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1
Rädel, Jonas. "Two Paradigmatic Views on Right-Wing Populism in East Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (2019): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370404.
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In German public perceptions, right-wing populism is cast as a specifically east German problem. This article critically examines how this assumption is located within the debate on German unity. In order to clarify the sometimes-confusing arguments on German unification, two paradigmatic perspectives can be identified: German unity can be approached from a perspective of modernization, or through the lens of postcolonial critique. When it comes to right-wing populism in eastern Germany, the modernization paradigm suffers from a lack of understanding. Hence, the arguments of the postcolonial perspective must be taken seriously, particularly as the postcolonial reading can grasp the complex phenomenon of right-wing populism in east Germany, and prevent the discursive and geographic space of the region from being conquered by right-wing political actors.
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Rensmann, Lars. "Radical Right-Wing Populists in Parliament." German Politics and Society 36, no. 3 (2018): 41–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360303.
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Founded just five years ago, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) represents the biggest opposition party in the German parliament. This article addresses three questions in European comparative perspective: What is the nature of the AfD as a relevant political party in the Bundestag? What explains its rise and popularity? What is the party’s behavior and impact in parliament, and on German politics in general? Examining platforms, the article first identifies programmatic and ideological shifts that have turned the AfD from a single issue anti-Euro party into the first radical right-wing (populist) party in parliament since the Nazi era. Second, voter analyses suggest that the AfD’s political radicalization has not undermined but increased its appeal. Third, the robust electoral support for radical positions makes it likely that the party seeks to further deepen political conflicts. Behavior in parliament shows that the party follows its European counterparts’ polarizing strategic orientations, reinforcing the Europeanization of a nativist sociocultural “counter-revolution.”
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Antonov, A. E., and L. N. Korneva. "RIGHT-WING POPULIST REGIONAL MOVEMENTS IN GERMANY." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 4 (January 10, 2018): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-4-5-10.
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The article is devoted right-wing populist movements in Germany, which are the direct consequence of the crisis of multicultural community. In their propaganda they speculate on the mood in the society, using Islamophobia as their main weapon. The phenomenon of Islamophobia, or criticism of Islam, as well as the fight against its growing influence, has been heating up on the territory of the EU and, in particular, in Germany, where it is connected with Muslim immigrants. The right-wing movements bring the refugee issue into focus of public attention to strengthen their position in the current political landscape. The subject of the research is the most active and significant right-wing populist movements in modern Germany. The article defines the term of right-wing populism, as well as the most favorable conditions for its occurrence. The paper features the history, political activity and the ideology of the right-wing populist movements in Germany. It also offers a brief outlook on the degree of influence of anti-Islamic attitude in the European and German society.
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Lemke, Christiane. "Right-Wing Populism and International Issues." German Politics and Society 38, no. 2 (2020): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380204.
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Most studies analyze right-wing populism in the framework of the nation state, while its impact on foreign policy is understudied. This article focuses on the German Alternative for Germany (AfD) to highlight its foreign policy stance. How is the AfD deliberately operating not only nationally but also on the European level? What are their aims and goals? How has the surge in right-wing populism impacted international issues and what does the rise of the right mean for Germany’s role in Europe and in world politics? In the first part of the paper, I contextualize the rise and significance of right-wing populism in Germany within the framework of social and political theory. Second, I address the AfD’s position to European affairs more specifically, including its stance in the European Parliament elections in 2019. Third, I highlight key topoi of the AfD’ s position regarding the eu, the United States and nato by drawing on critical discourse analysis. The analysis shows that the AfD is aiming to redefine Germany's foreign policy consensus based on the special responsibility paradigm that has characterized Germany's foreign policy after World War II. The party is not only nationalistic in outlook but moreover aiming to revise key paradigms of Germany's foreign and European policies.
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Salzborn, Samuel. "Renaissance of the New Right in Germany? A Discussion of New Right Elements in German Right-wing Extremism Today." German Politics and Society 34, no. 2 (2016): 36–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340203.
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Right-wing extremism in Germany has recently undergone considerable changes with a new right-wing party, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) successfully entering several local state parliaments as well as the European Parliament, “Pegida” demonstrations representing a new type of public action in terms of social movements, and the emergence of institutions like the Library of Conservatism and magazine projects like Sezession. This article considers whether such developments could be seen as a renaissance of the “New Right”, representing a long-term success in its strategies. Since the 1970s, the strategy of the New Right has been based on promoting a culturally conservative metapolitics in the pursuit of “cultural hegemony”, meaning to influence public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany and shift it to the right— which at first glance might seem to have succeeded in light of recent events. The developments seen in German far-right extremism, however, have been neither monocausal nor monolithic. Therefore, this article will take a closer look at various aspects of the idea that recent changes in Germany’s rightwing extremism might represent a successful implementation of this New Right strategy.
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Jankowski, Michael, Sebastian Schneider, and Markus Tepe. "Ideological alternative? Analyzing Alternative für Deutschland candidates’ ideal points via black box scaling." Party Politics 23, no. 6 (2016): 704–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815625230.
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This study applies black box scaling to the German Longitudinal Election Study candidate survey 2013 to shed light on an emerging right-wing party in Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). The scaling procedure extracts two meaningful and robust ideological dimensions described as socialism versus liberalism and libertarian versus authoritarian. Placing the ideal point of candidates from all parties into this two-dimensional space shows that AfD candidates are significantly more market liberal than Christian Democratic Union candidates but not more authoritarian. On these grounds, the AfD can hardly be regarded as a right-wing extremist party. Yet exploring ideological heterogeneity within parties indicates that East German AfD candidates are generally more authoritarian than their West German colleagues, highlighting a potential source of the party’s recent shift from primarily Eurosceptic toward more nationalist conservative positions.
