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1
Chandler, Andrew Michael. "The Church of England and Nazi Germany, 1933-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251497.
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Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. "US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949)." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.
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Sycher, Alexander. "The Nazi Soldier in German Cinema, 1933-1945." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1428959799.
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Calvert, Hildegund M. "Germany's Nazi past : a critical analysis of the period in West German high school history textbooks." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/517188.
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The question of how to deal with the legacy of the National Socialist dictatorship and how to teach the period in West German schools has been and continues to be a controversial issue in the Federal Republic of Germany. During the 1950s and early 1960s history textbooks were severely criticized for their inadequate coverage of National Socialism, particularly regarding the persecution of the Jews and the Holocaust. Such criticism combined with a number of anti-Semitic incidents in 1959 led authorities to initiate major reforms on how schools should teach the Nazi period and consequently brought about major textbook revisions.The objective of this study was to determine how adequately textbooks used in the 1980s cover this period and whether what they are teaching is accurate and sufficient to deal with the enormity of the events and policies of that time. The study in four chapters analyzes textbooks regarding their coverage of such topics: I, Hitler's early life, his beginnings in politics to his nomination as chancellor; II, the consolidation of power and of social and political control; III, the treatment of the Jews; and IV, National Socialist foreign policy before and during World War II. Each chapter was divided into two parts, with the first part recommending material textbooks should include, and the second part analyzing this coverage based on criteria established in the first part.Findings showed that textbooks satisfactorily covered the majority of the topics examined and found them to be much improved, especially concerning the treatment of the Jews and the Holocaust.Despite marked improvements, areas of concern nevertheless remain, and coverage of some topics needs to be corrected and/or expanded in future textbook editions. Most topics on which coverage was weak or nonexistent concerned issues which are painful and embarrassing for German people to deal with. Among these issues were the German treatment of prisoners of war, German occupation policies in western Europe, forced relocations from areas such as Alsace and Lorraine, Nazi reprisal actions and the killing of hostages, activities of the SS Einsatz units, documentation concerning deportations and ghettos, medical experiments, and the role German industry played in the mass murder of innocent people.One of the more disturbing findings was that no changes had been made between the 1966 and 1978 (1983 printing) editions of one text and between the 1968 and later undated [1983?] editions of another text. It is strongly recommended that those responsible for the publication of German history textbooks take the necessary steps to correct these still existing errors and omissions before a new wave of criticism at home or from abroad forces them once again to do so.
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Reynolds, Kenneth W. ""Der Richter ist konservativ.": the German Reichsgericht and the Reichstag Fire Trial of 1933." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61064.
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For almost sixty years the Reichstag fire of 27 February 1933 and the events that followed have been the subjects of historical inquiry. The criminal trial against those accused of starting the fire was held before the German Supreme Court, the Reichsgericht.This thesis examines the conduct of the Reichsgericht during the Reichstagsbrandprozess of September to December 1933. It shows that the trial was conducted by an independent but conservative Supreme Court which managed the proceedings according to its own historical antecedents and precedents. The evidence is based on published government documents and other primary and secondary sources.
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Osborne, Thomas W. (Thomas William). "The Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations : 1933-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23731.
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This thesis examines and assesses the Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations from 1933 to 1939. The first chapter outlines the Peace Treaties of Versailles, Trianon and St. Germain and their effect upon the increased German minority in Europe. This body of Germans in countries outside Germany, Austria and Switzerland are referred to as the Volksdeutsche. The policies of the Weimar Government towards the German minorities in Europe are then examined. The second chapter outlines the minority policy of the National Socialist Party and various prominent National Socialist leaders. Chapter three outlines the major non-National Socialist and National Socialist Germandom organizations. Particular emphasis is given to the Verein fur Deutschtum im Ausland or the VDA, the Volksdeutscher Rat or the VR, Auslandsorganisation der NSDAP or AO, the Buro Kursell and the Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle or VoMi. Chapters four through six deal with the events that lead to the Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations. Although the non-National Socialist Germandom organizations maintained a degree of independence from Nazi influence from 1933 until 2 July 1938, there was never any doubt that eventually the National Socialist Germandom organizations would gain ascendancy over them. In late 1936, the National Socialist Germandom organizations began to achieve lasting power and influence. By 1938, the non-National Socialist Germandom organizations were virtually impotent. The Gleichschaltung of the Germandom organizations, therefore, mirrors the Gleichschaltung that occurred on all levels of society in Germany following Adolf Hitler's appointment as Chancellor on 30 January 1933.
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Jantzen, Kyle. "Protestant clergymen and church-political conflict in national socialist Germany : studies from rural Brandenburg, Saxony and Wurttemberg." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36959.
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This dissertation is a comparison of local church conditions in three German Protestant church districts during the National Socialist era: the Nauen district in the Brandenburg Church Province of the Old Prussian Union Church, the Pima district in the Saxon Evangelical Lutheran Land Church and the Ravensburg district in the Wurttemberg Evangelical Land Church. It focuses on the attitudes and roles of the pastors, curates and vicars who served in the primarily rural parishes of these districts, analyzes the effect of the 'national renewal' that accompanied the National Socialist seizure of power upon the church conditions in their parishes, and probes their own attitudes toward the prevalent religious nationalism of the day. Following a comparison of the controversies surrounding pastoral appointments in Nauen, Pima and Ravensburg, the study examines the nature and intensity of church-political conflict in each of the districts during the National Socialist era. Finally, the study closes with a consideration of clerical attitudes toward the National Socialist euthanasia programme and the antisemitism that led to the Holocaust. Drawing on official church correspondence at three levels (parish, district and land church), parish newsletters, accounts of meetings throughout the period, the study concludes that while these Protestant clergymen generally shared a common conservative nationalist outlook, the manifestation of the church struggle in their parishes took diverse forms. Parishioners in Nauen and especially Pima (but not Ravensburg) displayed a high level of interest in their churches in 1933, in part an effect of the strength of the national renewal in their regions. In Nauen, the church struggle was channelled into the quest for control of pastoral appointments. In Pima, the church struggle mirrored the course of events in Saxony as a whole, and included extreme 'German Christians,' radical members of the Confessing Church and a moderate movement for church
8
Vinzent, Jutta. "Identity and image : refugee artists from Nazi Germany in Britain (1933-1945)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616061.
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McGaha, Richard L. "The politics of espionage Nazi diplomats and spies in Argentina, 1933-1945 /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1256330041.
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Ihrig, Stefan. "Nazi perceptions of the new Turkey, 1919-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610471.
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Magas, Gregory. "Nazi crimes and German reactions : an analysis of reactions and attitudes within the German resistance to the persecution of Jews in German-controlled lands, 1933-1944, with a focus on the writings of Carl Goerdeler, Ulrich von Hassell and Helmuth von Moltke." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30187.
