To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: German resistance to Nazism.
Journal articles on the topic 'German resistance to Nazism'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'German resistance to Nazism.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Haynes, Stephen R. "Who Needs Enemies? Jews and Judaism in Anti-Nazi Religious Discourse." Church History 71, no. 2 (June 2002): 341–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700095718.
Full textAbstract:
The so-called German Church Struggle has been a subject of scholarly study and popular interest for several decades. For obvious reasons, the minority of Germans who opposed the Nazis in word or in deed have become compelling symbols of courage and resistance, human reminders of the auspicious role religion can play in situations of political crisis. Rarely, however, has the discourse of anti-Nazi resistance been analyzed in terms of its assumptions concerning Jews, their role in Germany, or their historical destiny. When these assumptions are illuminated, it is apparent that despite their opposition to National Socialism and its encroachment in the affairs of the church, Christian resistors to Nazism transmitted concepts of Jews and Judaism that did little to ameliorate, and often exacerbated, the anti-Semitic environment in interwar Germany,
2
Šimko, Juraj. "Slovak Troops in Italy During Second Word War." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 271–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0044.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article deals with activities of Slovak military troops in Italy during the World War II in the period from October 1943 to the end of war. Article describes the construction of field fortifications on the German defensive lines in central and northern Italy. As well it describes the appearance of resistance to the alliance with Nazi Germany, the involvement of the Slovaks in Italian resistance and the culmination of the fight against Nazism. The resulting manifestation was the creation of the 1st Czechoslovak division in Italy, which fought against German troops alongside the Allies at the end of the war.
3
Lee, Byong Chol. "Perceptional Change of Resistance to Nazism in the Post-war Germany: Focusing on the Remer-Trial." Korean Society For German History 52 (February 28, 2023): 105–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17995/kjgs.2023.2.52.105.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examined the process of investigating the Nazi history from a judicial perspective by the German society through the Remer-Trial. This trial was held in Braunschweig in March of 1952 according to an indictment on the crime of libel for a far-right agitator that criticized a resistance fighter on July 20, 1944 by taking advantage of the legal understanding by the German judicial branch that illegalized criminal prosecutions for crimes of Nazis immediately after the war. The Remer-Trial vividly condensed the history of the early federal republic in its lawsuit procedures and is thus evaluated to have recorded a turning point in the memory culture of modern Germany history. This paper sheds light on this trial based on the reception history of resistance on July 20, 1944 as an index for identifying the past progress of overcoming Nazism. The past history of the German society immediately after the war was being formed by people leading the interpretation under the two different conditions of the task of becoming de-nazified, while on the other hand, reconstruction in the Cold War system. Therefore, this paper investigates how the roles of political circles, academia, media, and the judicial branch developed as elites for interpretations on past memories. Afterwards, the progress of trials was examined to compare the trial strategies between the prosecutors and attorneys, while examining the opposing understandings that were represented in the early stages of overcoming the past. Lastly, this paper investigates the results of the Remer-Trial, or in other words, the meaning found in the long-term course of overcoming the past of Nazism by the German society through this trial that gave judicial justification for the July 20 resistance. The anti-Nazi resistance that did not receive unanimous support by most members of the German society following the war who had not completely turned their backs from Nazi propaganda finally recovering honor through the Remer-Trial was a groundbreaking case of post-war history. This lawsuit that deemed the Third Reich as an illegal nation and confirmed resistance to have been legal is judged to have been a normative behavior that provided the decisive basis for establishing July 20, 1944 as the historical consciousness of the federal republic. This paper reveals that Bauer utilized this trial to not only find Remer guilty and regain honor for the July 20 resistance, but gave theme to the entire resistance against the Third Reich and finally the reconstruction of the civil right of resistance.
4
Belot, Robert. "Le rôle du Centre d’études germaniques dans la formation des officiers à la vigilance antinazie. Tentative d’évaluation et d’approche prosopographique à travers l’itinéraire d’Henri Frenay." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 29, no. 4 (1997): 677–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1997.4157.
Full textAbstract:
The Center for German Studies in Strasbourg has played a special part in the historico-political understanding of Germany that was held by some of the French elites, particularly the military establishment. From the early thirties on, the Center was in a remarkable position to observe and testify on the rise of nazism. How effectively did it achieve this mission ? Can we today evaluate its impact ? What information was available on nazism then, and how was it passed on to the students ? The author is attempting to answer some of these questions through the biographical study of Henri Frenay, a student officer at the Center during the year 1937-1938. Three reasons motivated this approach : Henri Frenay was one of the few participants who raised questions about the Center, its functioning and finalities. He further suggested teaching reforms for a better knowledge and understanding of the «new» Germany. In that respect, he wrote a paper (first writing of this man of action to be) on the subject of german minorities in High-Silesia. It shows a growing awareness to nazism among members of the traditional military milieu (to which Frenay belonged). Finally this paper will attempt to show the possible relationship between Frenay’s presence at the Center and his later decision to enter the Resistance. In point of fact, he founded the most extensive French resistance reseau on the national territory, «Combat».
5
Phayer, Michael. "Totalitarianism: Questions about Catholic Resistance." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654456.
Full textAbstract:
After the war was over leading Catholic laity and the lower clergy pointed their finger at their bishops, faulting them for not having the backbone and willpower to stand up to Hitler. Was this fair? Bishops said they tempered their criticism of Nazism because Hitler punished their priests rather than them. Were the bishops being candid and forthright with this statement? If so, was this the right strategy? Jesuits urged the bishops to become active in the Kreisau Circle of resistance. They did not. Should they have? Pope Pius XII gave the German bishops freedom to do as they saw fit regarding speaking out about the Holocaust. They spoke only guardedly. Should they have said more? The Concordat, the agreement between the Vatican and the German government, surprised German Catholics who had been warned again and again about Nazism. Was the Concordat a mistake? Once signed, should the church have stuck to it once Nazi racial policy had become manifest? There was an active Catholic resistance circle in Berlin. Were there others? If not, why not? Questions about Catholic resistance run on and on. Are they worth probing, trying to answer? In the end no matter what is said about Catholic resistance, the six million will have perished. And, in the end, no German managed to put an end to Hitler, although the Swabian Catholic, Klaus von Stauffenberg, came close. Is a discussion about Catholic resistance an exercise in futility?
6
Grakhotsky, A. P. "The Legacy of the Human Rights Movement: Prosecutor-General Fritz Bauer on Genocide and Human Rights." Kutafin Law Review 9, no. 4 (January 3, 2023): 818–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2313-5395.2022.4.22.818-833.