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Decker, Oliver. "Secondary authoritarianism ‐ the economy and right-wing extremist attitudes in contemporary Germany." Journal of Psychosocial Studies 12, no. 1 (2019): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/147867319x15608718111032.
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In this essay the thesis of a secondary authoritarian dynamic governing contemporary German society is presented. The author follows Sigmund Freud’s distinction between primary and secondary masses ‐ a leader as idealized object of the group members constitutes the first, an abstract object produces the latter mass. To underpin his thesis the author argues with empirical findings of the longitudinal research project ‘Leipzig-Studies on Authoritarianism’ measuring right-wing extremist attitudes in the general German population since 2002 (until 2018 known as ‘Leipzig “Center”-Studies’). Those empirical findings and group discussions conducted in the same project point out that in post-fascistic German society, economic growth had a most prominent role. It was able to win this powerful position because its historical roots were laid in Nazi Germany. The authoritarian dynamic under economic regression until today shows that the function of this secondary authoritarian object is still in power. If this thesis is correct, right-wing extremist attitudes give a deeper insight into modern societies as well as into an individual’s prejudices.
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Biess, Frank, and Astrid M. Eckert. "Introduction: Why Do We Need New Narratives for the History of the Federal Republic?" Central European History 52, no. 1 (2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000013.
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Observers of German current affairs and historians of contemporary Germany have long been cognizant of the shadow that the Nazi past and its crimes cast over postwar German history. Likewise, it has long been widely accepted as appropriate that the “old” Federal Republic would develop a political culture marked by reserve and modesty on the international stage and in its public representation—whatever seemed the opposite of the pomp, power, and ruthlessness of past German regimes. Whereas the prospect of unification in 1989-1990 still triggered concerns about the country's possible relapse into attitudes and behaviors worthy of a “fourthReich,” two decades later, Germans were treated to the news that theirs was “the most positively viewed nation in the world.” A few years later still, German Chancellor Angela Merkel found herself widely hailed as the “leader of the free world,” a phrase soaked in Cold War connotations and hitherto reserved for the president of the United States. Merkel probably had little desire for such a click-bait label; it was the world around her that had changed on the coattails of the global ascendancy of right-wing populism and authoritarianism, resulting, for example, in the British vote to leave the European Union (“Brexit”), the presidency of Donald Trump, and the attempt of the Polish government to do away with the separation of powers. With the strong showing of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in the 2017 federal elections, this development had begun to affect domestic politics in Germany as well.
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HOF, TOBIAS. "From Extremism to Terrorism: The Radicalisation of the Far Right in Italy and West Germany." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (2018): 412–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731800019x.
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Since the 1960s in Italy and Germany the notion has prevailed that ‘the state’ has given support to right-wing terrorism. This article challenges such views by examining the internal dynamics of right-wing terrorism in both countries with reference to Ehud Sprinzak's theory of ‘split delegitimisation’. To explain the different scale of Italian and West German terrorism one must analyse personnel continuities, the nature of the perceived ‘communist threat’, as well as the national political culture. Thus, without neglecting state support for the far right, this article emphasises how the internal dynamics of terrorist groups respond to political and social frameworks. Only if we acknowledge that right-wing terrorist groups possess their own agency can we fully understand their development. This is even more urgent in a time when – once again – the far right is on the rise in Europe.
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Fischer, C. "RIGHT-WING RADICALS AND LEFT-WING HISTORIANS: SOME RECENT DEBATES IN GERMAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." German History 5, no. 1 (1987): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/5.1.82.
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Fischer, C. "RIGHT-WING RADICALS AND LEFT-WING HISTORIANS: SOME RECENT DEBATES IN GERMAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." German History 5, no. 5 (1987): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/5.5.82.
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Prützel-Thomas, Monika. "GERMAN CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND RIGHT-WING EXTREMISTS: IS JUSTICE IN GERMANY 'BLIND IN THE RIGHT EYE'?" Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 8, no. 2 (2000): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651560020017233.
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Viatkin, Ilia. "Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 45 (June 29, 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.45.2.
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This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.
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Ziemer, Klaus. "Has the AfD changed German politics." Politologia 2 (November 28, 2020): 69–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/p.7285.
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The entry of the AfD to the Bundestag marks a new stage in German politics. This article traces the origins of this right-wing populist party against the background of extreme rightwing parties in post-war Germany. It analyses the main precepts of the party’s programme and its activity in parliaments on the regional (Länder) level. A look at where AfD-voters are coming from reveals a long-term trend of a weakening alignment between voters and parties and a growing fragmentation of the German party system.
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Beck, Martin. "On the Making of the German ‘Refugee Crisis’: Securitizing Muslim Immigrants in 2015 and Beyond." Journal of Refugee Studies 34, no. 2 (2021): 1307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feab011.
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Abstract This paper contributes to solving the following research puzzle: When the influx of refugees from Syria and elsewhere to Germany significantly increased, German society and politics seemed to be rather robust in the face of xenophobic and right-wing populist movements; however, only 2years later, the Alternative fűr Deutschland made it into the Bundestag, and in late 2018 Chancellor Angela Merkel could solve a governmental crisis triggered by the 'refugee crisis' only by announcing her stepwise withdrawal from political offices. The making of the 'refugee crisis' was facilitated by a securitization policy. On three crucial cases of domestic politics — security, socio-economics, and socio-cultural politics — it is shown that right-wing populism proved to be capable of dominating the political agenda as it came up with argumentation figures that were — though not hegemonic — also prominent among leading politicians on the whole political spectrum in Germany from the right to the left.