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This thesis is broadly concerned with how individuals within German society, the German Resistance to Hitler and the German military reacted to persecution of Jews in Germany before the start of the Second World War and also to reports of German atrocities within German-controlled areas of Europe during the conflict.The specific focus of this study is an examination of the personal sentiments contained in the writings of Carl Goerdeler, Ulrich von Hassell and Helmuth von Moltke and the recorded reactions to the various and intensifying stages of Nazi persecution of Jews within German-controlled territory. These particular individuals were chosen, as a significant portion of their writings, in the form of diary entries, letters and memoranda have been published and offer a glimpse of personal sentiments and thoughts unaltered by the censors of the Nazi regime. In addition, this study examines the reactions of two German officers, Johannes Blaskowitz and Rudolf-Christoph von Gersdorff, to German atrocities committed in German-occupied Eastern Europe. Their reactions to and courageous protests against Nazi crimes are also a significant part of the overall context of German reactions to Nazi crimes. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Morris, Judith J. White. "Albert Speer, the Hitler years : views of a reich minister." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/497010.
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The rationale for this study is Albert Speer's unique value as a source of information concerning the Third Reich and Adolf Hitler. Although there is a wealth of information available on Nazi Germany and Hitler, the observations of this intelligent man who was an important official of the regime and a close associate of Hitler himself carry weight that no other report can match. He was a well-educated, intellectual, and articulate man who left behind three comprehensive books and many articles and interviews. In addition to such publications, there are, in the National Archives in Washington, D.C., many records of interviews with Speer conducted by Allied personnel immediately following the war. Those documents have been used extensively in this study.There is no attempt either to indict or to vindicate Speer, as many authors have done, but rather the purpose is to present in narrative form an analytical study of the relationship between the two men. The central focus throughout examines Speer and Hitler in juxtaposition and forms conclusions on the nature of their complex and compelling attachment. In the process, historical events form the backdrop as Speer describes them for us. It is always Speer, not Hitler, with whom the primary interest lies.The question of how anyone of Speer's background and intelligence could have given his life to a regime devoted to gutter politics, conquest of a continent, and genocide always arises in any study of Speer. The strange hold the Nazis exert on the world's imagination seems to ebb and flow, but does not die out, nor does the awful suspicion that something similar could happen again. Speer used his writings to describe the process and warn against its resurrection, especially in light of the tremendous leap in technology we have seen. Do not look for monsters, he counseled, for monsters are easily identified and avoided. Beware the manipulators who orchestrate on a national scale those policies which bring harm to whole populations, men who loudly proclaim their humanness and ordinariness.This inquiry is not an attempt to prove a predetermined hypothesis, since it embodies a historical approach rather than an experimental one. Information is drawn from the books and papers of Speer, as well as official documents, but secondary works to corroborate the basic sources are cited at times. There is still no definitive biography of Speer, although he appears as a central figure in many works. Perhaps one of the reasons for this is that the Speer family has put his personal papers in Heidelberg beyond the reach of anyone until 1999, probably as a result of his negative treatment in various publications.The technical papers from the Ministry of Armaments and War Production are housed in the Bundesarchiv at Koblenz, but were not pertinent to this study. The Institut fur Zeitgeschichte in Munich houses official papers, as does the Berlin Document Center, while the Washington has the transcripts of Library of Congress in Hitler's Table Talks, some parts of which are used in this study. Speer's books and published material give an extensive look at his part in the Third Reich, his relationship with Hitler, and his own feelings and observations concerning both. The International Military Tribunal records from Nuremberg are both extensive and enlightening. One may also view the collection of Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitler's personal photographer, in the Special Collections section at Bracken Library.Chapter I deals with Speer in the pre-war years as he rose to fame and became part of Hitler's inner circle, while Chapter II views the war years through Speer's experiences. In Chapter III the early relationship between Speer and Hitler is developed, and in Chapter IV the war, the collapse of the Third Reich, and the attendant disasters are covered.
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Gesche, Katja. "Kultur als Instrument der Außenpolitik totalitärer Staaten : das Deutsche Ausland-Institut 1933-1945 /." Köln [u.a.] : Böhlau, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=014860597&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.
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This regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
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Abrahams-Sprod, Michael E. "Life under Siege: The Jews of Magdeburg under Nazi Rule." University of Sydney, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1627.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThis regional study documents the life and the destruction of the Jewish community of Magdeburg, in the Prussian province of Saxony, between 1933 and 1945. As this is the first comprehensive and academic study of this community during the Nazi period, it has contributed to both the regional historiography of German Jewry and the historiography of the Shoah in Germany. In both respects it affords a further understanding of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. Commencing this study at the beginning of 1933 enables a comprehensive view to emerge of the community as it was on the eve of the Nazi assault. The study then analyses the spiralling events that led to its eventual destruction. The story of the Magdeburg Jewish community in both the public and private domains has been explored from the Nazi accession to power in 1933 up until April 1945, when only a handful of Jews in the city witnessed liberation. This study has combined both archival material and oral history to reconstruct the period. Secondary literature has largely been incorporated and used in a comparative sense and as reference material. This study has interpreted and viewed the period from an essentially Jewish perspective. That is to say, in documenting the experiences of the Jews of Magdeburg, this study has focused almost exclusively on how this population simultaneously lived and grappled with the deteriorating situation. Much attention has been placed on how it reacted and responded at key junctures in the processes of disenfranchisement, exclusion and finally destruction. This discussion also includes how and why Jews reached decisions to abandon their Heimat and what their experiences with departure were. In the final chapter of the community’s story, an exploration has been made of how the majority of those Jews who remained endured the final years of humiliation and stigmatisation. All but a few perished once the implementation of the ‘Final Solution’ reached Magdeburg in April 1942. The epilogue of this study charts the experiences of those who remained in the city, some of whom survived to tell their story.
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Carlson, Verner Reinhold 1931. "The impact of Hitler's ideology on his military decisions." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277049.
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Hitler claimed to have studied Clausewitz and Machiavelli, but violated the tenets of both by permitting ideology to override strategy. Hitler's ideology is revealed from documentary sources: Mein Kampf, his speeches, and Tischreden (table talks.) Operation Sea Lion, the planned 1940 invasion of England, was cancelled because the Fuhrer regarded the British as nordic cousins. Operation Citadel, the 1943 Battle of Kursk, was conceived because he decided the racially inferior Slav must be subdued. Doomed from the outset, Hitler nevertheless launched Citadel and squandered most of Germany's remaining armor and elite troops. A general staff officer is interviewed as witness to the period. His background, training, and opinions of the Fuhrer are presented. Thesis conclusion: flawed ideology brought disastrous decisions.
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Motadel, David. "Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941-1945." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609302.
