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1

Hassoon, Muna Mohammed. "Hitler's Policy Towards Iraq 1933-1945." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 4794–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1641.

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This study demonstrates the Germany's policy towards Iraq after the arrival of the Nazis to power in 1933 till the end of World War II. Because of the geopolitical importance of Iraq, and specifically after its independence and its entry into the League of Nations in 1932, the international parties became in a struggle to dominate Iraq in particular, and the Middle East in general. The study aimed to shed light on Hitler's policy of dominating the Western influence in Iraq, occupying new areas in order to penetrate his power and control, and in his desire to acquire Europe, he was striking the influence of his enemies, especially Britain. The study identified a problem that was based on Germany's betting on time as a significant factor, and how it could be used to serve its strategic plan, taking into account Britain's pressure and its interests in Iraq. The study came out with many conclusions, the most important of which is Germany's growing role to find a foothold in the Middle East, as well as the poor strategic planning of Germany since it did not have any clear goals in that region. In addition, its policy was a reflection of the plans of its allies. The structure of the study was divided into an introduction, and three axes: first, German-Iraqi relations 1919-1939; second, World War II and the Iraqi stance of it it; third, May’s movement 1941 and the German attitude of it, finally, the Conclusion which included the most important findings and recommendations, namely: 1- The growing role of Germany to find a foothold In the Middle East after it achieving its national unity in 1870. However, the German penetration in Iraq was not easy as it was interrupted by many challenges caused by the major countries, particularly Britain. 2- the Germanic strategic planning in the Middle East was poor because it did not have clear goals in the region. Its movements there came as if they were only a reaction to the Allied plans and the depletion of Britain's power. 3- Germany's defeat in the First World War made it interested in restoring its position in Europe and improving its internal conditions, which led to the decline of its international relations with other countries, including Iraq. 4- The developments in Iraq in 1941 provided a valuable opportunity for Germany, but its military failure in its war operations affected its political activities in Iraq to the extent that it ended the German role in Iraq. 5- Germany’s failures began in the last years of the war that reached its climax in 1943, signaling the end of Germany’s aspirations in the East in general and Iraq in particular. Hence, an important stage of the German activities had ended in which Iraq was an arena for conflict between Britain and Germany.
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Giles, Geoffrey J., Michael Burleigh, and Wolfgang Wippermann. "The Racial State: Germany, 1933-1945." German Studies Review 19, no. 2 (May 1996): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432028.

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3

Kater, M. H. "The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945." German History 10, no. 2 (January 1, 1992): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/10.2.259.

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4

Sheehan, James J. "The racial state: Germany, 1933–1945." History of European Ideas 14, no. 6 (November 1992): 879. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90173-a.

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5

Derks, H. "Social Sciences in Germany, 1933–1945." German History 17, no. 2 (February 1, 1999): 177–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/026635599671738571.

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6

Kölbl-Ebert, Martina. "Geology in Germany 1933–1945: People, politics and organization." Earth Sciences History 36, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 63–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6178-36.1.63.

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This paper explores geology in Germany during the Third Reich, 1933–1945. It deals with the effect of the political regime on the daily life in institutes and universities, with victims, perpetrators and bystanders, with geologists supporting the regime with their expertise in administration, economy and military, with ideological influences on geology as such and most of all with German geologists of that time and the broad spectrum of attitudes they cultivated.
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7

Fuchs, Konrad. "Jewish Daily Routine in Germany, 1933–1945." Philosophy and History 20, no. 2 (1987): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198720292.

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8

Showalter, D. E. "Nazi Germany 1933–1945: Faith and Annihilation." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 2 (January 1997): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952713.

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9

Koehl, Robert, Jost Dulffer, and Dean Scott McMurry. "Nazi Germany, 1933-1945: Faith and Annihilation." Journal of Military History 62, no. 2 (April 1998): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120754.

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10

Hobozashvili, A. "CREATION AND ACTIVITY OF «ELITE» SCHOOLS IN GERMANY (1933–1945)." Ukrainian professional education, no. 14 (December 29, 2023): 112–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2519-8254.2023.14.300232.