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Wielomski, Adam. "Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofi i politycznej 1789– 1945. Część II." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 3 (2019): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.3.4.
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DIALECTICS “WE”–“ALIENS” IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945. PART IIThe aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. In Part II we discuss examples of nationalisms in various European states between the years 1890 and 1945: France, Germany, Spain, Portugal and Italy. This is the epoch when nationalism denies its initial close relationship with the political and revolutionary left. Now it is in close relations with the right. During the Boulanger and Dreyfus affaires in France, the nationalists are on the political right. Their ideology is not only right-wing but also anti-Semitic. Sometimes openly racist Maurice Barrès. In general, however, French and Italian nationalists preach “state nationalism,” similar to the classic doctrine of raison d’état. In Spain and Portugal the right is strictly Catholic. This is the imperial right. We have here the dream of restoration of the Spanish Siglo de Oro. This project is antithetic to nationalism because it is universalist and supranational. It is different in Germany, where at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries the whole right is lit up by the vision of conquests, German empire, struggle of races. First, the Protestant, then also the German Catholic right is chauvinistic, racist and anti-Semitic. The article ends with reflections upon the relations between political right and the idea of nationalism.
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Campbell, Bruce B., and Raffael Scheck. "Alfred von Tirpitz and German Right-Wing Politics, 1914-1930." German Studies Review 22, no. 3 (1999): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432284.
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Lapp, Benjamin, and Raffael Scheck. "Alfred von Tirpitz and German Right-Wing Politics, 1914-1930." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (2001): 1485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693137.
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Meshcheryakov, Dmitry Y. "The Concept of Populism in Modern Anglo-Saxon and German Political Science." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (2019): 755–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-755-764.
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The article examines and compares main approaches to defining populism in modern Anglo-Saxon and German political science. The author points out some similarities between two schools: increasing interest of research communities in the USA, United Kingdom and Germany in examining right-wing populism due to the electoral success of right-wing populist parties. Furthermore, among the key features of populism, both schools see the allusion to “the will of the people”, as well as juxtaposition of “the people” against “the elite”. The article emphasizes the existing reciprocal influence of the two research traditions. On the other hand, the author outlines certain differences in the two schools’ approach to populism, such as historical dissimilarities in its interpretation (in the USA the concept used to bear a more “neutral” character, while in German political science, due to the Nazi regime carryover, it was regarded mostly negatively for a long time). Also, German academic works on populism have applied rather than theoretical nature and aim at stopping the expansion of the phenomenon.
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Neumann, Henrike, Isabel Thielmann, and Stefan Pfattheicher. "Labelling affects agreement with political statements of right-wing populist parties." PLOS ONE 15, no. 11 (2020): e0239772. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0239772.
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In light of the recent rise of right-wing populist parties across Europe, it is an intriguing question under which conditions people agree with right-wing political statements. The present study investigates whether mere labelling of political statements as endorsed by a right-wing populist party influences people’s agreement with such statements. In the study (pre-registered; N = 221 German voters), it is shown than that supporters of the right-wing populist party indicated higher agreement with the statements when they were labelled as being endorsed by the party (vs. not labelled), whereas non-supporters indicated lower agreement with the labelled than with the non-labelled statements. We conclude that labelling of the very same political statements changes voters’ agreement with these statements. The results imply that rather than (dis)agreeing with the content of the statements per se, people may (dis)agree with right-wing populist statements because they come from a specific source (i.e., the right-wing populist party).
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PAYK, MARCUS M. "A POST-LIBERAL ORDER? HANS ZEHRER AND CONSERVATIVE CONSENSUS BUILDING IN 1950S WEST GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 3 (2012): 681–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431200025x.
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While it is well known that German conservative intellectuals were skeptical or indifferent to the Federal Republic of Germany established in 1949 and to its democratic founding principles, this essay shifts attention to a specific mode of right-wing acceptance of the new order. Focusing on Hans Zehrer, a renowned journalist and notorious opponent of democracy in the Weimar Republic, I will demonstrate how right-wing intellectuals interpreted West Germany's political system as a post-liberal order after the “end of politics”. But this vision of transcending societal and intellectual conflicts in a meta-politics was neither entirely new nor simply raked up from the late 1920s but reshaped to fit the postwar sociopolitical context. The essay illuminates several intellectual connections between Weimar-era neoconservatism and the specific conservative consensus formed after 1949, but it also explores personnel continuities within a network of right-wing journalists as well as continuities in the field of journalistic style.
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Sigachev, Maxim I., Ernest S. Sleptsov, and Eduard V. Fadeev. "New Right-Wing Populism: Tendencies and Prospects on the Example of Some European States (Italy, France, Germany, Austria)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 3 (2020): 458–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-3-458-474.
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The article reveals the relationship between the political crises that affected the European Union from 2015 to 2020, and the growing sympathy of voters for populist-Eurosceptic parties. Particular attention is paid to the political situation in Austria, where in 2017-2019. The government included right-wing populists, as well as the results of the European Parliament elections in May 2019, which testify to the strengthening of the position of a new populism, especially the right-wing one, represented by the Eurosceptics group Identity and Democracy. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current state of the right-wing populist parties and to describe the current patterns of their development in terms of political prospects and the impact on the internal politics of the EU member states. The following research questions are formulated: 1. Has the influence of right-wing populist parties intensified or waned during the migration crisis? 2. Do right-wing populists constitute a coherent pan-European political force? 3. What is the specificity of Italian, Austrian and German right-wing populists?. To answer these questions, a quantitative (first of all, thematic literature and publications in the media) and quantitative analysis (dynamics of relevant statistical information was evaluated). As a result of the study, the authors come to the following conclusions: 1. The entry of the Austrian right-wing populists (APS) into a coalition with S. Kurtz in 2017-2019. - This is part of the regular fluctuations in the balance of power between the three political camps inside Austria, and not a sharp turnaround in established political models (right turn). 2. The German right-wing populists, on the contrary, despite local and really sudden successes (AdG), are in systemic isolation. 3. In Italy, right-wing populists have made significant progress, but the prospects for their unity with other European new right-wingers remain controversial. 4. With some caution, it can be stated that the period 2017-2019, was successful for right-wing populists. The recognition of the right-wing populist parties, their media coverage and presence in government has increased markedly. The perception of the importance of migration themes and cultural identity has increased in comparison with the first half of the 2010s. Moreover, in 2020. this trend is beginning to decline, the themes of culture and migration are gradually giving way to topics of safety, health and the environment.