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Groot, Heinrich de. "Judenverdrängung, Judenverfolgung und Judendeportation auf dem Land unter den Bedingungen der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft 1933 - 1945 /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/bs/toc/385616481.pdf.
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Patel, Kiran Klaus. ""Soldaten der Arbeit" : Arbeitsdienste in Deutschland und den USA 1933 - 1945 /." Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0e8b7-aa.
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Phelps, Thomas Edward. "The German peasant family, 1925-1939 : the problems of the republic and the impact of national socialism." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720350.
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Rural society during the German National Socialist movement has been overlooked by most historians. Instead the urban elements are stressed. I have chosen to study the impact of National Socialism upon peasant families.Three major limitations exist for this project. First, only the peasant family itself is reviewed. Second, this project is concerned only with the years from 1925 through 1339. Third, this project limits its review to only that territory comprising Germany after World War I. This was done to allow for a more equal comparison of agricultural statistics.The construction of this project remains simple. Three major chapters exist. Chapter One reviews the Republic: its politics, economy, and the problems of the peasant family. The remaining chapters then review these problems as they were resolved by the National Socialists. Chapter Two reviews the family itself: family size, health, inheritance, and social status. Chapter Three reviews farm-management: production, mechanization, labor, and prosperity. Both chapters are divided into two parts: part one reviews the new policies; part two reviews the impact.The findings of this project were different than expected. I had expected to find minimum improvement in the condition of peasant families. Instead, I discovered that, in general, these policies failed in their objectives. The reasons for these failures differed. But much of the blame rests in faults of the laws themselves. Final results, however, were mixed. Farm-management improved slightly, but the family itself witnessed reduced health. The average family was not destitute, but neither did it prosper.Department of History
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Brestic, Katell. "Identités en exil. Les exilés de langue allemande en Bolivie (1933-1945)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA156.
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Victimes des persécutions du régime national-socialiste, près d’un demi-million d’Allemands et d’Autrichiens furent contraints à l’exil entre 1933 et 1945, en Europe puis outre‑mer. Plusieurs milliers d’entre eux trouvèrent refuge en Bolivie, le pays le plus pauvre d’Amérique du Sud. Nous nous proposons d’étudier la crise identitaire provoquée par la rupture de l’exil chez les personnes concernées ainsi que les stratégies identitaires qu’elles mirent en place pour tenter de la dépasser. Nous avons ainsi choisi d’interroger les difficultés spécifiques des exilés de langue allemande qui furent confrontés dans la république andine à un environnement socio-culturel très différent de celui qu’ils connaissaient en Europe et qui n’offrait que peu de repères identificatoires. Devant l’impossibilité d’une acculturation rapide, les exilés germanophones en Bolivie durent activer des mécanismes de défense et de (re)construction identitaire qu’ils mirent en place dans des espaces interstitiels transnationaux recréés sur place. Cette étude a pour objet l’analyse de la nature de ces espaces et des processus de recomposition identitaire différents, parfois divergents, mis en place chez les exilés de langue allemande en Bolivie. Notre réflexion s’inscrit ainsi dans le cadre de la sociologie des identités en contexte migratoire centrée sur les espaces socio-culturels et politiques collectifs ainsi que sur la (re)définition d’individus victimes d’une assignation identitaire discriminanteNearly half a million of German and Austrian nationals, fleeing persecution at the hand of the national‑socialist regime, were forced into exile in Europe and overseas. A few thousands of them found refuge in Bolivia, then the poorest country in South America. In our study, this dissertaition will analyse the identity crisis caused by the rupture of exile as well as the identity strategies those who were affected developed to overcome this crisis. We chose to focus on the specific difficulties of the Germann speaking exile who in Bolivia had to face a sociocultural environment widely different from what they had known in Europe and in which they couldn’t find any references to relate to. Since fast acculturation was nearly impossible, the exiles had to recreate transnational in-between spaces that would enable them to activate defensive mechanisms to (re)build their identities.Our study aims to analyse the nature of these spaces as well as the different - or even divergent - processes of identity reconstruction the German–speaking exiles established in Bolivia. Our work relies on the sociology of identity in a migratory context with a specific focus on collective sociocultural and political spaces and on the redefining of identities for people who were the victims of a discriminating label
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Koontz, Christopher N. "The Public Polemics of Baldur von Schirach: A Study of National Socialist Rhetoric and Aesthetics, 1922-1945." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4363/.
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This dissertation examines the political writings and speeches of Baldur von Schirach, a leading figure of the National Socialist German Worker's Party, and the means by which he chose to transmit his beliefs in totalitarianism, racism, and militarism. Schirach's activities serve as a case study of the Third Reich's artistic and cultural programs and the means by which these programs served as conduits for propaganda and public education. Throughout his career as the leader of the National Socialist Student's League, Reich Youth Leader, and Gauleiter of Vienna, Schirach promulgated a political theory which interpreted the rise of the Third Reich as an expression of an innately superior German culture. He put this theory forth through the use of artistic means, including his own poetry and prose, and theoretical exegeses of artistic and literary works that explained them within a fascist, totalitarian idiom. The dissertation discusses Schirach's personal adherence to Nazism and its roots; the ways in which he interpreted fascist philosophical tenets, symbols, messages, and archetypes; his concepts of youth and adult education; his attempts to mold the artistic community of Vienna into an aesthetically progressive, yet politically coherent, means of propaganda; and his role in the destruction of the Jews of Vienna and his explanation of this act as a cultural contribution to the Third Reich. The dissertation is based upon Schirach's own speeches, poems, and published writings dealing with education and politics, as well as unpublished archival sources housed in the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv in Vienna and the National Archives in Washington, DC.
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Mispelkamp, Peter K. H. (Peter Karl Heinz). "The Kriegsmarine, Quisling, and Terboven : an inquiry into the Boehm-Terboven affair, April 1940-March 1943." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63255.
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Baker, Ruth Lynette. "Relations between Jewish and non-Jewish Germans 1933-1945: A case study in the use of evidence by historians." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Humanities, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2956.
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Of all fields of historical enquiry, Germany’s Third Reich is perhaps the richest in sources and historiography. Therefore, it is logical to assume that this is where we see history done at its best. The chief interest of this dissertation is how historians select their sources and how they use the evidence they find in their sources. I have taken relations between Jewish Germans and non-Jewish Germans as a case study because of the enormous quantity of primary source material and because so many historians have commented on the issue. I do not attempt to make any claims about what happened between Jewish Germans and their non-Jewish compatriots nor do I make a moral assessment of behaviours and attitudes among the ‘ordinary’ people of Germany under the Third Reich. Rather, this is a technical exercise to examine how well the historians have done history in this particular area.