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The article highlights the activities of elite schools and their creation. It has been revealed that from the very beginning of its existence, the Nazi regime in Germany sought absolute power over all spheres of German life. The field of education and upbringing had a specific importance in the ideology of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (hereinafter NSDAP). Significantly, the ideologues of the Third Reich emphasized the non-class nature of their movement, and the main criterion for achieving personal growth of social peaks was not belonging to a particular class, not property qualifications, but a person’s own abilities and personal qualities. However, the main qualities were blind faith in the Führer, ruthlessness towards enemies, and cooperative personality. For the first time in the entire existence of Germany, young people had a sense of their importance. Never before in German history have youth been so needed, and, at the same time, so criminally used. Social selection began to play a fundamental role in society, so it is not surprising that it also affected the sphere of school and youth education. The emergence of elite schools that educated future generals, Gauleiters, and party officials was a logical reaction to the current regime in Germany. In Hitler’s elite schools, the dream of educating new German people-lords was to become a reality. In schools named after Adolf Hitler, national-political educational institutions, and Reich schools of the NSDAP, the regime wanted to raise capable performers who, as Hitler’s heirs, should have the future. Children were drilled, taught military affairs, and formed their worldviews. They were obliged to “believe, obey and fight”, to fulfill the role of political fighters. Young people, attracted by the opportunity to engage in various sports, to have rich leisure time, and to have a promising future career, entered elite boarding schools. There, they were brought up with unconditional loyalty to the regime. During the war, graduates of Hitler’s schools were often fanatics. Only one in two survived.
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11

Pedersen, Lars Schreiber. "Dansk arkæologi i hagekorsets skygge 1933-1945." Kuml 54, no. 54 (October 20, 2005): 145–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v54i54.97314.

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Danish archaeology in the shadow of the swastika, 1933-1945 With Hitler’s takeover in 1933 and the emergence of the National Socialist regime, Prehistoric archaeology in Germany was strengthened, both on the economical and the scholarly level. Prehistoric archaeologists entered into a Faustian bargain with the new government, and arguing the presence of Germanic peoples outside the borders of the Third Reich, they legitimated the Nazi “Drang nach Osten”. With the Fuhrer’s lack of interest in German prehistory, the fight for control of this field became a matter between two organisations, the Ahnenerbe, which was attached to Heinrich Himmler’s SS, and the competing Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte under NSDAP’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg’s “Amt Rosenberg” (Figs. 1-2). When the Second World War broke out in 1939, Ahnenerbe appeared as winner of the fight over the German prehistory. However, the archaeological power struggles continued in the conquered territories until the end of the war.Immediately after the Nazi takeover in 1933, leading staff members of the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen, such as Mouritz Mackeprang, Poul Nørlund, and Johannes Brøndsted (Figs. 3-4) dissociated themselves from the political development south of the border. However, in the course of time, and in conformity with the official Danish accommodation policy towards Germany in the 1930s, the opposition changed their attitude into a more neutral policy of cultural adjustment towards Nazified German colleagues.The Danish government’s surrender on the 9th of April 1940 meant a continuing German recognition of Denmark as a sovereign state. From the German side, the communication with the Danish government was handled by the German ministry of foreign affairs in Berlin, and by the German legation in Copenhagen. Denmark was the sole occupied country under the domain of the ministry of foreign affairs, and from the beginning of the occupation it became a regular element in the policy of the ministry to prevent other political organs within the Nazi polycracy to gain influence in Denmark. Not until the appointment of SS-Gruppenfuhrer Werner Best (Fig. 5) as the German Reich Plenipotentiary in Denmark in November 1942, the SS and the Ahnenerbe got an opportunity to secure their influence in Denmark. However, due to the chilly attitude in the Danish population towards the German culture propaganda, practiced mainly through the German Scientific Institute in Copenhagen, and the gradual worsening of the political conditions following the resignation of the Danish government on the 29th of August 1943, the Ahnenerbe, led by Wolfram Sievers (Fig. 6), was never firmly established in Denmark. The one result of Ahnenerbe’s influence in Denmark worth mentioning was the effort by the Kiel Archaeologist Karl Kersten (Fig. 7) to prevent German destruction of prehistoric Danish (Germanic) relics. Kersten began his work in 1940 and was met from the start with aversion from the National Museum in Copenhagen, which regarded the activities of the Ahnenerbe-archaeologist as German interference with Danish conditions. Yet, in time the work of the Kiel archaeologist was accepted and recognised by the muse- um, and he was officially recognized by the Danish state when in 1957, Kersten was made Knight of Dannebrog.Less successful than the Ahnenerbe rival was the prominent Nazi archaeologist Hans Reinerth (Fig. 8) and the efforts by Reichsbund für Deutsche Vorgeschichte to gain influence on the Danish scene of culture politics. One of Reinerth’s few successes in occupied Denmark was a short contact with two Danish archaeologists, Gudmund Hatt and Mogens B. Mackeprang (Figs. 9-10). However, the connections with the RfDV-leader do not seem to have been maintained, once the Danish government had ceased to function from the 29th of August 1943.During the occupation, around 300 listed burial mounds and an unknown number of prehistoric relics below ground level were destroyed or damaged due to construction projects carried out by the German occupants (Figs. 11-12). The complaints about the damage put forward by the National Museum were generally met by understanding in the German administration and in the Bauleitung (construction department), whereas the Wehrmacht had a more indifferent approach to the complaints. As opposed to this, the Danish museums managed to get through the war with no damage or German confiscations worth mentioning, thus avoiding the fate of museums, collections, and libraries in countries such as France, Poland, and the Soviet Union.Lars Schreiber PedersenÅrhusTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle
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12