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Hexham, Irving, and Karla Poewe. "““Verfassungsfeindlich““: Church, State, And New Religions In Germany." Nova Religio 2, no. 2 (1999): 208–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.1999.2.2.208.
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ABSTRACT: This paper examines the ideology of the German anti-cult movement. It also discusses the unique problems facing the German government resulting from right-wing extremism and the role of German cult experts in defining new religions as verfassungsfeindlich, hostile to the constitution.
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Kamińska-Korolczuk, Katarzyna. "Wpływ mowy nienawiści zawartej w wypowiedziach przedstawicieli partii Alternatywa dla Niemiec na zmiany zachodzące w systemie zarządzania mediami w RFN." Zarządzanie Mediami 9, no. 1 (2021): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23540214zm.21.006.13054.
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The impact of hate speech contained in the statements of the Alternative for Germany party representatives on changes taking place in the media management system in Germany The purpose of the article is to present the introduced legal solutions regulating the functioning and management of the media system in Germany, which came into force under the influence of changes in political communication. A case study is presented examples of hate speech in the discourse of the party of the new right-wing populism –Alternative for Germany (Alternative fur Deutschland, AfD). The party uses rhetoric which until now has been marginal in the German media and since the refugee crisis it has become an increasingly common form of expression. The analysis was conducted against the backdrop of events that influenced the Bundestags to adopted Law improving law enforcement in social networks (Gesetz zur Verbesserung der Rechtsdurchsetzung in sozialen Netzwerken, Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz, NetzDG). The analysis leads to the conclusions that the new right-wing populism changed the style of communication on the German political scene, which is not without influence on the decisions making by the legislator to introduce specific legal provisions regulating the management and framework of discourse in the social media in this state.
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Sachweh, Patrick. "Social Integration and Right-Wing Populist Voting in Germany." Analyse & Kritik 42, no. 2 (2020): 369–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2020-0015.
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Abstract Electoral support for right-wing populist parties is typically explained either by economic deprivation or cultural grievances. Attempting to bring economic and cultural explanations together, recent approaches have suggested to conceptualize right-wing populist support as a problem of social integration. Applying this perspective to the German case, this article investigates whether weak subjective social integration-or subjective social marginalization, respectively-is associated with the intention to vote for the AfD. Furthermore, it asks whether the strength of this association varies across income groups. Based on original survey data from 2017, the results show that indicators of weak subjective social integration-feeling socially excluded, being anxious about one’s status, and distrusting others-increase the likelihood of voting for the AfD. Moreover, weak subjective social integration increases right-wing party support particularly among the middle-class. Thus, next to fears of downward mobility, feelings of subjective social marginalization emerge as a pathway to right-wing populism for the middle-class.
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Baumert, Anna, WilhelmX Hofmann, and Gabriela Blum. "Laughing About Hitler?" Journal of Media Psychology 20, no. 2 (2008): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105.20.2.43.
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Effects of the movie My Fuehrer – The Truly Truest Truth About Adolf Hitler by Dani Levy were tested with regard to: (a) attitudes toward Hitler, (b) the perceived role of the German population in Nazi Germany, (c) the perception of present danger from national socialist tendencies, and (d) the subjective need for continued preoccupation with German history. A total of 110 Germans were invited to a cinema and randomly assigned to the control group that filled in the relevant questionnaire before the movie, or to the film group that filled in the questionnaire after the movie. The film group reported fewer negative attitudes toward Hitler than the control group and saw the German population less as victims. Attitudes toward right-wing political parties and empathy, as well as demographic variables, exerted significant moderator effects. Results are discussed with regard to the public controversy concerning a potential trivialization of Hitler and National Socialism by the movie.
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Boehnke, Klaus, John Hagan, and Hans Merkens. "Right-wing Extremism Among German Adolescents: Risk Factors and Protective Factors." Applied Psychology 47, no. 1 (1998): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.1998.tb00016.x.
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Ibragimova, G. E. I., and A. M. Karamanov. "The phenomenon of the growing popularity of the right-wing Eurosceptic party «Alternative for Germany» in modern Europe." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 133, no. 4 (2020): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2020-133-4-63-75.
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The article examines the ascent of the party «Alternative for Germany» (AFD) from its creation in 2012 to a sharp jump in popularity in the parliamentary elections in 2017. Special emphasis is paid to the review of the strengthening of Eurosceptic rhetoric, criticism of modern German politics as a result of the arrival of farright politicians to the leading positions in the party. The article concludes that Euroscepticism has become one of the components of the broad populist platform of the party as the AFD has developed. Moreover, it is established that unexpectedly high support for the AFD by the German electorate and the party’s acquisition of the status of the main opposition force in the Bundestag becomes an important factor for the German establishment in the context of defending its position on further deepening the processes of European integration.