My systematic review of the historians’ methodologies reveals that many either distort the evidence they cite or put forward arguments that go well beyond what the evidence warrants, perhaps because of pre-conceived theories which shape their approaches to the evidence. Moreover, they fail to make the best possible use of some types of source such as personal narratives. In order to ascertain whether these sources can be better used, I systematically analyse a selection of personal narratives which are sometimes quoted by historians, in particular the 1933-1945 diaries of Victor Klemperer. My question is: Do these testimonies really say what the historians claim they say about relations between Jewish and non-Jewish Germans? And if not, how can we analyse them to determine what they actually do say?
The two kinds of problems which emerge are how to select a balanced range of sources and how to use them properly. My argument is that there are six methodological principles that should underpin good historical practice. Because historians are not scrupulous to apply these common-sense rules, their arguments are methodologically flawed and they do not use some sources to the full extent of their value. This raises the question of whether these problems are confined to this particular field or whether they are endemic to the history profession as a whole.
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Brestic, Katell. "Identités en exil. Les exilés de langue allemande en Bolivie (1933-1945)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA156.
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Victimes des persécutions du régime national-socialiste, près d’un demi-million d’Allemands et d’Autrichiens furent contraints à l’exil entre 1933 et 1945, en Europe puis outre‑mer. Plusieurs milliers d’entre eux trouvèrent refuge en Bolivie, le pays le plus pauvre d’Amérique du Sud. Nous nous proposons d’étudier la crise identitaire provoquée par la rupture de l’exil chez les personnes concernées ainsi que les stratégies identitaires qu’elles mirent en place pour tenter de la dépasser. Nous avons ainsi choisi d’interroger les difficultés spécifiques des exilés de langue allemande qui furent confrontés dans la république andine à un environnement socio-culturel très différent de celui qu’ils connaissaient en Europe et qui n’offrait que peu de repères identificatoires. Devant l’impossibilité d’une acculturation rapide, les exilés germanophones en Bolivie durent activer des mécanismes de défense et de (re)construction identitaire qu’ils mirent en place dans des espaces interstitiels transnationaux recréés sur place. Cette étude a pour objet l’analyse de la nature de ces espaces et des processus de recomposition identitaire différents, parfois divergents, mis en place chez les exilés de langue allemande en Bolivie. Notre réflexion s’inscrit ainsi dans le cadre de la sociologie des identités en contexte migratoire centrée sur les espaces socio-culturels et politiques collectifs ainsi que sur la (re)définition d’individus victimes d’une assignation identitaire discriminanteNearly half a million of German and Austrian nationals, fleeing persecution at the hand of the national‑socialist regime, were forced into exile in Europe and overseas. A few thousands of them found refuge in Bolivia, then the poorest country in South America. In our study, this dissertaition will analyse the identity crisis caused by the rupture of exile as well as the identity strategies those who were affected developed to overcome this crisis. We chose to focus on the specific difficulties of the Germann speaking exile who in Bolivia had to face a sociocultural environment widely different from what they had known in Europe and in which they couldn’t find any references to relate to. Since fast acculturation was nearly impossible, the exiles had to recreate transnational in-between spaces that would enable them to activate defensive mechanisms to (re)build their identities.Our study aims to analyse the nature of these spaces as well as the different - or even divergent - processes of identity reconstruction the German–speaking exiles established in Bolivia. Our work relies on the sociology of identity in a migratory context with a specific focus on collective sociocultural and political spaces and on the redefining of identities for people who were the victims of a discriminating label
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Comartin, Justin. "Humanitarian Ambitions - International Barriers: Canadian Governmental Response to the Plight of the Jewish Refugees (1933-1945)." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23992.
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From 1933 to 1945, thousands of European Jews attempted to gain access to Canada in order to escape Nazi oppression. This thesis examines Canada’s immigration records and policies during this period. In addition to bringing light to key issues concerning popular Canadian perceptions of Jewish immigrants and refugees in the thirties and forties, this history raises important questions about the Canadian government and ethical responsibility in a time of war; about the relationship between government policy and provincial politics; and about the position taken by Canada’s longest serving Prime Minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, and his Cabinet.
The author’s research brings attention to Irving Abella and Harold Troper’s work, None is too Many, which, since its publication in 1982, has stood as the authoritative work on the subject. A variety of important issues which are not treated in detail in this earlier monograph are examined in depth in this analysis: The prevalence of anti-Semitism in French and English Canada, and the Canadian immigration record are treated in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 and 4 investigate accusations that William Lyon Mackenzie King, Ernest Lapointe, Frederick Charles Blair, and Vincent Massey harboured anti-Semitic views. It is found that such charges suffer from a serious lack of evidence. Although sometimes the language used by these men in their correspondence and letters can be shocking to the modern reader, it was the colloquial language during their lives. Furthermore, their personal documents often exhibit evidence of sincere sympathy for the Jews of Europe, and frustration with Canadian popular opinion.
The author concludes that collective memory of the Holocaust has affected perceptions concerning the Canadian immigration record during the period in question. Anti-immigration sentiment was strong in Canada during the Depression. Nevertheless, as the Canadian Government became increasingly aware of the persecution of Jews within the Reich, particularly following the events of Kristallnacht in November of 1938, measures were put into place to ease Jewish immigration to Canada, such as including refugees among the admissible classes of immigrants.
The Canadian Government did not begin to receive information concerning the extermination of European Jewry until 1942. By this time, there was hardly anything Canada could do. Heinrich Himmler had forbidden Jewish emigration from the Reich in October of 1941, the war was in full swing by 1942, and ships carrying refugees and PoWs were not safe from U-boat attacks. From 1933 to 1945 Canada allowed 8,787 Jews into the country. However, all immigration to Canada was slowed during this time. Consequently, Jews, in actuality, represented a higher percentage of immigrants arriving in Canada, at this time, than they had from 1923 to 1932. This illustrates Canada’s doors we not closed specifically to Jewish refugees during the Depression and Second World War.
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Koontz, Christopher N. (Christopher Noel). "The Cultural Politics of Baldur von Schirach, 1925-1940." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278546/.
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Bingel, Karen J. (Karen Jane). "Ernst von Weizsäcker's diplomacy and counterdiplomacy from "Munich" to the outbreak of the Second World War." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65474.
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Roche, Helen Barbara Elizabeth. "Personal and political appropriations of Sparta in German elite education during the 19th and 20th centuries : with a particular focus on the Royal Prussian Cadet-Corps (1818-1920) and the Nationalpolitische Erziehungsanstalten (1933-1945)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610857.
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Gallo, David. "La politique de formation idéologique de la SS (1933-1945) : Institutions, discours, pratiques, acteurs et impact de la Weltanschauliche Schulung." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040158.