FISCHER-DEFOY, C. "Artists and Art Institutions in Germany 1933 1945." Oxford Art Journal 9, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/9.2.16.

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13

Salsabila, Arih. "The Historical Criticism in The Women in the Castle by Jessica Shattuck." Journal of Literature, Linguistics, & Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2023): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/lilics.v2i1.2856.

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World War II occurred in Germany between 1933 and 1945, under the rule of Hitler and the Nazis, pitting Germany against the Allies. Propaganda played a significant role in their efforts to secure victory. Propaganda was employed to manipulate the perceptions and positions of various groups to align with the Nazis' agenda. This study focused on the forms of propaganda used by the Nazis against Non-Aryan groups, including Gypsies, Slavs, Jews, and Polish. It also explored how German society responded to this propaganda during the period of 1933-1945, as depicted in Jessica Shattuck's novel "The Women in the Castle." The research applied historical criticism, using the gray and black propaganda theories proposed by Seabury and Codevilla (1990). Additionally, the theories of gray and black propaganda by Garth S. Jowett & Victoria O'Donnell (2005) were used to support the research findings. The study felt under the category of literary criticism, gathering data from quotes, conversations, and narratives found in the novel "The Women in the Castle," published in 2017 by William Morrow. The research yielded three main results: First, it identified seven instances of gray propaganda and three instances of black propaganda. Second, it uncovered nine positive and seven negative responses to Nazi propaganda targeting Non-Aryan groups. Finally, the novel "The Women in the Castle" effectively reflected the actual socio-political conditions of Germany from 1933-1945, spanning from Hitler's rise to power as chancellor to World War II and the Holocaust, which involved various propaganda efforts to garner support from the populace. However, there were also those who resisted and acted as opposition.
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14

Bendix, John. "Contemporary Perspectives on Nazi Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370205.

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Paul Roland, Life in the Third Reich: Daily Life in Nazi Germany, 1933-1945 (London: Arcturus Publishing, 2015)Eric Kurlander, Hitler’s Monsters: A supernatural history of the Third Reich (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017)Shelley Baranowski, Armin Nolzen, and Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann, A Companion to Nazi Germany (Hoboken: Wiley, 2018)
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15

Fisch, Stefan. "Reconstruction en Allemagne après 1945 à l’exemple de l’administration : entre continuité et changement." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 37, no. 2 (2005): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.2005.5838.