Full textAbstract:
The paper is devoted to the legacy of Fritz Bauer — the Prosecutor General of the Land of Hesse in West Germany — and analyzes his understanding of the possibility of building the rule of law in Germany, understanding the criminal past of Germany and realizing the responsibility of the German citizens for the genocide of the Jewish people. Fritz Bauer was one of the most consistent supporters of the criminal prosecution against Nazi criminals in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). In Bauer’s view, the Nuremberg trials were supposed to witness the desire of the German state to restore the rule of law, preserve the memory of millions of victims of Nazism, celebrate the triumph of justice and human rights. In the course of the court proceedings, Fritz Bauer sought to show that millions of German citizens who supported the Hitler regime and shared the ideology of National Socialism were responsible for Nazi atrocities. The merit of Fritz Bauer’s goal was to recognize the Third Reich as an illegitimate State and rehabilitate the participants of the Anti-Hitler Resistance Movement. In his articles and court speeches, Bauer justified the right of citizens to resist the criminal authorities, argued that disobeying criminal orders was the only possible option for lawful behavior in an illegitimate State. Fritz Bauer was convinced that it was possible to prevent the repetition of the past and prevent the neo-Nazis from coming to power only through the democratic education of the younger generation of the Germans, ensuring universal respect for human rights and dignity.
7
Tirosh, Noam. "Alone in Berlin? Israeli media and the German resistance to Nazism." Communication Review 19, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714421.2016.1161319.
Full text
8
Tuzhilin, Svyatoslav V. "THE ROLE OF THE GERMAN RESISTANCE IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST NAZISM." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations. Area Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 4 (2017): 320–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2017-4-320-327.
Full text
9
SELINGER, WILLIAM. "THE POLITICS OF ARENDTIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY: EUROPEAN FEDERATION ANDTHE ORIGINS OF TOTALITARIANISM." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (December 9, 2014): 417–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000560.
Full textAbstract:
Hannah Arendt'sThe Origins of Totalitarianismis a distinctively international history. It traces Nazism to a “collapse of the nation-state” across Europe, brought on by European anti-Semitism and European imperialism, rather than to specifically German developments. This essay recovers the political meaning of that methodological choice on Arendt's part, by documenting the surprising intersection between Arendt's involvement in political debates over postwar European reconstruction, where she made an intellectual alliance with Resistance groups across Europe and strongly argued for European federation, and her involvement in historiographical debates over the sources of Nazism. I show the explicit connection that Arendt drew between an internationalist historiography of Nazism and the need for an internationalist European politics, in a series of essays she wrote in the mid-1940s. I then argue that this connection continues to play a prominent role inOriginsitself, sharply differentiating Arendt from other prominent theorists of Nazism.
10
Barton, Deborah. "Rewriting theReich: German Women Journalists as Transnational Mediators for Germany's Rehabilitation." Central European History 51, no. 4 (December 2018): 563–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000730.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article looks at the transnational impact of two diaries written by the female German journalists Ruth Andreas-Friedrich and Ursula von Kardorff, whose journals shed light on German wartime experiences, resistance activities, and, to a lesser extent, the press. In the postwar years, both journalists sought to influence (West) Germany's relationship with its former enemies, in particular the United States. In their autobiographical writing, they presented both an image of Germany as a victim of Nazism, as well as an early acknowledgment of German crimes. In this way, they achieved a balanced narrative that received a positive reception from American and German audiences. Though the ways in which Friedrich and Kardorff presented aspects of journalism and everyday life in the Third Reich were not unique, their dual identity as women and journalists underlay their ability to act as “legitimate” mediators for Germany's rehabilitation. Western allied occupation authorities and overseas audiences viewed them, in contrast to men, as largely apolitical because they were women, and as objective witnesses because they were journalists. Through their autobiographical writings, both journalists situated themselves among the predominantly male US and German elites devoted to developing amicable relations between the two countries via soft-power diplomacy.
11
Layne, Priscilla. "“That's How It Is”: Quotidian Violence and Resistance in Olivia Wenzel's 1000 Coils of Fear." Novel 55, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00295132-9614973.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Black Germans occupy a unique position of simultaneous invisibility and hypervisibility. Since their country did away with the category of race due to its associations with the Nazis, on paper Black Germans are read as just “German” and de facto white. But they are also hypervisible, because in public their appearance makes them the target of discrimination and racist violence. Due to Black Germans’ structural invisibility, white Germans often fail to recognize the structural racism that affects their daily lives. In fact, white Germans commonly claim that racism is an American problem and not really an issue in Germany. Black German author Olivia Wenzel, in her recent autofictional novel 1000 Coils of Fear (2020), rejects this spectacle of racism that Germans commonly associate with America to instead expose the “quotidian violence” (Kara Keeling) in German society that allows the white majority to give its silent approval of racism. Arguably, 1000 Coils of Fear is not just about the terror of everyday Black life but also about Black life's endurance: the narrator's ability to survive despite the ever-present terror of white supremacy, her ability to create new life, vis-à-vis her pregnancy, and the endless possibilities her future self and her future child can take. By using a narrative form—autofiction—that embodies the relational, fluid self of a queer, diasporic, Black subject, Wenzel's novel best captures Black Lives Matter's desire to center those folx who are often excluded.
12
Hett, Benjamin Carter. "“This Story Is about Something Fundamental”: Nazi Criminals, History, Memory, and the Reichstag Fire." Central European History 48, no. 2 (May 22, 2015): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000345.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractFor more than eighty years there has been controversy about who set the fire that destroyed the plenary chamber of the Reichstag fire on the evening of February 27, 1933—thereby handing the Nazis a pretext to gut the democratic Weimar constitution through the emergency “Reichstag Fire Decree.” Since the 1960s there has been a consensus among historians that the fire was set by Marinus van der Lubbe, a twenty-four-year-old Dutch journeyman stonemason supposedly acting alone—with no Nazi involvement. Few historians, however, have been inclined to investigate the motives behind the development of this single-culprit narrative, or the reasons for its generally positive reception among postwar German historians. With the aid of newly discovered sources, this article examines the legal and political interests that have underpinned this narrative. The single-culprit narrative was developed by ex-Nazis, whereas accounts of the Reichstag fire stressing Nazi complicity came almost invariably from former resistance fighters and victims of Nazism. Postwar historians responded to these accounts in much the same way they have responded to perpetrator and victim accounts of the Holocaust: with a markedly greater preference for those of the perpetrators. This tendency has shaped the debate over the Reichstag fire in the same way it has shaped other areas of research on the Third Reich.
13
Phayer, Michael, Francis R. Nicosia, and Lawrence D. Stokes. "Germans against Nazism, Nonconformity, Opposition and Resistance in the Third Reich." German Studies Review 16, no. 1 (February 1993): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430264.
Full text
14
Kocher, Matthew Adam, Adria K. Lawrence, and Nuno P. Monteiro. "Nationalism, Collaboration, and Resistance: France under Nazi Occupation." International Security 43, no. 2 (November 2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00329.
Full textAbstract:
Does nationalism produce resistance to foreign military occupation? The existing literature suggests that it does. Nationalism, however, also can lead to acquiescence and even to active collaboration with foreign conquerors. Nationalism can produce a variety of responses to occupation because political leaders connect nationalist motivations to other political goals. A detailed case study of the German occupation of France during World War II demonstrates these claims. In this highly nationalistic setting, Vichy France entered into collaboration with Germany despite opportunities to continue fighting in 1940 or defect from the German orbit later. Collaboration with Germany was widely supported by French elites and passively accommodated by the mass of nationalistic French citizens. Because both resisters and collaborators were French nationalists, nationalism cannot explain why collaboration was the dominant French response or why a relatively small number of French citizens resisted. Variation in who resisted and when resistance occurred can be explained by the international context and domestic political competition. Expecting a German victory in the war, French right-wing nationalists chose collaboration with the Nazis as a means to suppress and persecute their political opponents, the French Left. In doing so, they fostered resistance. This case suggests the need for a broader reexamination of the role of nationalism in explaining reactions to foreign intervention.