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La présente recherche doctorale retrace l’histoire de la politique de « formation idéologique » (weltanchauliche Schulung ou weltanschauliche Erziehung) mise en oeuvre entre 1933 et 1945 par la SS (Schutzstaffel), organisation qui se voulait l’élite du nazisme. Elle s’attache à croiser quatre approches : L’histoire du réseau des institutions chargées de l’elaboration et de l’application de cette politique, au centre duquel se trouvait l’ « office de l’instruction » (Schulungsamt) de la SS, qui supervisait le travail d’un « appareil d’instruction » (Schulungsapparat) de plus d’un milliers d’instructeurs présents a tous les échelons de l’organisation; l’étude des discours idéologiques et des pratiques éducatives élaborés par ces institutions et de leurs tentatives pour vulgariser et transmettre l’ideologie nazie ; les biographies des hommes qui animèrent ces institutions, constituant un groupe particulier au sein de la hiérarchie nazie; et enfin l’analyse de l’impact de ces politiques sur la masse des militants et hommes des unités militaires et policières SS. En analysant la nature de la formation prodiguée par la SS à ses hommes – à la fois tentative de forger par l’education un homme nouveau considérant tous les domaines de l’existence à l’aune du national-socialisme et volonté de constituer un corps homogène de « soldats politiques » au service du regime – et en reconstituant l’evolution de cette formation dans le contexte de la croissance, de l’expansion et des transformations de la SS, cette étude tente d’apporter une contribution à la compréhension des mentalités des hommes qui se sont engagés et ont persécuté, combattu et tué au service du « Troisième Reich »The following doctoral research traces the history of the policy of « ideological schooling » (weltanschauliche Schulung or weltanschauliche Erziehung) developed between 1933 and 1945 by the SS (Schutzstafel), the organization that considered itself the elite of Nazism. It combines four complementary methodological approaches: an institutional history of the network of organizations tasked with elaborating and implementing the SS’s schooling program, at the center of which stood the SS-Schulungsamt (educational office), that oversaw the work an « educational apparatus » (schulungsapparat) of more than a thousand instructors present at all levels; an analysis of the ideological discourses and teaching methods elaborated by these institutions in their attempts to relay nazi ideology to the rank and file of the SS; the biographies of the men who operated the « educational apparatus », constituting a specific group of perpetrators in the Nazi hierarchy; and an evaluation of the way the SS’s own brand of education impacted those who served in its civil, military or police units. By assessing the nature of the ideological training the SS provided to its members, fruit of the attempt of forging both a new man seeing all fields of life through the lens of Nazi ideology and an homogenous troop of « political soldiers » at the service of the regime, and tracing the evolution of this educational project within the framework of the SS’s growth and transformations, this study seeks to bring a new perspective to the understanding of the mentalities of the men who committed to the cause of the « Third Reich » and fought and murdered in its name
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Fleßner, Alfred. "Kollektive Verarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit als mentaler Prozeß : das Dorf Wiefels und der evangelische Kirchenkampf /." Oldenburg : Isensee, 2002.
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Foth, Thomas. "Analyzing Nursing as a Dispositif : Healing and Devastation in the Name of Biopower. A Historical, Biopolitical Analysis of Psychiatric Nursing Care under the Nazi Regime, 1933-1945." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20286.
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Under the Nazi regime in Germany (1933-1945) a calculated killing of chronic “mentally ill” patients took place that was part of a large biopolitical program using well-established, contemporary scientific standards on the understanding of eugenics. Nearly 300,000 patients were assassinated during this period. Nurses executed this program through their everyday practice. However, suspicions have been raised that psychiatric patients were already assassinated before and after the Nazi regime, suggesting that the motives for these killings must be investigated within psychiatric practice itself. My research aims to highlight the mechanisms and scientific discourses in place that allowed nurses to perceive patients as unworthy of life, and thus able to be killed.
Using Foucauldian concepts of “biopower” and “State racism,” this discourse analysis is carried out on several levels. First, it analyzes nursing notes in one specific patient record and interprets them in relation to the kinds of scientific discourses that are identified, for example, in nursing journals between 1900 and 1945. Second, it argues that records are not static but rather produce certain effects; they are “performative” because they are active agents. Psychiatry, with its need to make patients completely visible and its desire to maintain its dominance in the psychiatric field, requires the utilization of writing in order to register everything that happens to individuals, everything they do and everything they talk about. Furthermore, writing enables nurses to pass along information from the “bottom-up,” and written documents allow all information to be accessible at any time. It is a method of centralizing information and of coordinating different levels within disciplinary systems. By following this approach it is possible to demonstrate that the production of meaning within nurses’ notes is not based on the intentionality of the writer but rather depends on discursive patterns constructed by contemporary scientific discourses. Using a form of “institutional ethnography,” the study analyzes documents as “inscriptions” that actively interven in interactions in institutions and that create a specific reality on their own accord. The question is not whether the reality represented within the documents is true, but rather how documents worked in institutions and what their effects were. Third, the study demonstrates how nurses were actively involved in the construction of patients’ identities and how these “documentary identities” led to the death of thousands of humans whose lives were considered to be “unworthy lives.”
Documents are able to constitute the identities of psychiatric patients and, conversely, are able to deconstruct them. The result of de-subjectification was that “zones for the unliving” existed in psychiatric hospitals long before the Nazi regime and within these zones, patients were exposed to an increased risk of death. An analysis of the nursing notes highlights that nurses played a decisive role in constructing these “zones” and had an important strategic function in them. Psychiatric hospitals became spaces where patients were reduced to a “bare life;” these spaces were comparable with the concentration camps of the Holocaust.
This analysis enables the integration of nursing practices under National Socialism into the history of modernity. Nursing under Nazism was not simply a relapse into barbarism; Nazi exclusionary practices were extreme variants of scientific, social, and political exclusionary practices that were already in place. Different types of power are identifiable in the Nazi regime, even those that Foucault called “technologies of the self” were demonstrated, for example, by the denunciation of “disabled persons” by nurses. Nurses themselves were able to employ techniques of power in the Nazi regime.
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Gallo, David. "La politique de formation idéologique de la SS (1933-1945) : Institutions, discours, pratiques, acteurs et impact de la Weltanschauliche Schulung." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040158.