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Comparing the four zones of occupation and keeping the two nascent German states in view ; the article focuses first on the rebuilding of German administration after 1945 giving examples for three general patterns : continuity in tasks and organization (forced organization of agriculture to provision the hungry population, care for war victims), reconstruction in a different way (decentralization of German police, except in the Soviet Zone), new tasks in new organizational forms (integration of millions of displaced Germans, socialist planned economy in the Soviet Zone). Regarding administrative personnel the problem of continuity and change is posed looking at persons (denazification, socialist partisan policies) and at legal status (adaptation of the national-socialist civil service law, levelling the different groups of government officials in the Soviet Zone). On the whole, the administration in East Germany broke more with the past and showed more new elements than in West Germany, which went back to the pre-1933 traditions, because a socialist system was built up as a totally new political and societal order even before the socialist German state was founded in 1949.
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Dostal, Caroline, Anke Strauss, and Leopold von Carlowitz. "Between Individual Justice and Mass Claims Proceedings: Property Restitution for Victims of Nazi Persecution in Post-Reunification Germany." German Law Journal 15, no. 6 (October 1, 2014): 1035–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220001926x.

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German history of the twentieth century offers a rich resource of precedent for property restitution and compensation programs. The Federal Republic of Germany instituted different mass claims proceedings shaped to “reverse” or mitigate violations of property rights that took place as part of (a) the persecutions by the Nazi regime from 1933 to 1945, (b) the Land Reform (Bodenreform) during the Soviet occupation of East German territories from 1945 to 1949, and (c) the nationalization activities of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from 1949 to 1990. Except for cases under the Land Reform in the Soviet zone, restitution preceded compensation as the main means of redress. All reparation schemes involved specific compensation arrangements including elaborate property evaluation systems.
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Cohen, G. Daniel. "Ruth Gay. Safe Among The Germans: Liberated Jews After World War Two. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002. 330 pp.; Zeev Mankowitz. Life Between Memory and Hope: The Survivors of the Holocaust in Occupied Germany. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002. 348 pp." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (November 2004): 378–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404320210.

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In the last decade or so, new research on Jewish displaced persons in occupied Germany has pushed the traditional boundaries of “Holocaust studies” (1933–1945) toward the postwar period. Indeed, the displaced persons or “DP” experience—the temporary settlement in Germany of the Sheءerith Hapleitah (“Surviving Remnant”) from the liberation of concentration camps in the spring of 1945 to the late 1940s—provides important insights into post-Holocaust Jewish life. The impact of trauma and loss, the final divorce between Jews and East-Central Europe through migration to Israel and the New World, the rise of Zionist consciousness, the shaping of a Jewish national collective in transit, the regeneration of Jewish demography and culture in the DP camps, and the relationships between Jews and Germans in occupied Germany are some of the many themes explored by recent DP historiography—by now a subfield of postwar Jewish history.
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Wicke, Peter. "Sentimentality and high pathos: popular music in fascist Germany." Popular Music 5 (January 1985): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000001963.

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This article deals with one of the darkest chapters in the history of popular music: the way in which it was pressed into the service of the cynical and ultra-reactionary goals of German fascism between the years 1933 and 1945. The aim, however, is not simply to fill a gap in historical accounts, which hitherto have always ignored this period. The subject is far from being merely of historical interest: it concerns the mechanisms whereby popular music can be socially and politically misused – mechanisms to which it can more easily fall victim, the more professionally it is produced. It is a fatal error to assume, for example, that popular music serving reactionary interests unmasks itself self-evidently as such. Rather, at no time has the lack of political responsibility on the part of performing musicians and composers been so clear, and had such disastrous eventual consequences, as was the case in Germany between 1933 and 1945. And this is what makes the subject as topical today, forty years after the ending of fascist tyranny in Germany, as it was then. ‘Continuity and change’ requires that the bitter experience of the past be combined with the urgent call to learn lessons from it now, after so long. The next time could be the last time!
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GOBOZASHVILI, A. "THEORETICAL FUNDAMENTALS OF EDUCATION IN GERMANY IN 1933-1945." Pedagogical Sciences, no. 77 (August 28, 2021): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2524-2474.2021.77.239299.