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von Nordheim, Gerret, Henrik Mller, and Michael Scheppe. "Young, free and biased: A comparison of mainstream and right-wing media coverage of the 201516 refugee crisis in German newspapers." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 4, no. 1 (2019): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00042_1.
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Right-wing media have been growing in terms of readership and impact in recent years. However, comparative analyses that gauge linkages between mainstream and right-wing media in Europe are virtually missing. We pursued an algorithm-based topic-modelling analysis of 11,420 articles concerning the question of whether reporting of the leading German right-wing newspaper Junge Freiheit differed from that of mainstream media outlets in the context of the refugee crisis of 201516. The results strongly support this notion. They show a clear-cut dichotomy with mainstream media on one side and Junge Freiheit on the other. A time lag could be found, pointing to a reporting pattern that positioned Junge Freiheit relative to the journalistic and political mainstream. Thus, Junge Freiheit can be characterised as a reactive alternative media outlet that is prone to populism: it stresses the national dimension of the crisis, embraces the positions of the right-wing party Alternative fr Deutschland (AfD) and largely neglects complex international, and particularly European, implications.
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Schmalz, Tatjana. "Zur medialen Integration russlanddeutscher (Spät-)Aussiedler nach dem Fall Lisa und ihrer Mediendarstellung bis zur Bundestagswahl 2017." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 64, no. 3 (2019): 445–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2019-0024.
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Summary The majority of German Russians, who had settled in Germany in the 1990 s, were long considered conformist up to January 2016 where Russian media services and officials exploited the criminal case of Lisa F. in Berlin. A few right wing AfD party activists gathered several thousand Russian speakers to protest against the German refugee policy. Even though the activist’s mobilizing narrative can easily be deconstructed as a political myth with little consensus within the German Russian population, German mass media have since generalized this heterogeneous group as troublemakers with divided loyalties and as a potential threat to the federal elections of 2017. Although German Russian lobby organisations heavily criticised these mass media representations, they are likely to stand the chance of finally establishing their migration history as a part of general knowledge.
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Fuchs, Stefan. "Japanese ‘Right-wing Rock’? A Lyrics Content Analysis." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 6, no. 1 (2015): 75–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2014-0009.
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Abstract So far largely unnoticed, a right-wing extremist current within the rock music oriented subculture of Japan can be observed. This subcultural phenomenon bears resemblance in appearance to a phenomenon that is commonly referred to as ‘right-wing rock’ (Rechtsrock) in German-speaking countries. On the basis of a substantial compilation of relevant lyrics, the present paper seeks to examine whether this resemblance can also be located in terms of the ideological contents. Focussing on the linguistic inventory of the sample of lyrics, how a particular vocabulary is used to construct a collective identity and to convey a range of rightist topics will be examined. It will be shown that various terms that are frequently used in the analysed lyrics contain references to nationalistic and/or militaristic thought. Some lyrics propagate historical revisionist or negationist views on history and on the whole the analysed lyrics glorify martial concepts of maleness. The analysis thus justifies the conclusion that the musical phenomenon in question can be defined as a Japanese form of right-wing rock.
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Minkenberg, Michael. "Context and Consequence: The Impact of the New Radical Right on the Political Process in France and Germany." German Politics and Society 16, no. 3 (1998): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782487095.
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International comparisons of new radical right-wing parties usuallyfocus on differences in electoral fortunes, party organizations, andleadership styles and conclude that Germany stands out as a specialcase of successful marginalization of the new radical right. Explanationsfor this German anomaly point at the combined effects of Germanhistory and institutional arrangements of the Federal Republicof Germany, of ideological dilemmas and strategic failures of thevarious parties of the new radical right, and the efforts of the establishedpolitical parties to prevent the rise of new parties to the rightof them. By implication, this means that, whereas in countries likeFrance or Austria the new radical right plays a significant role in politicsto the point of changing the political systems themselves, theGerman counterpart has a negligible impact and has little or noeffects on politics and polity.
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Lees, Charles. "The ‘Alternative for Germany’: The rise of right-wing populism at the heart of Europe." Politics 38, no. 3 (2018): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718777718.
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This article charts the rise of the ‘Alternative for Germany’ ( Alternative für Deutschland or AfD) from its inception in late 2012 to its unexpectedly strong performance in the 2017 Federal election. In terms of the ‘inward’ aspect of Euroscepticism, the article considers the impact of the emergence of successively more hardline leaderships in 2015 and 2017, which led to a shift beyond opposition to aspects of the European integration process to a more profound critique of German society and politics. In terms of the ‘outward’ aspect, it assesses the significance of these developments in the wider debates around Euroscepticism and populism. The article concludes that the AfD’s Euroscepticism is now nested within an ideological profile that increasingly conforms to the template of an orthodox European right-wing populist party. It argues that the widely unanticipated level of electoral support for the AfD in the 2017 Federal elections and its status as the main opposition party in the Bundestag is a systemic shock and potential critical juncture in the development of the German party system and the contestation of European integration in the Federal Republic.
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KOPKA, Artur. "Populizm lewicowy w Europie na przykładzie partii „Die Linke” w Republice Federalnej Niemiec." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 4 (November 2, 2018): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2010.15.4.7.
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One of the main challenges European democracy has faced recently is growing political radicalism, and primarily the increasing importance of populist parties originating from both left and right sides of the political arena. This paper refers to the theoretical assumptions concerning this phenomenon to analyze the operations of the ‘Die Linke’ party in the German party system. This party is an excellent example of taking skillful advantage of the circumstances favoring the development of the populist tendencies that have emerged following the recent, radical, social, and political changes in the Federal Republic of Germany. Against the background of European extremist left-wing parties, the paper presents the influence this Left-Wing Party exerts on the changing balance of power on the German political arena on a regional and national level, the ideological profile and party platform, and the changing structure of both its members and voters.