Full textAbstract:
La présente recherche doctorale retrace l’histoire de la politique de « formation idéologique » (weltanchauliche Schulung ou weltanschauliche Erziehung) mise en oeuvre entre 1933 et 1945 par la SS (Schutzstaffel), organisation qui se voulait l’élite du nazisme. Elle s’attache à croiser quatre approches : L’histoire du réseau des institutions chargées de l’elaboration et de l’application de cette politique, au centre duquel se trouvait l’ « office de l’instruction » (Schulungsamt) de la SS, qui supervisait le travail d’un « appareil d’instruction » (Schulungsapparat) de plus d’un milliers d’instructeurs présents a tous les échelons de l’organisation; l’étude des discours idéologiques et des pratiques éducatives élaborés par ces institutions et de leurs tentatives pour vulgariser et transmettre l’ideologie nazie ; les biographies des hommes qui animèrent ces institutions, constituant un groupe particulier au sein de la hiérarchie nazie; et enfin l’analyse de l’impact de ces politiques sur la masse des militants et hommes des unités militaires et policières SS. En analysant la nature de la formation prodiguée par la SS à ses hommes – à la fois tentative de forger par l’education un homme nouveau considérant tous les domaines de l’existence à l’aune du national-socialisme et volonté de constituer un corps homogène de « soldats politiques » au service du regime – et en reconstituant l’evolution de cette formation dans le contexte de la croissance, de l’expansion et des transformations de la SS, cette étude tente d’apporter une contribution à la compréhension des mentalités des hommes qui se sont engagés et ont persécuté, combattu et tué au service du « Troisième Reich »The following doctoral research traces the history of the policy of « ideological schooling » (weltanschauliche Schulung or weltanschauliche Erziehung) developed between 1933 and 1945 by the SS (Schutzstafel), the organization that considered itself the elite of Nazism. It combines four complementary methodological approaches: an institutional history of the network of organizations tasked with elaborating and implementing the SS’s schooling program, at the center of which stood the SS-Schulungsamt (educational office), that oversaw the work an « educational apparatus » (schulungsapparat) of more than a thousand instructors present at all levels; an analysis of the ideological discourses and teaching methods elaborated by these institutions in their attempts to relay nazi ideology to the rank and file of the SS; the biographies of the men who operated the « educational apparatus », constituting a specific group of perpetrators in the Nazi hierarchy; and an evaluation of the way the SS’s own brand of education impacted those who served in its civil, military or police units. By assessing the nature of the ideological training the SS provided to its members, fruit of the attempt of forging both a new man seeing all fields of life through the lens of Nazi ideology and an homogenous troop of « political soldiers » at the service of the regime, and tracing the evolution of this educational project within the framework of the SS’s growth and transformations, this study seeks to bring a new perspective to the understanding of the mentalities of the men who committed to the cause of the « Third Reich » and fought and murdered in its name
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Lak, Marizanne Zoe. "Why the righteous resist? : towards understanding Dietrich Bonhoeffer's resistance." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79977.
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Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although Bonhoeffer is hailed by some as a type of Protestant saint, there is certainly also a plea for the realisation of the paradox in his story; Bonhoeffer consciously associated himself with a plot against the life of another man. What lead this young theologian, known for pacifistic ideals and full of promise, to participate in such a violent plot? How did Bonhoeffer, and the scholars who studied his life and work, justify his decision? How should we, as theologians and Christians in the twenty-first century, attempt to understand Bonhoeffer’s resistance and its relevance for us today? According to Bonhoeffer himself: “Christianity stands or falls with its revolutionary protest against violence, arbitrariness and pride of power and with its apologia for the weak. I feel that Christianity is rather doing too little in showing these points than too much. Christianity has adjusted itself to the worship of power. It should give much more offence, more shock to the world, than it is doing. Christianity should take a much more definite stand for the weak than to consider the potential moral right of the strong.” (Bonhoeffer, DBWE Vol 13, 2007:403) By outlining the life of Bonhoeffer and selectively focusing on his resistance with both theological and sociological lenses, aided by his own writings, as well as the work of Bethge, Mataxas, Schlingensiepen, Rogers and an array of other authors, this thesis attempts to move towards understanding this remarkable man’s steadfast struggle to not sit passively in the midst of the reign of the Third Reich in Germany and be blinded to the inhumane treatment of fellow Germans, regardless of their race or religion.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel Bonhoeffer deur sommige as ‘n soort Protestante heilige beskou word, is daar verseker ook ‘n pleidooi vir die besef van die teenstrydigheid in sy verhaal; Bonhoeffer het homself bewustelik geassosieer met ‘n komplot om die lewe van ‘n ander man te beeïndig. Wat het aanleiding gegee dat hierdie jong teoloog, bekend vir sy pasifistiese ideale en potensiaal, in so ‘n geweldadige komplot betrokke geraak het? Hoe het Bonhoeffer, en die geleerdes wat sy lewe en werk bestudeer het, sy besluit regverdig? Hoe sou ons, as teoloë en Christene in die een-en-twintigste eeu, Bonhoeffer se verset en die relevansie daarvan vir ons lewe vandag verstaan? Bonhoeffer sê self: “Die Christendom staan of val met die revolusionêre protes teen geweld, willekeur en magstrots, en met sy voorspraak vir die swakkes. Ek voel dat die Christendom eerder te min as te veel doen om hierdie aspekte te weerspieël. Die Christendom het tot die aanbidding van mag aangepas. Dit moet baie meer aanstoot gee, die wêreld meer skok, as wat dit tans doen. Die Christendom moet ‘n baie meer defnitiewe standpunt vir die swakkes inneem, eerder as om die potensiële morele reg van die sterkes te beskerm.” (Bonhoeffer, DBWE Vol 13, 2007:403) Deur Bonhoeffer se lewe uit te lê en selektief, met beide teologiese en sosiologiese lense, op sy verset te fokus, bygestaan deur sy eie geskrifte, asook die werk van Bethge, Mataxas, Schlingensiepen, Rogers en ‘n verskeidenheid ander outeurs, poog hierdie tesis om tot ‘n verstaan te kom van hierdie merkwaardige man se standvastige stryd om nie slegs passief tydens die strikbewind van die Derde Ryk te bly nie, maar ook om nie blind vir die onmenslike behandeling van mede-Duitsers nie, ongeag hulle ras of godsdiens, te wees nie.
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De, Santiago Ramos Simone C. "Dem Schwerte Muss Der Pflug Folgen: Űber-Peasants and National Socialist Settlements in the Occupied Eastern Territories during World War Two." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3681/.
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German industrialization in the nineteenth century had brought forward a variety of conflicting ideas when it came to the agrarian community. One of them was the agrarian romantic movement led by Adam Műller, who feared the loss of the traditional German peasant. Műller influenced Reichdeutsche Richard Walther Darré, who argued that large cities were the downfall of the German people and that only a healthy peasant stock would be able to ‘save' Germany. Under Darré's definition, “Geopolitik” was the defense of the land, the defense with Pflug und Schwert (plow and sword) by Wehrbauern, an ‘Űberbauer-fusion' of soldier and peasant. In order to accomplish these goals, new settlements had to be established while moving from west to east. The specific focus of this study is on the original Hegewald resettlement ideas of Richard Walther Darré and how his philosophy was taken over by Himmler and fit into his personal needs and creed after 1941. It will shed some light on the interaction of Darré and Himmler and the notorious internal fights and power struggles between the various governmental agencies involved. The Ministry for Food and Agriculture under the leadership of Darré was systematically pushed into the background and all previous, often publicly announced re-settlement policies were altered; Darré was pushed aside once the eastern living space was actually occupied.
