, thousands of pacifist and peace activists participated in rallies, meetings, and sit-ins to protest above all the politics of NATO. Unnerved by the amassing of nuclear, protesters expressed their fears and anxieties highly visible on placards and in pamphlets. This public display of “fear of atom” led to an intensive media debate about the validity and possible dangers of the protesters' emotionality. The press's coverage of the peace movement and the question of how protesters expressed their fears turned into a discussion over legitimate political participation.
42
Kaindl, Christina. "Germany’s Different: Protest, Hegemony, and the European Crisis." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 12, no. 1-2 (2013): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341242.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The uprising of the Indignados, Democracia Real Ya! and the Occupy movement have brought back protest all over Europe in 2011. In Germany—despite several tens of thousands of people showing up for the international action day on October 15th, the situation has been different. After some demonstrations in 2009 and 2010 organized on a platform of “We won’t pay for your crisis,” there had been mostly smaller local manifestations not backed by broader alliances. This changed with the Blockupy-Frankfurt protests at the end of May 2012 that called for European action days to shut down the financial district. But attempts to include the big unions into alliances opposing the crisis politics of the government have failed; and the women’s movement has been basically non-existent in Germany for about two decades. I will try to shed some light on how the general weakness of the movement is related to the strategies of integration into neo-liberal governance.
43
COOPER, ALICE HOLMES. "Public-Good Movements and the Dimensions of Political Process." Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 3 (June 1996): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029003001.
Full textAbstract:
Although nuclear war would have proven equally deadly to all West Germans, only certain people at certain times mobilized against this potential danger. What explains the cyclicity of peace protest, the composition of movement activism, and variations in organizational structure over time? Adopting a political process framework, a three-pronged argument is made. The timing, duration, and size of peace mobilization cycles reflected the mix of opportunities and constraints provided by the public-policy process and other aspects of politics. The framing of defense issues by institutions and extraparliamentary groups strongly influenced the composition of movement activism. Adequate organizational capacities depended on the availability of autonomous extraparliamentary networks. Although the political process framework has usually served to analyze citizenship movements, it is adapted here to a public-good movement.
44
Türkoğlu, Didem. "Student protests and organised labour: Developing a research agenda for mobilisation in late neoliberalism." Current Sociology 67, no. 7 (September 12, 2019): 997–1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119865768.
Full textAbstract:
Students have a long history of protesting the introduction or rise of tuition fees. However, political parties do not often endorse their demands. Even the centre-left, which is known for its redistributive policies, does not necessarily ally itself with the student opposition to fees. In this article, the author focuses on the impact of social movement–organised labour alliances on the opposition of political parties to government policy. The author argues that such alliances have a unique impact on centre-left parties, especially in relation to non-labour issues. Two examples of this alliance are presented, emerging from the quite different political contexts of Germany and Turkey. In Germany, student movements failed to block the introduction of tuition fees in 2006. However, in 2008–2011, after students established a deeper alliance with organised labour, tuition fees were scrapped. In Turkey, student movements had been protesting tuition fees for a quarter of a century before an alliance with labour gained the support of social democrats in 2011. These case studies suggest that labour–movement alliances are effective in shifting social democratic politics in higher education policy because of labour’s experience and know-how in alliance building with centre-left parties and the student mobilisation’s potential to make tuition fees an electoral issue cross-cutting party allegiances. This finding suggests that scholars need to take the degree of engagement in opposition alliances into account, in addition to union density, in order to more accurately measure the political power of organised labour. This point has implications for analysing a variety of policy outcomes in policy areas exposed to permanent austerity measures.
45
Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq." German Law Journal 4, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.
Full textAbstract:
[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.
46
Uggla, Fredrik. "Between Globalism and Pragmatism: ATTAC in France, Germany, and Sweden." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.q017g82p477p1837.
Full textAbstract:
This article tests two conflicting theoretical views on the extent to which economic and political globalization makes contentious groups and social movements more globally oriented in their strategies. It focuses on a critical case in the globalization of activism: the Attac group, which forms part of the movement for global justice. By analyzing the demands, actions, and targets present in the group's communiqués in France, Germany and Sweden, the analysis yields mixed conclusions about the globalization of protest. Although the global orientation of Attac is evident in the demands contained in such statements, the group appears highly centered at the national level through its choice of targets and alliances. Furthermore, in France and Germany there is a clear trend towards a more national focus among the demands made by the group.
47
Milder, Stephen. "Between Grassroots Protest and Green Politics: The Democratic Potential of the 1970s Antinuclear Activisim." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330403.