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Stoltzfus, Nathan. "The German Mountain Troops and Their Opponents, 1943 to the Present." German Politics and Society 38, no. 4 (2020): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380404.
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The most significant World War II battle between Germans and Italians outside of Italy was the September 1943 battle for the Greek island of Cephalonia, ending in the post-battle execution by German Mountain Troops of thousands of Italian soldiers. The recent clash between two German groups over what happened illustrates ongoing disputes about guilt and responsibility—how governments, historians, and civilians mobilize facts to write history. The Mountain Troops’ Veterans Association, which has influenced official German memory of the war, used the Cephalonia case to reassert the myth of Wehrmacht innocence, contrary to opinion-shaping Wehrmacht exhibits of the 1990s. In 2010, the federal government, backing a German judicial decision, reasserted the Wehrmacht Myth, despite opposition from Rome, Athens, and an international association of activists, as reports on right-wing extremism in the German police, judiciary, and military have become increasingly prevalent.
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Rensmann, Lars. "Divided We Stand." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (2019): 32–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370304.
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Germany continues to face an inter-regional political divide between the East and the West three decades after unification. Most strikingly, this divide is expressed in different party systems. The right-wing populist Alternative for Germany and the left-wing populist Left Party are considerably more successful in the eastern regions, while German centrist parties perform worse (and shrink faster at the ballot-box) than in the West. The article discusses empirical evidence of this resilient yet puzzling political divide and explores three main clusters of explanatory factors: The after-effects of the German Democratic Republic’s authoritarian past and its politico-cultural legacies, translating into distinct value cleavage configurations alongside significantly weaker institutional trust and more wide-spread skepticism towards democracy in the East; continuous, even if partly reduced inter-regional socioeconomic divisions and varying economic, social and political opportunities; and populist parties and movements acting as political entrepreneurs who construct and politically reinforce the East-West divide. It is argued that only the combination of these factors helps understand the depth and origins of the lasting divide.
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Steinberg, J. "Book Review: Alfred von Tirpitz and German Right-Wing Politics, 1914-1930." German History 18, no. 1 (2000): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540001800115.
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Sabbagh, Clara. "Environmentalism, right‐wing extremism, and social justice beliefs among East German adolescents." International Journal of Psychology 40, no. 2 (2005): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207590544000095.
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Tosun, Jale, and Rita Triebskorn. "Civil Society and the Governance of Water Services: German Political Parties’ Reactions to Right2Water." Water 12, no. 3 (2020): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w12030743.
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The European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) Right2Water asked for guaranteed water quality and quantity all over Europe, and demanded that water services remain in the hands of public entities. Support for Right2Water was particularly pronounced in Germany. The German organisers managed to collect 16 times more signatures than the minimum necessary to be counted towards the quorum. How have the German political parties reacted to the overwhelming public support for Right2Water? To answer this question, we examined the election manifestos of the main political parties, published for the federal elections in 2005, 2009, 2013, and 2017, and the elections to the European Parliament in 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. We concentrated on one specific goal of Right2Water, which refers to preventing the liberalisation of water services in the European Union. We expected the attention to and positioning of the liberalisation of water services to vary across the individual German parties. Since Right2Water was organised by public service trade unions and pursues an anti-liberalisation agenda, we expected left-wing parties to have laid a greater emphasis on this issue than right-wing parties, and for them to have adopted positions that aligned with the goals of the ECI. Our empirical findings show that a left–right division exists among the parties concerning the attention they paid to this issue as well as how they positioned themselves.
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Rensmann, Lars. "From High Hopes To On-Going Defeat: The New Extreme Right's Political Mobilization and its National Electoral Failure in Germany." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (2006): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935252.
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German extreme Right parties have increased their political and electoral significance in recent years, in particular through some considerable regional successes in the East. However, in spite of noticeable nation-wide gains by the NPD in the Bundestag election, the extreme Right suffered from another defeat. Looking at the interplay of supply side and demand side factors, the article examines the transformations and continuities of extreme Right parties within the German party system, their performance in the 2005 general election, and the reasons for their ongoing national electoral failure. While extreme Right parties benefit from more favorable conditions related to increased voter volatility, new public issues and new cleavage structures, these parties also continuously face crucial difficulties, especially on the supply side: the cordon sanitaire is still intact, and new cleavages in relation to globalization are more convincingly and effectively utilized by left-wing competitors. The main obstacle, though, are the extreme Right agents themselves. Incorporating Zeitgeist issues, they nevertheless remain unable to actually modernize their agenda. The present and future challenge to liberal democracy may be a new level of cooperation between extreme Right parties and consolidated "informal" right-wing extremist subcultures in Eastern regional strongholds.
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Geymbukh, Nadezhda G. "FORMS OF EXTREMISM IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Pravo, no. 38 (2020): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22253513/38/3.