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Mertens, Annette. "Himmlers Klostersturm der Angriff auf katholische Einrichtungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg und die Wiedergutmachung nach 1945 /." Paderborn : Schöningh, 2006. http://books.google.com/books?id=OzrZAAAAMAAJ.
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Soria, Charlotte. "Le Premier Mai, lieu et temps de la fabrique sociale de la "Communauté du peuple" nationale socialiste (1933-1939)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL086.
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Le 1er mai, fête éminemment politique du mouvement ouvrier socialiste et devenue avec la célébration du 1er mai 1933 une fête officielle du régime national-socialiste, une incarnation de son projet social communautaire, la "Volksgemeinschaft". Mais ces rituels politiques ont-ils réellement contribué à fabriquer un ordre social ou n’étaient-ils que le reflet trompeur de la communication du régime ? De fait, la journée du 1er mai - jour férié et journée festive depuis 1933/34 - était un dispositif de pouvoir(s), d’inclusion et d’exclusion, qui visait à cette fabrique sociale par des fêtes politiques et officielles mais aussi par le développement d’activités de loisirs au sein des entreprises. Elle contribua alors à l’émergence d’un nouvel ordre social, inégalitaire et raciste par des mécanismes classiques d’inclusion et d’exclusion voire d’ascension sociale au profit des >Volksgenossen< et >Volksgenossinnen< ainsi définis, non seulement par la contrainte mais aussi dans un processus constant de négociations. Le dispositif festif et médiatique eut en effet des résultats décevants, les organisateurs (Joseph Goebbels) ne réussissant pas réussi à implanter au cœur de la société allemande le modèle de mobilisation partisan hérité du NSDAP. Aussi, s’ajouta à ce modèle mis en valeur tout particulièrement dans les médias, la création de droits sociaux nouveaux, le droit aux congés - assuré par ce jour férié entre autres - le droit aux loisirs et au tourisme, ainsi qu'un accès à la consommation de « services communautaires » dont les soirées festives organisées partout au profit du DAF de Robert Ley. Dans un même mouvement, de ces droits « communautaires » furent exclus, difficilement les Allemands juifs. Par cette exclusion, la « Communauté du Peuple » fut alors clairement délimitée, tandis que son sens resta sujet à débat entre "Communauté de l’action » par la participation, « Communauté de l’effort » par des processus de distinction, mais aussi "Communauté des loisirs"May Day, an eminently political holiday of the socialist workers' movement, became with the celebration of May Day 1933 an official holiday of the National Socialist regime, an embodiment of its social community project, the "Volksgemeinschaft". But did these political rituals really contribute to the creation of a social order or were they merely a deceptive reflection of the regime's communication? In fact, May Day - a public holiday and festive day since 1933/34 - was a device of power(s), of inclusion and exclusion, which aimed at this social fabrication through political and official celebrations but also through the development of leisure activities within enterprises. It contributed to the emergence of a new, unequal and racist social order through classical mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion or even social ascension for the benefit of the >Volksgenossen< and >Volksgenossinnen< thus defined, not only through coercion but also in a constant process of negotiation. The festive and media arrangements had disappointing results, as the organisers (Joseph Goebbels) did not succeed in implanting the partisan mobilisation model inherited from the NSDAP in the heart of German society. In addition to this model, which was particularly highlighted in the media, new social rights were created: the right to holidays - guaranteed by this public holiday, among others - the right to leisure and tourism, as well as access to the consumption of "community services", including the festive evenings organised everywhere for the benefit of Robert Ley's DAF. At the same time, Jewish Germans were excluded from these "community" rights with difficulty. This exclusion clearly defined the "People's Community", while its meaning remained open to debate between "Community of action" through participation, "Community of effort" through processes of distinction, and "Community of leisure"
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Dorondo, D. R. "A comparative study of Bavarian federalism 1918-1933, 1945-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384066.
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Huebel, Sebastian. "Stolen manhood? German-Jewish masculinities in the Third Reich, 1933-1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/63358.
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When the Nazis came to power in Germany, they used various strategies to expel German Jews from social, cultural and economic life. My dissertation focuses on gendered forms of discrimination which had impacts on Jewish masculine identity. I am asking how Jewish men experienced these challenges and the undermining of their self-understandings as men in the Third Reich. How did Jewish men adhere to pre-established gender norms and practices such as the role of serving as the providers and protectors of their families? How did Jewish men maintain their sense of being patriotic German war veterans and members of the national community? And finally, how did Jewish men react to being exposed to the physical assaults and violence that was overwhelmingly directed against them in prewar Germany? These central questions form the basis of my study of Jewish masculinities in the Third Reich. I argue that Jewish men’s gender identities, intersecting with categories of ethnicity, race, class and age, underwent a profound process of marginalization that undermined their accustomed ways of performing masculinity; yet at the same time, in their attempts to sustain their conception of masculinity they maintained sufficient agency and developed coping strategies to prevent their full-scale emasculation. Jewish men adapted to their persecution by finding alternative employment, assuming an increased presence in the domestic sphere as fathers and husbands; maintaining an emotional spiritual-belonging to Germany; resisting their sexual-racial classification as racial defilers; minimizing physical victimization in concentration camps and the public by embodying military virtues like strength and discipline; and finally developing gendered survival strategies living as “illegals” in the underground during the years of the Holocaust. In their totality of perceptions, reactions and often overlapping coping strategies, Jewish men comprised a heterogeneous group of marginalized men who with their families strove to have normal lives in Nazi Germany.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Gutberlet, Anja. "Das Schicksal der jüdischen Gemeinde in Fulda nach 1933 /." [Giessen : A. Gutberlet], 1994. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0710/2006502599.html.
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"Wissenschaftliche Hausarbeit im Rahmen der Ersten Staatsprüfung für das Lehramt an Grundschulden bzw. Haupt- und Realschulen im Fach katholischer Theologie, eingereicht dem Wiss. Prüfungsamt für das Lehramt an Grundschulen und an Haput- und Realschulen in Giessen" --T.p.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 92-95).
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Schmidt, Ulf. "Medical research films, perpetrators, and victims in National Socialist Germant, 1933-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249847.
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Schilmar, Boris. "Der Europadiskurs im deutschen Exil : 1933 - 1945 /." München : Oldenbourg, 2004. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0f0v2-aa.
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Alberts, P. P. "Memory, entertainment, propaganda : the Great War and German popular cinema, 1933-1945." Thesis, University of Salford, 2013. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/29457/.