15
Noakes, J. "Germans Against Nazism: Non-conformity, Opposition and Resistance in the Third Reich." German History 10, no. 3 (July 1, 1992): 450–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/10.3.450.
Full text
16
Fenwick, Luke. "The Protestant Churches in Saxony-Anhalt in the Shadow of the German Christian Movement and National Socialism, 1945–1949." Church History 82, no. 4 (November 20, 2013): 877–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713001170.
Full textAbstract:
The two major Protestant churches in Saxony-Anhalt, the Church Province of Saxony(Evangelische Kirche der Kirchenprovinz Sachsens[KPS])and the State Church of Anhalt(Landeskirche Anhalts[LKA]), undertook denazification processes against “compromised” pastors and church hierarchs after 1945. Where the Church Province faced secular criticism about “lenient” denazification, the Anhalt Church enjoyed state support, largely because it admitted political representatives to its review commission. Hierarchs in the KPS explained their leniency with reference to the resistance of Christians in the Third Reich, a particular theology of church and state relations, and forgiveness. The verdicts handed down, nonetheless, were premised primarily on each clergyman's affiliation to the former German Christian movement and not on Nazi party membership; denazification was therefore “de-German-Christianization.” (The German Christian movement was a heterodox movement heavily influenced by Nazism.) However, quite apart from de-German-Christianization, there was also pragmatism within both(mutatis mutandis)the KPS and the LKA. Both desired a fully manned and unified pastorate in a time of acute need. Most churchmen withstood denazification as a result. One pastor in Anhalt exemplifies the process. Formerly a member, Erich Elster renounced the German Christian movement as a “false path” after 1945. He continued in his pastoral duties, albeit with an admonishment to preach orthodoxy. The general continuity of churchmen did not provide for unity in any case, and it even led to recrimination and in places a post-war perpetuation of the Third Reich “church struggle”(Kirchenkampf)that had pitted German Christians against members of the Confessing Church.
17
Amark, Klas. "Swedish anti-Nazism and resistance against Nazi Germany during the Second World War." Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte 28, no. 2 (March 1, 2015): 300–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kize.2015.28.2.300.
Full text
18
Vuković, Slobodan. "Continuity between the Third Reich and the Bonn Republic." Napredak 4, no. 3 (2023): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak4-48061.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the political elite's best efforts to verbally separate themselves from it, continuity was built between the destroyed Third Reich and the newly formed West Germany in all areas. This continuity could be seen in the widespread denial of guilt, the elites' and Volk's resistance to denazification, the adoption of anti-Semitic stances as if nothing had happened, the release of war criminals, the request to the Allies for the return of national power as recompense for open anti-Sovietism, and the integration of the Nazi elite and civil servants into the new German state (80% of the senior posts were held by former Nazis), waves of amnesty for followers and perpetrators and the exaltation of criminals as "brave German nationalists". All of this was carried out with the full assistance of the West with the aim of de-actualizing the Nazi past of Germany and strengthening the national identity of the new military and political ally of West Germany.
19
Bernauer, James. "Rebellion of the Righteous: Jesuit Partisanship for Jews." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 224–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00502003.
Full textAbstract:
This essay rescues the memory of Jesuit partisanship for Jews and Judaism from a widespread indifference, both scholarly and popular. This memory complicates a long history of Jesuit hostility to Jews and is at the source of a new inter-religious identity for Jesuits. Jesuit rescuers of Jews during the period of the Holocaust crossed traditional borders in embracing a reverence and respect for Jews and Judaism. Both German Jesuit and French Jesuit resistance to Nazism are examined. The Jesuit righteous and resisters formed a spiritual alliance with such important scholars as Augustin Cardinal Bea, Joseph Bonsirven and Henri de Lubac. The witness of the former and the scholarship of the latter prepared the way for the April 24, 1960 petition from the Jesuit Biblical Institute in Rome that requested a declaration on the Jewish People from the Vatican Council, the first institution to make such an appeal to the council fathers. The council’s adoption of Nostra aetate with its reshaping of the relationship between Catholics and Jews was one of the most significant outcomes of this rebellion of the righteous.
20
Mykhalchuk, Roman. "«I Wanted to Avenge the Spilled Innocent Jewish Blood»: Resistance of Mizoch Jews during the Holocaust." Eminak, no. 4(40) (December 31, 2022): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2022.4(40).617.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the study is to uncover the resistance of Volyn Jews during the Holocaust at the local level, in particular the uprising in Mizoch (Mizocz) ghetto in October 1942 and the struggle of Jews after its suppression. The author finds out the background, course, and consequences of the uprising in the ghetto, rescue and survival strategies, and the further fate of the Jews who later struggled in various partisan units, and joined the ranks of the Red Army, etc.
The scientific novelty of the study is in the fact that, for the first time in the historiography of the Holocaust, the resistance of Mizoch Jews to the Nazis during the uprising in the local ghetto, and the implementation of their individual and collective resistance as the members of various units and groups are studied. New, previously unpublished sources are introduced into scientific circulation.
Conclusions. The resistance of Volyn Jews to Nazism during the Holocaust at the local level is analyzed in the research paper. The uprising in Mizoch ghetto had the following stages: the creation of an underground in the ghetto, preparation for the uprising – getting cold weapons (they couldn’t have got any firearms), beginning of the action during the liquidation of the ghetto, setting fire to the houses, fighting with the ghetto guards, and the escaping of some Jews to the ‘Aryan side.’ Among the participants of the uprising were the representatives of the Judenrat. During the fire, some Jews died in the flames committing suicide in order not to give themselves up to the occupiers. In this context, setting fire to ghetto houses should be considered as a set of actions for the carrying out of the uprising.
After the liquidation of the ghetto, the active forms of Mizoch Jews resistance included both individual struggle (attacking the occupiers, harming their lives and health) and fighting in organized groups (participation in Soviet partisan units, Ukrainian underground, Polish self-defense, Czech groups, and detachments of the Soviet Army). Jews took revenge for the death of the representatives of their nation and their relatives not only to the German occupiers, but also to civilians who participated in the slaughtering of the Jews.
Thus, the Jews were not submissive victims of the Nazis but actively resisted from the first to the last days of the occupation on an individual and group level. The uniqueness of the Jewish resistance consisted in the absence of a single political center for the Jewish partisans to get orders from, and its specificity was in the exceptional cruelty of the Nazi regime against the Jews in comparison with other occupied peoples.
21
HREBEN, Ya. "THE STRUGGLE FOR THE SURVIVAL OF THE CIVILIAN POPULATION OF BELARUS DURING THE NAZI PUNITIVE OPERATIONS (BASED ON ORAL HISTORY MATERIALS)." Herald of Polotsk State University. Series A. Humanity sciences, no. 1 (February 7, 2024): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.52928/2070-1608-2024-69-1-81-83.