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It was found that the National Socialists paid considerable attention to education and upbringing, setting before these areas specific tasks: the dissemination and support of a new worldview. Within a few years, the face of German education was radically changed: it began to serve a single purpose - to educate fanatics who are not able to critically perceive the reality around them. The conceptual constructions of education and upbringing in the Third Flight did not differ either in the originality of thinking, which gave way to freedom due to ideology, or in the honesty of the pedagogical mind.It was established that education in the Third Reich, according to A. Hitler, should not be reduced to classes in suffocating classrooms: it had to be, according to certain age groups, supplemented by Spartan, political and military training.An analysis of the process of centralization of the education system of the Third Reich. In 1933, government decrees were passed to begin the nationalization of the entire educational system of the country from primary school to universities. The first practical steps in the implementation of this course were the decrees adopted in May 1934 on the establishment of the Imperial Ministry of Science, Education and Public Education, headed by Bernhard Rust, and the replacement of the decentralized system of educational management with a centralized one.It has been established that school textbooks have been reworked in a racist and anti-Semitic spirit. In accordance with ideological requirements, the nature of teaching certain subjects, including geography, has changed. Thus, school curricula ranged from geographical to “geopolitical” in order to suggest to young people that state borders should be constantly changing, depending on the development of Germany’s need for “living space”. There were also new items needed to prepare young people for the Nazi plans. In addition to military affairs from the 1934-1935 academic year, the discipline of “orienteering” was introduced. The network of out-of-school Nazi children’s and youth organizations is characterized: “Pimpfe”, “Jungfolk”, “Hitler Youth”, “Jungmedhen”, “Bund Deutscher Medhen”.It has been proven that during the 12 years of the Third Reich’s existence, the entire education system collapsed catastrophically when it began to be adjusted to the standards of the Nazi dictatorship. The “reforms” carried out by the Nazi leadership in the German education system had catastrophic consequences. In particular, there was a sharp decline in the level of intellectual and professional training of students; the system, which had previously enjoyed universal respect for the quality and scope of knowledge, dignity and validity, became an appendage to the Nazi Ministry of Propaganda; year after year, the level of preparation of students fell sharply at all stages - from primary school to universities.
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Jones, Larry Eugene, and Klaus-Jurgen Muller. "The Army, Politics and Society in Germany 1933-1945." German Studies Review 11, no. 1 (February 1988): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430874.

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Moore, B. "Book Review: Nazi Germany 1933-1945: Faith and Annihilation." German History 16, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549801600139.

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Pfatteicher, Peter Alexander Carl, Olive McCarthy, and Carol Power. "Housing co-operatives in Germany: 160 years of evolution and resilience." Journal of Co-operative Studies 57, no. 1 (June 2024): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.61869/gcsp6342.

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This paper examines the evolution and resilience of housing co-operatives in Germany from their beginning 160 years ago to the present against the backdrop of an ever-changing political, economic, social, and cultural environment. We divide the discussion into five parts: 1803-1914 — The Rise of Housing Co-operatives; 1914-1933 — World War I and the Weimar Republic; 1933-1945 — Destruction of Housing Co-operative Values and Principles, and World War II; 1945-October 1990 — A New Beginning. Housing Co-operatives in East and West Germany; and Post-1990 — From Unification to Today’s Challenges. We examine select events and developments and their impact on housing co-operatives. We argue that, despite challenges and threats, especially in times of crisis, housing co-operatives persevered, proving resilient and meeting members’ housing needs, motivated by self-help and supported by established core values and principles. Meeting members’ housing needs makes housing co-operatives especially relevant now, given Germany’s ongoing housing crisis. Lastly, we argue other countries can learn from the experience of German housing co-operatives, and establish and support a co-operative framework that allows housing co-operatives to focus on core values and principles, which are the source of co-operative resilience.
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Schweitzer, Gábor. "„Der Name Euer Gnaden ist mittlerweile ein Begriff auch im Dritten Reich, der alle Türen öffnet.”." DÍKÉ 5, no. 2 (May 6, 2022): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/dike.2021.05.02.11.

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Zoltán Magyary (1888–1945) was a preeminent scholar of public administration in Hungary in the interwar period. Many of his discilpes took part in study tours to Western Europe to increase their specialist knowledge. Some of them studied at the universities and scientific institutions of Nazi Germany in the 1933–1944 period. In addition to publishing papers, the students also gave account of the experiences and knowledge gained during the study trips in private letters to Zoltán Magyary. On this source base, Zoltán Magyary’s network in Germany can be further nuanced, as the professors visited by Magyary’s students filled also governmental and party functions in post-1933 Germany, in addition to their respective scientific positions.
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Geerling, Wayne, Gary B. Magee, and Robert Brooks. "Faces of Opposition: Juvenile Resistance, High Treason, and the People's Court in Nazi Germany." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44, no. 2 (August 2013): 209–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00537.