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Applying conceptual ideas of memory and propaganda, this study intends to shed light on feature films produced during the Third Reich which gave prominence to the Great War. Since the National Socialist movement presented an image of itself as not only part of the tradition of the 'undefeated German soldier' of the First World War, but also sought to rectify the perceived political injustices of the conflict, this study defines 'Great War films' as not only those which were set during the conflict, but also productions which used the immediate aftermath of the war and the 'post-war period' as the reference points for their plots. By using the National Socialists' own very broad conception of what the Great War signified, this study has identified a corpus of around fifty films which are the main object of the analysis. The principal question which the thesis intends to answer is: How did National Socialist film define the Great War, in what way did it portray the experience and consequences of war, and what did it attempt to communicate about that conflict and its aftermath? In order to provide an answer, attention will be given to the censorship process and other efforts to influence film-making. At the centre of the study is the analysis of specific features which recurred in the majority of the films: common to the two major categories of film were points of consistency in the portrayal of various 'enemies', women and soldiers; also significant were the ways in which the experience of war and peace were portrayed; more common to films dealing with the war were references to the hotly disputed issue of 'war guilt'; more common to the films dealing with 'post-war' was the connection made between defeat and the prospect of a brighter future under the National Socialists.
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Rouquier, Viviane. "La caricature antihitlérienne dans la presse satirique allemande de 1923 à 1933." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOU20124.
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Cette étude comprend l'analyse et le commentaire de quelques cent-trente-cinq caricatures qui ont pour but de tenter de répondre à la question sur l'éventualité d'une reconstitution historique au travers des caricatures antihitlériennes de la presse satirique de la République de Weimar. Elles illustrent la montée du national-socialisme, du moins par le biais de la critique, puis de l'opposition et de la révolte, que ce dernier a pu susciter au cours des années 1923-1933. Ce travail a nécessité la recherche de faits politiques précis auxquels chaque caricature faisait référence et la comparaison de la représentation proposée par la caricature avec les informations et les jugements donnés rétrospectivement par les historiens. Ce jeu de va-et-vient entre le document-source et l'arrière-plan référentiel a aidé à proposer une estimation de l'écho suscité ou non par l'événement politique en question. Ce choix de caricatures a permis par exemple de voir quelles avaient été les apparitions de Hitler sur la scène politique qui avaient le plus déchaîné les passions. Toutefois il reste difficile de concevoir une histoire de la montée du national-socialisme et de l'opposition à Hitler avant 1933 à partir des seules caricaturesThis study is made up of the analysis and commentary of some one hundred and thirty-five caricatures in an attempt to resolve the question of a possible historical reconstruction through anti-Hitler caricatures in the satirical press of the Weimar Republic. They illustrate the rise of National Socialism, at least as seen by the critics and then the opposition and revolt that the former actually gave rise to between 1923 and 1933. The work bas required research into the precise political events referred to by each caricature and the comparison between the representation proposed by the caricature and the information and the opinion provided in retrospect by historians. This coming and going between the original document and the referential background has led to an assessment of the extent of the coverage given to the political event in question. The choice of caricatures has allowed for instance to see which appearances in public by Hitler had unleashed the most passion. Nevertheless it still remains difficult to establish a history of the rise of National Socialism and of the opposition to Hitler before 1933 from these caricatures alone
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Zamet, John. "German and Austrian refugee dentists : the response of the British authorities 1933-1945." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444309.
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Megargee, Geoffrey P. "Triumph of the null : the war within the German high command 1933-1945 /." The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148795356776923.
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Heikaus, Ulrike. "Deutschsprachige Filme als Kulturinsel : zur kulturellen Integration der deutschsprachigen Juden in Palästina 1933-1945." Universität Potsdam, 2008. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/1705/.
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Im sechsten Band der Reihe Pri ha-Pardes untersucht Ulrike Heikaus die deutschsprachigen Filme, die zwischen 1933 und 1945 aus Mitteleuropa nach Palästina importiert und einer breiten Öffentlichkeit vorgeführt wurden. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse steht die Bedeutung und Repräsentation dieser deutschsprachigen Filme in der palästinensischen Filmkultur, ihre Wahrnehmung und Rezeption, vor allem durch die deutschsprachigen Einwanderer selbst.
Mehr als zweihundert deutschsprachige Filme wurden in den palästinensischen Kinotheatern während der Jahre 1930 bis 1945 in Palästina zum Teil über Jahre hinweg regelmäßig aufgeführt. Doch wie sehr waren diese Filme tatsächlich in der hebräischsprachigen Öffentlichkeit präsent? Wie wurde für sie geworben? Und wie wurden diese Filme von den deutschsprachigen Einwanderer wahrgenommen? Antworten dazu geben dabei vor allem die in Palästina in den dreißiger und vierziger Jahren erschienenen Zeitungen in deutscher Sprache, die den Neueinwanderern als Mittel zur sozialen Kommunikation und Plattform für gesellschaftliches, kulturelles und soziales Leben zur Verfügung standen. Untersucht werden ferner Materialien israelischer Archive, die über den Aspekt des deutschsprachigen Filmimports und die Vermarktung der Filme im Kontext der frühen Kinokultur im damaligen Palästina Aufschluss geben.The focus of this study are the numerous German-speaking films, which were imported to Palestine from Europe between 1933 and 1945 and screened for a broad public. The importance and representation of these films for the young film culture of Palestine, their perception and reception, especially by the German-speaking Jews, will be investigated and analysed in this thesis.
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Palmer, Glen. "Reluctant refuge : unaccompanied refugee and evacuee children in Australia, 1933-45 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1995. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php1738.pdf.
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Rouquier, Viviane. "La caricature antihitlérienne dans la presse satirique allemande de 1923 à 1933." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00844378.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude comprend l'analyse et le commentaire de quelques cent-trente-cinq caricatures qui ont pour but de tenter de répondre à la question sur l'éventualité d'une reconstitution historique au travers des caricatures antihitlériennes de la presse satirique de la République de Weimar. Elles illustrent la montée du national-socialisme, du moins par le biais de la critique, puis de l'opposition et de la révolte, que ce dernier a pu susciter au cours des années 1923-1933. Ce travail a nécessité la recherche de faits politiques précis auxquels chaque caricature faisait référence et la comparaison de la représentation proposée par la caricature avec les informations et les jugements donnés rétrospectivement par les historiens. Ce jeu de va-et-vient entre le document-source et l'arrière-plan référentiel a aidé à proposer une estimation de l'écho suscité ou non par l'événement politique en question. Ce choix de caricatures a permis par exemple de voir quelles avaient été les apparitions de Hitler sur la scène politique qui avaient le plus déchaîné les passions. Toutefois il reste difficile de concevoir une histoire de la montée du national-socialisme et de l'opposition à Hitler avant 1933 à partir des seules caricatures.
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Pedersen, Ena. "Henry William Katz : the life and work of a German-Jewish writer and journalist in exile, 1933-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285425.
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