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Representatives of German state (constitutional) law define political extremism as "a set of political beliefs and aspirations... which are aimed at denying the democratic constitutional state and its fundamental values". Based on the definition, the criterion for recognising any "political belief or aspiration" as extremist is the notion of a democratic constitutional state. In line with this, the Federal Constitutional Court of the Federal Republic of Germany has given an expansive interpretation of a "free democratic state" that "constitutes a legal state order whose basis is the self-determination of the people according to the will of the majority, freedom and equality. It excludes all forms of despotism or arbitrariness. Among the basic principles of this order are at least: the protection of human rights as laid down in the Basic Law of Germany, the sovereignty of the people, the separation of powers, the responsibility of the government, the legitimacy of government, the independence of the judiciary and the principle of multi-partyism. According to article 21, paragraph 2 of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany (1949), political parties that "endeavour to harm or destroy the foundation of the free demo-cratic order or to endanger the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany" are declared unconstitutional by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany. The possibility to ban political parties as provided for in the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany guarantees the development of a democratic political system of the state. It is worth emphasising that the stability and democratism of the German political system and the stability of the constitutional order in the state depend not only on the prohibition provision in the Basic Law of the FRG, but above all on the ability of political parties to reach agreement on the basic principles of a "free democratic state system" and to implement these principles in the minds of the people. To realise these goals, Germany has the Federal Office for the Protection of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany of 1949, a public authority whose task is to control and supervise the legality of the activities of political parties. The forms of extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany are "left-wing extremism" and "right-wing extremism". In right-wing extremism, the older generation is gradually being freed from the aggressive youth, in an increased willingness to use force. Left-wing extremism has become less focused on global global themes - it has become more local and regional, more relatable and at the same time integrated. Because of the new nature of the development of extremism in a united Germany a left-right antagonism has emerged. At the same time, different tendencies of West and East Germany can be observed: in West Germany the struggle "left vs. right" prevails, in East Germany the struggle "right vs. left" prevails.
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Rieger, Diana, Lena Frischlich, and Gary Bente. "Dealing with the dark side: The effects of right-wing extremist and Islamist extremist propaganda from a social identity perspective." Media, War & Conflict 13, no. 3 (2019): 280–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635219829165.
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Right-wing extremists and Islamist extremists try to recruit new followers by addressing their national (for instance, German) or religious (Muslim) social identity via online propaganda videos. Two studies examined whether capitalizing on a shared group-membership affects the emotional and cognitive response towards extremist propaganda. In both studies, Germans/non-migrants, Muslim migrants and control participants ( N = 235) were confronted with right-wing extremist and Islamist extremist videos. Emotional and cognitive effects of students (Study 1) and apprentices (Study 2) were assessed. Results showed a general negative evaluation of extremist videos. More relevant, in-group propaganda led to more emotional costs in both studies. Yet, the responses varied depending on educational level: students reported more negative emotions and cognitions after in-group directed videos, while apprentices reported more positive emotions and cognitions after in-group directed propaganda. Results are discussed considering negative social identities.
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Guenther, Lars, Georg Ruhrmann, Jenny Bischoff, Tessa Penzel, and Antonia Weber. "Strategic Framing and Social Media Engagement: Analyzing Memes Posted by the German Identitarian Movement on Facebook." Social Media + Society 6, no. 1 (2020): 205630511989877. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119898777.
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While officially classified as a right-wing movement, the German Identitarian Movement (GIM) claims to be neither left nor right wing but rather identitarian. The social movement stands for what they call “ethno-pluralism,” communicated online without intermediate gatekeepers, in supposedly socially acceptable messages. Without a clear classification to a political wing, some Internet users encountering information created by the GIM could have difficulties assessing what this movement really stands for and what identitarian means. That is why this study examined strategic frames in a full sample of memes ( N = 511) posted by the movement on their Facebook page, because memes (here: image macros) have been the GIM’s main form of communication on Facebook. This study identified six strategic frames that represent a plurality of different social issues; some of them call for immediate action. Hence, the movement’s strategic framing goes far beyond emphasizing “ethno-pluralism.” The findings elucidate the overall communication strategies of the movement and show that the frames represent characteristics and semantics of the New Right. These frames also triggered different levels of social media engagement.
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Koller, Veronika, and Marlene Miglbauer. "What Drives the Right-Wing Populist Vote? Topics, Motivations and Representations in an Online Vox Pop with Voters for the Alternative für Deutschland." Zeitschrift für Anglistik und Amerikanistik 67, no. 3 (2019): 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaa-2019-0024.
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Abstract In a recent study (Miglbauer, Marlene and Veronika Koller (2019). “‘The British People have Spoken’: Voter Motivations and Identities in Vox Pops on the British EU Referendum.” Veronika Koller, Susanne Kopf and Marlene Miglbauer, eds. Discourses of Brexit. Abingdon: Routledge, 86–103.), we investigated vox pops (short for ‘vox populi,’ i.e. ‘voice of the people’) with self-declared Leave voters in the run-up to the 2016 British EU referendum. The study presented here complements this research with a comparative perspective, exploring the motivations expressed by voters for the German right-wing populist party AfD (Alternative für Deutschland). On the day of the 2017 general election, the German news website Zeit online (ZON) invited its readers to say why they voted AfD. Although the AfD voter profile and the ZON readership profile are noticeably different, the question elicited 468 replies numbering a total of around 59,000 words, which we compiled into a corpus. Working with corpus analysis software AntConc 3.4.1w, we first prised out topics and motivations by analysing this collection of online vox pops for word frequencies as well as collocates and concordances for selected lexical units, before manually grouping the different lexemes into ten topics. In a second step, we manually analysed the data for social actor representation (van Leeuwen, Theo (2008). Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and appraisal (Martin, James R. and Peter R. R. White (2005). Appraisal in English. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.). The results of the analysis show that next to previously documented motivations for right-wing populist votes – e.g. in-group bias and rejection of the Other as morally deficient (Heinisch, Reinhard (2008). “Austria: The Structure and Agency of Austrian Populism.” Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, eds. Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 67–83.) –, the group of AfD voters represented in the written vox pop have specific additional reasons, namely a focus on German chancellor Merkel as an ‘anti-hero’ and a belief of being victimised by the media. An additional, unexpected finding was that a number of posters to the dedicated comment forum explicitly distance themselves from perceived stereotypes of right-wing populist voters. Our findings therefore also problematise previously identified characteristics of right-wing populist discourse as anti-elitist and anti-intellectual (Wodak, Ruth (2015b). The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. Los Angeles: SAGE.) and call into question the support from workers, and associated fears of wage pressure and competition for welfare benefits, as one of the main factors in the success of right-wing populism (Oesch, Daniel (2008). “Explaining Workers’ Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland.” International Political Science Review 29.3, 349–373.).