Full textAbstract:
The article is based on the memories of residents of the Vitebsk region of Belarus who experienced the German occupation from 1941 to 1944. It characterizes the everyday survival practices of people during punitive operations by the Nazis. The region under consideration was distinguished by significant resistance to the German occupiers. The occupation authorities responded to partisan actions by carrying out numerous punitive operations, during which the civilian population was either completely destroyed or taken as forced labor to be sent to Germany. As a result, residents, in order to escape the punishers, were forced to flee to the forests and spent many months in forest camps, deprived of practically everything necessary. They were forced to adapt to the situation and develop specific practices that allowed them to find food, build shelter, and survive in extreme conditions.
22
CHOBIT, Dmytro. "Prerequisites and causes of destruction by the Nazis in 1944, Ghouta of Penyatska." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 12 (2019): 114–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2019-12-114-150.
Full textAbstract:
During the last period of time many questions connected with destruction of Guta Penyatska achieved serious social interest, they aren’t widely investigated in many Ukrainian and Polish documents and papers. Except this, our historical science doesn’t include any basic and important scientific articles concerning this problem. In the publication on the base of many materials and reminiscences of eye-witnesses are shown the main reasons of destruction of Guta Penyatska. The author provides important facts, which vividly testify, that German-fascist unit set on fire that village, and killed a lot of people. The German occupational regime wanted to punish local underground organization for its cooperation with the Soviet guerillas and armed resistance. On the 23-rd of February 1944 German unit lost 4 (four) soldiers and 8 (eight) were badly wounded. At that time there were 500 armed participants of Resistance movement and a lot of poles, who escaped from different German military formations. This fact assured Galician occupational administration (District Galicia), that Guta Penyatska was a shelter for the Soviet querillas, security forces and criminal elements, who performed some terrorist acts in Lviv, killing vice-governor of Galicia Otto Bauer. As a result of this, an occupational power organized so-called punitive action, which took place on the 28-th of February 1944. Keywords Guta Penyatska, German Army, Soviet partisans, Ukrainian insurgent army, division «Galychyna», punitive action.
23
Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.
Full textAbstract:
Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about.
At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
24
Unger-Alvi, Simon. "Public Criticism and Private Consent: Protestant Journalism between Theology and Nazism, 1920–1960." Central European History 53, no. 1 (March 2020): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891900092x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractBy retracing the history of the Protestant journal Eckart, this article examines a theological forum in which supporters and opponents of the Nazi movement came into direct contact. Specifically, the article evaluates political ambiguities among religious authors, who had openly rejected Nazism from the 1920s onward but would feel compelled by theological considerations to remain loyal to the regime after 1933. Analyzing contemporary discussions of the Protestant Two Kingdoms Doctrine, for example, puts historiographical distinctions between “resistance” and “collaboration” into question. This study shows that Protestant intellectuals were able to voice a limited degree of public criticism until World War II. Their criticism, however, was often so imbued with nationalism and ideals of loyalty that it effectively helped stabilize the Nazi regime. In Eckart, even critics engaged deeply with völkisch and anti-Semitic ideology. Finally, this article also shows how these authors perpetuated nationalist ideas in West Germany after 1945.
25
Van Der Meer, Kastle Michael. ""It is Unfair to the Animals to Call the German Rapists Animals": Jewish Resistance to Rape at the Hands of Nazis in Polish Ghettos." Graduate History Review 11, no. 1 (September 22, 2022): 71–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/ghr111202220536.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the close examination of Nazi brutality in the postwar years, certain atrocities remain relatively understudied. Crimes involving sexualized violence in particular were neglected by scholars until recently for a variety of reasons, including the incorrect notion that German laws prohibiting Rassenschande (racial defilement) prevented “Aryan” Germans from raping Jews. As a result, certain forms of violence such as rape have not traditionally been considered part of the Nazi terror apparatus. In an effort to shed light on the topic of sexualized violence in the Holocaust and to emphasizethe agency of victims and survivors, this paperinvestigates how Jews resisted rape and attempted rape in ghettos across occupied Poland by members of the Wehrmacht (German Armed Forces) and Schutzstaffel (Protection Squad, SS). An analysis of survivor testimony belonging to Jewish survivors who either experienced such violence at the hands of Nazis in Polish ghettos or were witness to it shows that rape in this context was resisted with vigour and in various ways.
26
Gimžauskas, Edmundas. "The Activities of Fr Friedrich Muckermann in 1918–1919 in Vilnius: A Significant Application Towards a Civil Society? (The Phenomenon of the Christian Workers League)." Lithuanian Historical Studies 18, no. 1 (January 8, 2013): 67–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01801003.
Full textAbstract:
The activities of the German priest Friedrich Muckermann in Vilnius would belong to those cases when an extraordinary personality influenced crucially the development of the public process, by rallying an abundant crowd of followers. The assumptions of the social activities initiated by this Jesuit priest consisted of the transformation of the Catholic Church at the beginning of the 20th century from a confessional to a social category, and the conditioned general operation of the latter phenomenon. At the turn of 1918–1919 in Vilnius, due to the efforts of Muckermann, the League of Christian Workers appeared and gained more and more popularity in lower social strata. This seriously worried the Bolshevik government. Activists of the national movements conflicting with each other, in turn, understanding the prospects for the cultural-social consolidation begun by the priest to become political, naturally sought to influence the League. The arrest of Muckermann by the Bolsheviks not only encouraged a shift by the League to the Polish side, but also changed the nature of the organisation in the direction of radical action. Members of the League contributed actively to the capture of Vilnius by the Polish army in April 1919. And from that time, the organisation can be considered to be Polish, which in no way could be said about the League run by Muckermann. Leaving Bolshevik captivity at the end of 1919 in an exceptional way, he became not only a famous Catholic activist in interwar Germany, but also a symbol of the Christian resistance to Nazism.
27
Kudlien, Fridolf. "The German response to the birth-rate problem during the Third Reich." Continuity and Change 5, no. 2 (August 1990): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000003994.
Full textAbstract:
Cet article étudie non seulement les attitudes et les mesures prises par le gouvemement, mais encore les positions de la population (y compris ses préjudices) et ses divers comportements (y compris sa resistance).L'etude comporte quatre volets. Après une esquisse de certaines tendances caractéristiques de la situation pré-Nazie (avant 1933), une deuxième partie étudie l'attitude adoptée sous le nazisme naissant et principalement par Hitler lui-même. Suite alors une étude du nazisme d'avant la guerre et notamment la législation et ses conséquences. Enfin le dernier volet traite de la situation pendant la guerre, ce qui pose des problèmes tels, par example, les tentatives désordonnées pour stimuler l'accroissement des naissances.
28
VAN TIELHOF, MILJA. "The predecessors of ABN AMRO and the expropriation of Jewish assets in the Netherlands." Financial History Review 12, no. 1 (April 2005): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565005000053.
Full textAbstract:
This article describes the role played by Dutch banks in the confiscation of Jewish property during World War II. ABN AMRO's predecessors, then seven commercial banks, surrendered the lion's share of Jewish financial assets to the Nazis. How can this be explained? One possible answer is that the banks allowed their own, commercial, interests to prevail over those of their Jewish clients. Other factors were: strategies of deception by the German authorities, low level of resistance among Dutch Jews, German pressure on banks to release Jewish assets and, finally, the lengthy duration of the war.