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Analysis of the sixty-nine juveniles tried for high treason before the People's Court in Nazi Germany between 1933 and 1945, based on the available court records, finds that juvenile resistance in Nazi Germany possessed a distinct form and character; it was a phenomenon rather than an exceptional act. Juvenile resisters charged with high treason were typically working-class males of German ethnicity, motivated primarily by left-wing and religious beliefs, acting in small groups free of significant adult supervision and direction. Examination of the verdicts and sentencing of these juvenile resisters sheds light on how the Nazi justice system reacted to such serious internal resistance from its young.
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Epstein, Catherine. "The Production of “Official Memory” in East Germany: Old Communists and the Dilemmas of Memoir-Writing." Central European History 32, no. 2 (June 1999): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020896.

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In East Germany, official memory was reputedly embodied in Old Communists, those men and women who had joined the German Communist Party (KPD) before Hitler's rise to power in 1933. After 1945, the Socialist Unity Party (SED), East Germany's ruling party, exploited the tragic experiences of Old Communists during the Third Reich—exile, resistance, and concentration–camp incarceration—to foster a triumphant official memory of heroic, Communist-led antifascist struggle. Intended to legitimate the SED regime, this official memory was rehearsed in countless “lieux de mémoire,” including films, novels, school textbooks, museum exhibitions, and commemorative rituals. Concurrently, party authorities encouraged Old Communists to share their past lives with younger East Germans; in particular, they urged Old Communists to write memoirs of their participation in the antifascist struggle against Hitler.
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Schmeller, Helmut J. "National Socialist Rule in Germany: The Fuehrer State, 1933–1945." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 1 (July 1994): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9950914.

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27

Gellately, Robert. "The Racial State: Germany, 1933-1945. Michael Burleigh , Wolfgang Wippermann." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 4 (December 1994): 872–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244995.

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28

Richards, Earl Jeffrey. "National Identity and Recovering Memories in Contemporary Germany: The Reception of Victor Klemperer’s Diaries." German Politics and Society 17, no. 3 (September 1, 1999): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503099782486888.

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The overwhelming critical response in Germany to the publication ofVictor Klemperer’s journals, particularly those spanning the yearsfrom 1933 to 1945, has been a veritable sensation. Hundreds ofreviews, mostly appreciations, have appeared. Klemperer’s journalshave also turned into big business. On October 12, 1999, the Germantelevision channel ARD began broadcasting a thirteen-episode serieson the diaries in the most expensive, made-for-television program ofits kind in Germany. Additionally, the English-language rights to thejournals were sold to Random House for a record $550,000, morethan has ever been paid for translation rights of any German book inhistory. The selling of Klemperer’s journals may have led to a distortedevaluation of their author’s position and importance.
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Cheape, Charles. "Not Politicians but Sound Businessmen: Norton Company and the Third Reich." Business History Review 62, no. 3 (1988): 444–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115544.

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The lengthy dispute about the role of big business in Hitler's Third Reich has generally portrayed business leaders either as instigators or as victims. The experience of Norton Company, an American multinational in Germany between 1933 and 1945, fits neither role. In this article, Professor Cheape demonstrates that Norton's German and American managers acted as outsiders compelled to play a part for their firm's long–run self–interest. As a result, Norton executives variously cooperated with, ignored, or violated Nazi policies, presenting a richer and more complex pattern of behavior than is usually pictured.
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Antonov, Boris A. "NAZI GERMANY AS A MODEL OF NON-CLASSICAL EMPIRE. INTERPRETATION OF LEGAL CONCEPTS IN THE SYSTEM OF LAW OF THE THIRD REICH." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Economics. Management. Law, no. 4 (2022): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6304-2022-4-121-135.