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Giessen, Hans. "Dieudonné ! Une Analyse Des Commentaires Dans Les Plus Grands Quotidiens De Qualité En Allemagne Et Au Luxembourg : Indicateurs Pour L’opinion Publique Dans Les Deux Pays, Réflexion Sur Le Choix De La Langue." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 29 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n29p1.
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Two commentaries from the leading German and Luxembourg daily quality newspapers are examined in regard to the same event, the controversy about the French right-wing satirist Dieudonné. It can be shown that his positions are rejected by the newspaper comments in both countries, to a significant extent. The semiotic interpretation shows, however, that in Germany the rejection is obviously accepted by a large majority, whilst there seem to exist some differently thinking minorities, whereas such minority positions seem to be non-existent in Luxembourg.
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Hestermann, Thomas, and Elisa Hoven. "Crime in Germany as Portrayed by the Alternative for Germany (AfD)." German Law Journal 21, no. 4 (2020): 721–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.32.
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AbstractCriminal offenses ignite the political debate. Questions about the causes, development, and combating of crime touch on widespread fears; those who make them their subject can be sure of public attention. This Article looks at 242 press releases of the German right-wing populist party, the Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland; AfD) from 2018 dealing with criminal offenses. It examines which crime phenomena the reports describe, which perpetrator and victim images they project, and how crime and immigration are depicted as related threats.
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Selk, Veith, and Jared Sonnicksen. "Between Opportunism and Limitation: the resurgence of populism and the right-wing populist ‘Alternative for Germany’ (AfD)." Desenvolvimento em Debate 5, no. 1 (2017): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.51861/ded.dmds.1.007.
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The article provides first an overview of the strands of current research on populism and the German newcomer party, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). Building upon this, it will be demonstrated how the AfD constitutes a right-wing populist party, but also how its ideology connects to ideational-historical currents that have been influential in the Federal Republic of Germany. Finally, we elaborate the underlying thesis that the AfD comprises a party that is oriented primarily toward re-adjusting and re-setting borders. Accordingly, the party manages to successfully politicize the cleavage between supporters of more openness and supporters of stronger delimitation.
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Okoński, Krzysztof. "„Chcecie totalnej wolności słowa?” Kultura w Niemczech u progu lat dwudziestych (XXI wieku) wobec radykalizmu, wielokulturowości i konfliktów etnicznych. Próba rozpoznania problemów." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 8 (July 22, 2021): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.8.5.
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This article attempts to present selected phenomena of contemporary German culture in the context of political radicalism, multiculturalism and ethnic conflicts. Starting with the criticism of the student protests of 1968 (using the example of the novel Örtlich betäubt by Günter Grass) and discourses on Europe in the early 1990s (Grass, Enzensberger), and ending with debates on freedom of expression, political correctness or “cancel culture” (Wallraff, Pirinçci, Nuhr, Eckhart), this article analyses the consequences of left- and right-wing radicalism, anti-Semitism and Islamism for literature and cabaret in Germany on selected examples.
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Kallin, Britta. "Intertextualities in Elfriede Jelinek’s Rein Gold: Ein Bühnenessay." Seminar: A Journal of Germanic Studies 57, no. 2 (2021): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/seminar.57.2.2.
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Elfriede Jelinek’s postdramatic stage essay Rein Gold (2012) interweaves countless texts including Richard Wagner’s operas from the Ring cycle, Karl Marx’s The Capital, and Marx and Friedrich Engels’s The Communist Manifesto as well as contemporary writings and news articles. Scholarship has so far examined the play in comparison to Wagner’s Rheingold opera, which serves as the base for the dialogue between the father Wotan and daughter Brünnhilde. This article examines intertextualities with the story of the National Socialist Underground, an extremist right-wing group that committed hate-crime murders and bank robberies, and with the exploitative history of workers, particularly women, in capitalist systems. Jelinek compares the National Socialist Underground’s attempt to violently rid Germany of non-ethnic Germans with Siegfried’s mythical fight as dragon slayer in the Nibelungenlied that created a hero who has been cast as a German identity figure for an ethnonational narrative and fascist ideas in twenty-first-century Germany.
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Dietz, Bernhard. "The Neo-Tories and Europe: A Transnational Historyof British Radical Conservatism in the 1930s." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 1 (2017): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-1-85.
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The Neo-Tories and Europe: A Transnational History of British Radical Conservatism in the 1930s This article analyses the British Neo-Tories of the 1930s as part of a pan-European counter-movement against political modernity. This network of right-wing intellectuals and allied Conservative politicians saw democracy, liberalism and capitalism in a state of degeneration and aimed at the establishment of a corporate state in Great Britain through a «revolution from above». The article concentrates on the importance on the transnational implications of this discourse and in particular of the exchange with their German intellectual counterparts. It emphasises how this exchange of ideas was affected by National Socialism on the British side and explores what the possibilities and limits of right-wing exchange between Germany and England were after Hitler's rise to power. The article argues that for the Neo-Tories, the European exchange of ideas was a source of inspiration, reassurance and hope; however, it also eventually meant their downfall, as the beginning of the Second World War marked the end of British participation in transnational radical conservatism.