29
Ermakov, A. M. "Желтая звезда: нацистская верхушка, немцы и стигматизация евреев в сентябре 1941 г." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 3(23) (December 9, 2021): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.036.
Full textAbstract:
The article, based on official documents and sources of personal origin, identifies the reasons for the introduction of a special identification mark for German Jews, shows the role of individual Nazi hierarchs in deciding to wear a yellow star, characterizes the main propaganda cliches that accompanied the stigmatization of German Jews, shows the reaction of the "Aryan" population to the visualization of Jews. It has been established that the introduction of the yellow star was a continuation of a series of measures by the Nazi leadership aimed at stigmatizing Jews, inciting hatred towards them by the Germans and thereby facilitating their deportation to the East for the purpose of physical extermination. It is shown that one of the ways to isolate Jews from German society was their visualization, the apogee of which was the wearing of an identification mark on clothes. It is stated that the incentive to discuss the introduction of the sign for Jews was the all German Jewish pogrom of November 1938, accompanied by the "Aryanization" of property, and a positive decision was made by Hitler in the conditions of a racial and ideological war against the Soviet Union. The initiators of the introduction of the yellow star were radical anti-Semites Heydrich, Goering and Goebbels. They successfully overcame the weak resistance of the ministerial bureaucracy and persuaded Hitler to their side. For Goeb bels, visualizing German Jews was a palliative measure caused by the impossibility of their immediate deportation outside Germany. The results obtained can be applied in the study of anti-Semitic ideology, policies and propaganda of Hitler's Germany, Nazi crimes, the mood of the Germans in the first months of the aggression of the Third Reich against the Soviet Union. В статье на основании официальных документов и источников личного происхождения выявлены причины введения специального опознавательного знака для немецких евреев, показана роль отдельных нацистских иерархов в принятии решения о ношении желтой звезды, дана характеристика основных пропагандистских клише, сопровождавших стигматизацию немецких евреев, показана реакция «арийского» населения на визуализацию евреев. Установлено, что введение желтой звезды было продолжением серии мероприятий нацистского руководства, направленных на стигматизацию евреев, разжигание ненависти к ним немцев и тем самым облегчило депортацию их на Восток с целью физического истребления. Показано, что одним из способов изоляции евреев от немецкого общества являлась их визуализация, апогеем которой стало ношение опознавательного знака на одежде. Констатируется, что стимулом к обсуждению введения знака для евреев стал общегерманский еврейский погром ноября 1938 г., сопровождавшийся «ариизацией» собственности, а положительное решение было принято Гитлером в условиях расовой и мировоззренческой войны против Советского Союза. Инициаторами введения желтой звезды были радикальные антисемиты Гейдрих, Геринг и Геббельс. Они успешно преодолели слабое сопротивление министерской бюрократии и склонили Гитлера на свою сторону. Для Геббельса визуализация немецких евреев была паллиативной мерой, вызванной невозможностью их немедленной депортации за пределы Германии. Полученные результаты могут быть применены при изучении антисемитской идеологии, политики и пропаганды гитлеровской Германии, нацистских преступлений, настроений немцев в первые месяцы агрессии Третьего рейха против Советского Союза.
30
Federman, Sarah. "Rewriting Institutional Narratives to Make Amends: The French National Railroads (SNCF)." Narrative and Conflict: Explorations in Theory and Practice 3, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.13021/g87s3v.
Full textAbstract:
In 1940, France, threatened with total annexation by Nazi Germany, signed an armistice agreement with Germany that placed the French government in Vichy France and divided the country into an occupied and unoccupied zone. The Armistice also requisitioned the rolling stock of the SNCF—French National Railways—which became a significant arm in the German effort, transporting soldiers, goods, and over 75,000 deportees crammed into merchandise wagons toward Nazi extermination camps. Between 3,000-5,000 survived. Of the roughly 400,000 SNCF employees, Nazis murdered a couple of thousand for resistance or alleged in subordination. Railway men who resisted the Germans also often has to resist their employer as well. After the liberation of French at the end of WWII, the company—not simply the brave individuals -- received France’s Medal of Honor for its alleged role in the ultimate defeat of the Germans. This medal, along with other postwar propaganda in the form of films and books, instilled a singular narrative about the company’s heroic wartime role. This narrative continued uninterrupted until the 1980s. Those who returned, along with the relatives of many who did not, increasingly challenge the company’s simplified wartime narrative. In the 1990s, lawsuits against the company began in France and continue through 2016 in the United States. In response, the SNCF made efforts to intertwine story of deportation with the company narrative of resistance. One key forum for this attempt was a colloquium held in 2000 at the Assemblée Nationale in Paris.That colloquium is examined here through the lenses of three forms of narrative analysis: structural, functional, and post-structural. Each analytic frame illuminates different challenges to that colloquium’s attempts at revising history through altering a mystified institutional narrative. Through the analysis of this case, the author establishes the power of these analytic frameworks when examining problematic discursive spaces that hold in place master narratives and limit moral work.
31
Heinemann, Winfried. "Traitors or Allies. German Right-Wing Movements and the Memorialization of the National Conservative Resistance to Hitler." Rubrica Contemporanea 12, no. 24 (September 28, 2023): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.283.
Full textAbstract:
After the Second World War, most former Nazis were certain that they (and their Führer) would have won the war if there had not been a national-conservative opposition among the traditional elites, i. e. diplomats, bureaucrats, and the officer corps.It took the West German political mainstream years to adopt the notion of resistance to Hitler as part of a positive tradition. By 1990, however, it had become received wisdom that men like Colonel Claus Graf Stauffenberg were positive examples of how some, albeit very few, had stood up against injustice and repression. Only on the extreme right fringe could authors still defame the resisters as traitors.The Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), started in 2013 as a Eurosceptic party, was soon hijacked by elements of the far Right. One example is the New Right’s discussion of the resistance. While some proclaim that “Stauffenberg was a traitor”, others claim the 1944 opposition for their own heritage. By harnessing it for their cause, the memory of the conspiracy and its generally positive connotations in German public opinion, the German New Right is attempting to attract centre or centre-right voters who are disappointed with Angela Merkel’s pro-European policies.
32
Bondyrev, Vladimir Evgenievich. "For the day of the great victory: Berlin operation 1945." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 5 (May 15, 2024): 346–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2405-02.
Full textAbstract:
In the spring of 1945, fighting on the territory of Nazi Germany was carried out by the allied armies of the states of the anti-Hitler coalition — the Soviet Union, the USA, Great Britain and France. Having defeated large groups of Nazi troops in Poland, Prussia and eastern Pomerania, Soviet troops reached the banks of the Oder and Neisse rivers. By mid-April, the Red Army had liberated all of Hungary, almost the entire territory of Czechoslovakia and occupied Vienna,after which the offensive, despite fierce resistance from the Nazis, successfully continued in the eastern and southern directions. This led to the withdrawal of the allies of Nazi Germany — Italy, Bulgaria, Finland and Romania — from the war. The Allies, encountering virtually no opposition from the Germans, advanced from the west in the Leipzig, Hamburg and Prague directions and reached the banks of the Elbe. Our troops were already 60 km from the Nazi capital, and the Allies about 100 km. On the eve of the upcoming anniversary of the 79th anniversary of the Great Victory, a truthful account of the defeat of the Nazi group in Berlin is extremely important. This city, a political stronghold of German fascism, was also the largest center of the military industry in Germany. The capture of the capital of the Third Reich marked the end of the bloody Second World War. This short article will be dedicated to this greatest Victoria.