Full textAbstract:
This article narrates the development of the antinuclear movement from the bottom up, showing how local protests initiated changes in Germans' ideas about democracy and public participation, precipitating the Green Party's emergence. The narrative begins with the pre-history of the 1975 occupation of the Wyhl reactor site in Southern Baden. It shows that vintners' concerns about the future of their livelihoods underpinned protests at Wyhl, but argues that the anti-reactor coalition grew in breadth after government officials' perceived misconduct caused local people to connect their agricultural concerns with democracy matters. It then explains how local protests like the Wyhl occupation influenced the formation of the German Green Party in the late 1970s, showing how the sorts of convergences that occurred amidst “single issue” protests like the anti-Wyhl struggle enabled a wide variety of activists to come together in the new party. Thus, the article argues that particular, local concerns initiated a rethinking of participation in electoral politics. Far from fracturing society, these local concerns promoted diverse new coalitions and shaped an inclusive approach to electoral politics.
48
Holzer, Elizabeth. "Borrowing from the Women's Movement "for Reasons of Public Security": A Study of Social Movement Outcomes and Judicial Activism in the European Union." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 13, no. 1 (February 1, 2008): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.13.1.52r0urt362184572.
Full textAbstract:
Can an elite-sponsored outcome be a social movement outcome? In Kreil v. Germany, the European Court of Justice issued a judgment hailed as a feminist victory, censuring Germany's exclusion of women from the military. But the women's movement did not sponsor the case; it was an organizational achievement for the nascent court that extended its jurisdiction to public security while preserving its legitimacy among potentially non-cooperative member states. With this case, I reassess movement-elite relations in the context of past protests that forged discursive resources. The women's movement did play an important role in this case: the court relied on discursive resources from past feminist activism to legitimize its decision and frame it as a matter of women's rights, drawing attention away from its uncertain jurisdiction. I present a model of "borrowing" from movements, a relationship distinct from alliances and cooptation, to show how elite-sponsored outcomes can still be movement outcomes.
49
Nurcahya, Tia Dwi. "GERAKAN PROTES HAJI SARIP DI KABUPATEN MAJALENGKA 1947." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 502. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v6i3.177.
Full textAbstract:
AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan gerakan protes yang dilakukan Haji Sarip terhadap Pemerintah Republik Indonesia tahun 1947 di Kabupaten Majalengka. Untuk merekontruksi permasalahan ini digunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat langkah penelitian, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sedangkan teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data digunakan studi literatur dan wawancara, yaitu mengkaji sumber-sumber literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang sedang dikaji dan mewawancarai saksi sejarah atau pelaku sejarah sebagai narasumbernya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengungkap gerakan protes yang dilakukan Haji Sarip di Kabupaten Majalengka tahun 1947. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian didapat beberapa simpulan: pertama, Haji Sarip melakukan gerakan protes terhadap Pemerintah RI dan desa karena kebijakan yang diambil pemerintah RI, yaitu kebijakannya India Rice (penjualan beras ke India dengan harga murah); kedua, Haji Sarip menganggap Pemerintah RI 1947 sudah gagal dan menyiakan-nyiakan hidup masyarakatnya sendiri, sehingga Haji Sarip akan mengubah tatanan pemerintahan dan menggantikannya dengan pemerintahan baru, yang berlandaskan sama rata sama rasa, sama warna, sama bangsa, dan benderanya putih hitam; ketiga, setelah Haji Sarip melakukan perlawanan terhadap pemerintah dengan cara melakukan provokasi terhadap masyarakat Kabupaten Majalengka, masyarakat dan pemerintah tidak tinggal diam, melainkan masyarakat bersikap antipati terhadap Haji Sarip dan Pemerintah RI menindak Haji Sarip dengan tuduhan membangkang pemerintah, meresahkan masyarakat, menghina tentara dan menjalankan penipuan. AbstractThis study describes the movement of Haji Sarip protest against the Government of the Republic of Indonesia in 1947 at Majalengka. This research used historical method which consists of four steps of research: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The techniques used in data collection trough literature review and interviews, including reviewing the sources of literature relating to the issues being studied and interviewed witnesses or perpetrators of history. The purpose of this study is to reveal the protest movement Haji Sarip in Majalengka 1947. Based on the results obtained some conclusions: first, Haji Sarip protest movement against the Government and the village because of measures taken by the government of Indonesia, the Indian policy of Rice (rice sales to India with cheap price); second, Haji Sarip assume GOI 1947 has failed and wasted waste life of his own people, so that Hajj Sarip will change the system of government and replace it with a new government, which is based equally the same taste, same color, same nation, black and white flag; Third, after Haji Sarip resistance to the government by way of provocation against Majalengka community, society and the government is not standing still, but the people being antipathy towards Haji Sarip and the government crack down on charges Haji Sarip government's defiant, disturbing the public, insulting the army and run fraud.
50
Dalton, Russell. "Protest Politics in Germany: Movements on the Left and Right Since the 1960s." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 37, no. 5 (September 2008): 470–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610803700544.
Full text