33
Vetlesen, Arne Johan. "The intellectual in Auschwitz: Between vulnerability and resistance: (In memory of Keith Tester)." Thesis Eleven 158, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513620928806.
Full textAbstract:
The significance of being an intellectual when taken prisoner and sent to a concentration camp by the Nazis is rarely discussed – instead, the importance of being either a Jew or a political prisoner (say, a German communist) is highlighted. By contrast, Jean Amery’s recollections of being tortured and sent to Auschwitz concentrate on his self-understanding as an intellectual. What difference does the identity and outlook as an intellectual make in the extreme circumstances found in Auschwitz? The paper discusses Amery’s views on this question, invoking that of others who have also addressed it, like Primo Levi and Theodor Adorno.
34
Ellis, Carolyn, and Jerry Rawicki. "The Clean Shirt: A Flicker of Hope in Despair." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 48, no. 1 (March 15, 2017): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241617696809.
Full textAbstract:
As a young Jewish boy during the Holocaust, Jerry Rawicki was a courier for the Polish Underground in the Warsaw Ghetto. The Nazis murdered his father Abram, mother Sophie, and sister Stephanie. Passing as a Gentile, his surviving sister Fela worked in a coffee shop in Warsaw. Under the cover of groups leaving for hard labor outside the Ghetto, Jerry was able to surreptitiously steal away and attend to his assignments on the Polish side. Within the Ghetto, people were dying from dysentery, typhus, and starvation. Deportations were rampant and ominous rumors that death camps were the destinations, no matter how unbelievable, in time became a horrific reality. In January 1943, the Germans staged an action on a scale that foretold a total destruction of Jews in the Ghetto. The inhabitants’ refusal to obey orders to vacate their apartments stunned the Germans. Armed resistance, mostly skirmishes, forced the Germans to back off, but the euphoria of prevailing over the Germans did not last long. On the night of April 18, 1943, during Passover, the Germans came back with fury. The armed resistance, this time more organized, held off the onslaught for over a week. But the fighters could not match the German firepower that turned the Warsaw Ghetto into a burning inferno. This story describes Jerry’s actions on that night, at the age of fifteen, and afterwards, when he found hope in the midst of despair.
35
Krasnozhenova, Elena E., and Svyatoslav V. Kulinok. "Crimes of Nazism in the Days of the Great Patriotic War of 1941–45 in Documents from the Archives of the North-West of Russia and the Republic of Belarus." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2022): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-1-98-120.
Full textAbstract:
The article draws on archival documents to show the nature of the Nazi occupation regime on the border territories of the North-West of Russia and in Belarus. The relevance of the study springs from the region’s specifics in the wartime due to its long occupation by the Nazi armies and formation of stable occupation administration, active resistance to the invaders and existence of partisan zones. The chronological framework is 1941–44, i.e. the period of occupation of the region. The significance of the problem of occupation of border territories of the North-West of Russia and Belarus has incited considerable research interest. The study uses comparative-historical and statistical methods, as well as methods of source studies, structural/diachronic and system analysis. The source base is numerous archival documents, primarily, acts of the Extraordinary State Commission for the Establishment and Investigation of the Atrocities of the German Fascist Invaders and Their Accomplices and the Damage They Caused to Citizens, Collective Farms, Public Organizations, State Enterprises and Institutions of the USSR (ChGK), acts of local (district, city and regional) commissions, eyewitness accounts, dispatches and special reports of intelligence officers and partisans, reports, information notes, transcripts and minutes of meetings of the party and Soviet bodies, materials of medical examinations of mass graves of victims. The documentary base also includes documents of personal provenance: letters and memoirs. A large group of documents is made up of acts of district and village commissions to investigate the atrocities of the Nazi invaders. The acts contribute to identification and investigation of the atrocities in form of murder, torture, humiliation, and violence against Soviet citizens and prisoners of war, as well as deportation to slave labor. The acts contain information on the activities of the Nazi punitive detachments. The plight of Soviet citizens abducted to Germany can be assessed in their memoirs and letters to relatives and friends. The brutal crimes of Nazism committed on the border territories of the North-West of Russia and Belarus are also evidenced in interrogation protocols of residents as witnesses of the events. The fonds of the Leningrad and Belarusian headquarters of the partisan movement store documents of investigations conducted by partisan formations, which not only show the scope of the anti-fascist struggle in the region, but also contain information on the situation in the areas occupied by the enemy. German documents also deserve attention. They contain information on the structure of administrative and economic institutions, state of agriculture and industry, taxes and fees. The article notes that the entire complex of archival materials reveals the criminal nature of the Nazi occupation regime. New archival documents are still being found, containing data on most serious crimes and atrocities, responsibility for which has no limitations period.
36
Jones, Larry Eugene. "Franz von Papen, the German Center Party, and the Failure of Catholic Conservatism in the Weimar Republic." Central European History 38, no. 2 (June 2005): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563670.
Full textAbstract:
No one stood more directly in the eye of the storm that descended upon Germany in 1933 than Franz von Papen. Not only did Papen play a crucial role in overcoming Reich President Paul von Hindenburg's resistance to Adolf Hitler's appointment as chancellor, but his presence in the newly formed Hitler cabinet provided it with an aura of conservative legitimacy that helped mollify the fears that many Germans might otherwise have felt about the so-called Hitler solution. To complicate matters further, Papen proved utterly incapable of containing the dynamism of the Nazi movement and watched ineffectually from the sidelines as the Nazis unleashed a veritable revolution in the spring of 1933 that either swept Germany's conservative institutions aside or, what proved more likely, forcibly coordinated them into the organizational structure of the Third Reich. Nowhere, however, was Papen's ineffectiveness—or, for that matter, his lack of civil courage—more apparent than in the summer of 1934, when the Nazis ruthlessly murdered two of his closest associates, along with several other prominent conservatives, in a two-pronged strike against both the more militant elements within the Nazi movement and a clique of anti-Nazi conspirators within Papen's own vicechancery.
37
Koreman, Megan. "The Red Tape Option: Bureaucratic Collaboration and Resistance in Vichy France." Contemporary European History 9, no. 2 (July 2000): 261–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300002058.
Full textAbstract:
Marc Olivier Baruch, Servir l'Etat français: L'administration en France de 1940 à 1944, preface by Jean-Pierre Azéma (Paris: Fayard, 1997), 737 pp., FF 180, ISBN 2–213–59930–0.François Bloch-Lainé and Claude Gruson, Hauts Fonctionnaires sous l'Occupation (Paris: Editions Odile Jacob, 1996), 283 pp., FF 130, ISBN 2–738–10419–3.Claude Singer, L'Université libérée, l'université épurée (1943–1947) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1997), 430 pp., FF 185, ISBN 2–251–38037–x.Bureaucracies are so famously capable of destroying the best-laid plans of reformers that historians often take their power to resist or collaborate for granted. In the burgeoning field of Vichy France, for example, we have studies of the ideologies of the well-known collaborators and of Vichy's ’National Revolution‘ as well as studies of the havoc those ideologies wreaked on the country and the growing opposition to both the ideas and the consequences. What we do not have is a very clear picture of how those ideas became consequences. The question is important because, unlike eastern European countries where Nazi occupation was naked and brutal, the French ended up amply serving the German cause almost despite themselves and at remarkably low cost to the Germans in terms of personnel. The French were not terrorised into turning over their Jews, their young people, or their crops at gunpoint in the way that, say, the Poles were. And yet they turned them over. Were the French, then, Nazis willing to give their all for the cause? Certainly not: far too many heroic men and women preferred to die as resistants rather than help the Germans.
38
Smyth, Graham. "Denunciation in the German-Occupied Channel Islands, 1940–1945." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 2 (April 2020): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.1.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractOver the course of the German occupation of the British Channel Islands from 1940 to 1945, a number of letters of denunciation were sent by islanders to the German authorities, accusing fellow islanders of violations of occupation law or of anti-German activity of one sort or another. The German occupiers were ambivalent toward the denunciations. While recognizing their usefulness in maintaining order and the respect for German rule, they found both the letters and their writers distasteful. The local British authorities in Jersey and Guernsey also found the letters problematic; the consequences for the individuals targeted in the letters could be dire, and the impact on island society as a whole was significant, both during the occupation and beyond liberation in May 1945. The extent and nature of resistance and collaboration have been contentious issues in the historiography of the occupation of the Channel Islands, and these letters have been cited as evidence that islanders were unduly cooperative with the Nazis. This article examines the surviving letters of denunciation, and by placing them into the wider contexts of Nazi Europe and the historiography of denunciation in totalitarian states, argues that denunciation in the Channel Islands, far from being exceptional, was quite typical of the practice throughout the Nazi empire.
39
Nabytovych, Ihor. "PROFESSOR IVAN OHIYENKO AND METROPOLITAN ANDREY SHEPTYTSKYI: DEFINING THE IDEAS OF ANTHROPOLOGY OF CULTURE AND THE TASKS OF NATIONAL ART." IVAN OHIIENKO AND CONTEMPORARY SCIENCE AND EDUCATION, no. 19 (December 29, 2022): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-7086.2022-19.123-131.
Full textAbstract:
The relations between the two great metropolitans of the Ukrainian Churches – Andrei Sheptyts’kyi and Ivan Ohiienko – were an important factor not only in the socio-political and religious life of the interwar twenty years, but also in Ukrainian culture in general. Hilarion, the future Metropolitan of the Ukrainian Greek Orthodox Church in Canada, would not have been able to pub-lish the magazine («Ridna Mova») «Native Language» in Warsaw in 1933-1939 without the fi nancial support of Metropolitan Andrei.In the article «On the Philosophy of Culture», written at the request of Professor Ivan Ohiienko, Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi described his vision of the anthropology of culture, publicized the doctrine of cultural philosophy, in which the proper place was given not only to science, art, human work, but also to human being, which is of special value human life and human freedom, which resonate with the doctrine of the Ukrainian national liberation movement «Freedom to people, freedom to man». Its addition is article «From the history and problems of the piece» of Andrei Sheptyts’kyi, which formulated the doc-trine of Ukrainian national culture, its mission and tasks.Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytskyi’s large-scale action to save Jews by the black and white clergy of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, which lasted for many months during the German occupation, is an unprecedented non-violent Resistance Movement against the Holocaust, an important contribution to the fi ght against Nazism, the embodiment of the Metropolitan’s cultural doctrine in conditions of mortal danger, in which the fi rst place was the demand to «respect human life, human freedom», and next to that «human work; science, art...»
40
Zima, Veniamin F. "Collected Documents on the History of the Pskov Orthodox Mission: A Recent Publication." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 306–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-306-312.
Full textAbstract:
The reviewed work is devoted to a significant, and yet little-studied in both national and foreign scholarship, issue of the clergy interactions with German occupational authorities on the territory of the USSR in the days of the Great Patriotic War. It introduces into scientific use historically significant complex of documents (1941-1945) from the archive of the Office of the Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) of Vilnius and Lithuania, patriarchal exarch in Latvia and Estonia, and also records from the investigatory records on charges against clergy and employees concerned in the activities of the Pskov Orthodox Mission (1944-1990). Documents included in the publication are stored in the archives of Moscow, St. Petersburg, Estonia, Lithuania, Leningrad, Novgorod, and Pskov regions. They allow some insight into nature, forms, and methods of the Nazi occupational regime policies in the conquered territories (including policies towards the Church). The documents capture religious policies of the Nazis and inner life of the exarchate, describe actual situation of population and clergy, management activities and counterinsurgency on the occupied territories. The documents bring to light connections between the exarchate and German counterintelligence and reveal the nature of political police work with informants. They capture the political mood of population and prisoners of war. There is information on participants of partisan movement and underground resistance, on communication net between the patriarchal exarchate in the Baltic states and the German counterintelligence. Reports and dispatches of the clergy in the pay of the Nazis addressed to the Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) contain detailed activity reports. Investigatory records contain important biographical information and personal data on the collaborators. Most of the documents, being classified, have never been published before.
41
Maksimov, Konstantin N. "Газета немецких оккупантов «Свободная земля»: парадигма фашистской пропаганды инвертированной цели войны против Советского Союза." Oriental Studies 14, no. 6 (December 30, 2021): 1226–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-58-6-1226-1245.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The article aims to analyze the newspaper ’Svobodnaya zemlya’ (Free Land), published for a short time (September-December 1942) by German occupying forces in Kalmykia. The newspaper has not been the object of a special study so far. Its main purpose was propaganda, used by the occupiers as one of the most important psychological and ideological weapons of war. The Nazi propaganda targeted the population of the occupied territories, subjecting the people to massive psychological and ideological pressures. Hence, every genre of the newspaper was designed and adapted to carry on disguised Nazi propaganda. Material and methods. The source for the research data was ’Svobodnaya zemlya’, the organ of the German administration at the time of Nazi occupation of the Kalmyk territory. Notably, the historiography in this country and abroaddiscusses certain aspects of fascist propaganda during the Second World War, but the regional newspapers of the German occupiershave not been examined so far. In his analysis, the author was guided by the principles of objectivity, comprehensive analysis, historicism, hermeneutics, and source criticism. Results. The purpose of the German occupiers’ newspaper was to persuade the local population that the preventive war launched and conducted by them was not a humanitarian catastrophe, but it was directed only against the “Jewish-Bolshevik government” of the Soviet Union, and the German army had a liberation mission, a happy future awaiting the liberated people. According to this propaganda, the liberated peoples were tostay calm and confident of their future; also, they were expected to actively cooperate, helping the German army tonear the victory, but any act of disobedience orjust passive resistance of individuals would havedire consequences for them, including death punishment. Conclusion. The newspaper under studyis one of the most important types of historical sources to shed light on the history of Kalmykia in the war period. Added to the source data, it helps fill in some gaps to allow for an objective discussion of controversial issues. Also, the analysis of the newspaper demonstrates some of the methods and techniques used by the Nazis in the occupied regions to deliberately disseminate falsified ideas about the goals of the war as a means of disguised propaganda.
42
Krasnozhenova, E. E., and S. V. Kulinok. "Forms and Methods of Combating the Partisan Movement on the Border Territory of Belarus and the North-West of Russia." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 4 (2022): 870–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2022.404.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the forms and methods of the Nazi occupation authorities’ struggle against the partisan movement on the border territory of Belarus and the North-West of Russia. From the very first days of the occupation of the region, the German occupation bodies and services paid considerable attention to the development of the most effective forms and methods of combating the partisan movement. The fight against the partisan movement was based on a variety of reconnaissance work: aviation and combat reconnaissance, visual observation, intelligence intelligence work. Agent cadres were trained in special training centers (courses and schools) created by the German special services. Another form of struggle against the partisan movement was the organization and training of pseudo partisan detachments. Committing crimes under the guise of partisans against the civilian population, pseudo-partisan units discredited the partisans in the eyes of the civilian population, thereby depriving the resistance movement of social support and support. The study noted that the most massive and brutal method of fighting the partisan movement was punitive operations aimed at eliminating partisan detachments and brigades, seizing food, mass destruction and seizure of civilians for subsequent forced labor. It is shown that under the guise of fighting partisans, the Nazis punished not only adults, but also children and adolescents. To fight the partisan movement, the invaders also used agitation and propaganda work. Orders were regularly posted in public places urging the population to fight the partisans. A special place was occupied by anti-partisan agitation in the periodicals. Under the occupation, the forms and methods of fighting the resistance movement against the Nazi regime were constantly improved taking into account the gaining practical experience of the struggle by the invaders.
43
SOVA, Andrii. "[Review.]: A NEW IMPORTANT EDITION ON THE STRUGGLE OF UKRAINIAN NATIONALISTS AGAINST NAZISM [of the book]: Ukrainian nationalists in the struggle against Nazism: armed confrontation, resistance in German prisons and concentration camps, activities in exile. Documents and materials / Comp. and Ed. M. Romaniuk; the NAS of Ukraine, I. Krypiakevych Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Lviv, 2020. 904 p." Contemporary era 9 (2021): 312–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2021-9-312-316.
Full text
44
Kiknadze, V. G. "How the Ideas of Nationalism and Neo-Fascism are Taking Hold of the Masses." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 13, no. 1 (May 5, 2023): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2023-13-1-91-97.
Full textAbstract:
The paper presents an analysis of the genesis of German Fascism and Nazism. The ways and factors (socio-economic, the role of education, the position of the Church) that contributed to the wild spread of the extremist ideology of Nazism and racism among the masses of the German people are examined. Having formed a hatred of Russians, Soviet “subhumans” and fanatical devotion, the German people provided the ideological basis for the genocide of the Soviet people during the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945. The continuity of the ideas of extreme Russophobia and genocide against Russians between the Third Reich and the criminal Kiev regime, between the German Nazism and the Ukrainian Nazism of the XXI century has been revealed. The article shows the similarities in the methods of zombifying people with the ideas of Nazism in Germany in the first half of the 20th century and in Ukraine in the late 20th — early decades of the 21st century. It is noted that the national (state) historical discourse plays a very important role in protecting the consciousness of the people from the impact of destructive ideologies.
45
Noakes, J. "Book Reviews : Germans Against Nazism: Non-conformity, Opposition and Resistance in the Third Reich. Edited by Francis R. Nicosia and Lawrence D. Stokes. New York/Oxford: Berg. 1990. xiv + 435 pp. 39.50." German History 10, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 450–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549201000335.
Full text
46
Fritz, Stephen G., and David F. Crew. "Nazism and German Society, 1933-1945." German Studies Review 18, no. 3 (October 1995): 528. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431797.
Full text
47
von der Dunk, H. W. "Nazi Rule and Dutch Collaboration. The Netherlands under German Occupation, 1940–1945 By Gerhard Hirschfeld. Oxford, New York and Hamburg: Berg Publishers, 1988. Pp. 360. £30.00. - Requiem for the Resistance. The Civilian Struggle against Nazism in Holland and Germany. By Herman Friedhoff. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 1988. Pp. xxi + 281. £14.95." Historical Journal 32, no. 3 (September 1989): 783–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012656.
Full text
48
Pasquini, Dario. "Longing for Purity: Fascism and Nazism in the Italian and German Satirical Press (1943/1945–1963)." European History Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2020): 464–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420932251.
Full textAbstract:
This article compares Italian and German memory cultures of Fascism and Nazism using an analysis of Italian and West- and East-German satirical magazines published from 1943 to 1963. In the early post-war period, as a consequence of the anti-Fascist and anti-Nazi policies in Italy and in Germany that had been put into effect by the Allied occupation authorities, a significant part of the Italian and German public felt anxiety regarding the Fascist and the Nazi past and feared these past regimes as potential sources of contamination. But many, both in Italy and Germany, also reacted by denying that their country needed any sort of ‘purification’. This article’s main argument is that the interaction between these two conflicting positions exercised different effects in the three contexts considered. In Italy, especially during the years after 1948, the satirical press produced images that either rendered Fascism banal or praised it, representing it as a phenomenon which was an ‘internal’ and at least partly positive product of Italian society. I define this process as a sweetening ‘internalization’ of Fascism. In East Germany, by contrast, Nazism was represented through images linking the crimes committed in the Nazi concentration camps, depicted as a sort of ‘absolute evil’, with the leadership of the FRG, considered ‘external’ to ‘true’ German society. I define this process as a ‘demonizing’ externalization of Nazism, by which I mean a tendency to represent Nazism as a ‘monstrous’ phenomenon. In the West German satirical press, on the other hand, Nazism was not only ‘externalized’ by comparing it to the East German Communist dictatorship, but also ‘internalized’ by implying that it was a negative product of German society in general and by calling for public reflection on responsibility for the Nazi crimes, including West Germany as the Nazi regime’s successor. The demonization of the regime also played a crucial role in this self-critical ‘internalization’ of Nazism.
49
Fritzsche, Peter. "Germans Against Nazism: Nonconformity, Opposition and Resistance in the Third Reich: Essays in Honor of Peter Hoffmann, edited by Francis R. Nicosia and Lawrence D. StokesGermans Against Nazism: Nonconformity, Opposition and Resistance in the Third Reich: Essays in Honor of Peter Hoffmann, edited by Francis R. Nicosia and Lawrence D. Stokes. Oxford, Berg Publishers (distributed by St. Martin's Press, New York), 1990. xiv, 435 pp." Canadian Journal of History 27, no. 1 (April 1992): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.27.1.149.
Full text
50
Elkes, Pauline. "Revisiting the resistance to Nazism." German Politics 4, no. 3 (December 1995): 157–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009508404420.
Full text