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The article does not pretend to become a detailed research of such complicated and ambiguous concepts as empire, imperial consciousness, and mentality. All of them are applied to Germany of 1933–1945 only to an- swer the next three questions: – if the Third Reich is considered to be an empire, what type of empire is it? – is it possible to define the national consciousness of the German nation in the Third Reich as imperial? – in what way has the imperial national consciousness been reflected in the classification of mentality types develop by the lawyers of the Third Reich? And how do the German lawyers interpret such a classification from the pres- ent day perspective? To answer the first question, the author subjects a number of definitions of empire to a comparative analysis, distinguishing such “imperial” features that could be applied to Germany of 1933–1945 and characterize it as a non- classical type of empire. The answer to the second question requires from the author a sufficiently detailed description of the national German consciousness in the Third Reich and its definition as mass, totalitarian, and archetypical. All listed features re- flect to certain extent the essence of imperial consciousness. However, such fact cannot be considered a reason for defining the national German conscious- ness as imperial, because the Third Reich chose as the main criteria for its state construction a race theory while the concept of empire presupposes a multina- tional and not a racially homogeneous society. Answering the third question the author makes an attempt to charac- terize the national German consciousness through the prism of legal con- cepts used in the classification of mentality developed by the German la wyer K. Schmitt in the 30-s of the 20th century, perfected later by his appren- tice O. Bruner and finally critically reassessed by a modern Israeli historian G. Al’gazi.
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Vitoshnova, Anna M. "UNDISCOVERED TEXTS OF EXILE LITERARURE (TRANSLINGUALISM AND INTERNAL TRANSLATION BASED ON THE NOVEL “CHILDREN OF VIENNA” BY ROBERT NEUMANN)." HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES IN THE FAR EAST 20, no. 1 (2023): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.31079/1992-2868-2023-20-192-100.

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In the era of scholars’ growing interest in the phenomenon of translingual literature and recently emerged theory of inner translation, unfairly little attention is paid to the phenomenon of German exile literature, which is literature created by exiled authors in 1933–1945. This article analyses the novel “Children of Vienna” by R. Neumann, one of a few Austrian authors who fled fascist Germany. He managed to win recognition among critics and readers during his lifetime. The article evaluates the author’s internal translation from his mother German language into English. In conclusion the author of the article claims the value of Exilliteratur for diverse linguistic investigations.
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32

Nedelmann, Carl. "Psychoanalysis in Germany 1933-1945 and Challenges for the Nuclear Age." Political Psychology 10, no. 1 (March 1989): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791585.

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33

Ranki, Vera. "Burleigh, M and Wippermann, W,The Racial State—Germany 1933-1945." Current Issues in Criminal Justice 4, no. 2 (November 1992): 194–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10345329.1992.12036570.

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34

Marszolek, I. "Nazi Soundscapes: Sound, Technology and Urban Space in Germany, 1933-1945." German History 32, no. 2 (December 20, 2013): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ght105.

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35

Gross, Stephen G. "Nazi Germany and Southern Europe, 1933–1945: Science, Culture, and Politics." German History 34, no. 3 (June 25, 2016): 508–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghw050.

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36

Kurlander, Eric. "New Approaches to Bourgeois Resistance in Germany and Austria, 1933-1945." History Compass 4, no. 2 (January 26, 2006): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00307.x.

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37

Paslavska, N. T. "Аdministrative justice in Germany in 1933–1945: historical and legal analysis." Актуальні проблеми держави і права, no. 99 (2023): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/apdp.v99.2023.15.

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38

Snelders, Stephen. "The Plot against Cancer: Heredity and Cancer in German and Dutch Medicine, 1933–1945." Gesnerus 65, no. 1-2 (November 11, 2008): 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0650102003.

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In the Third Reich hereditarian approaches and their eugenic implications seemed to offer possibilities for fundamental progress in the fight against cancer. This did not lead to an exclusive emphasis on genetics in theory or practice. The concept of a hereditary predisposition for cancer, the Krebsdisposition or Krebsbereitschaft, led to flexible multifactor approaches, including proposals for both eugenic and social-hygienic measures. These approaches were not typical of German medicine alone. In the Netherlands hereditarian approaches did not play a central role in the 1930s. They lacked institutional support in a country where health policies were characterised by indirect strategies working through intermediaries such as general practitioners and home nursing organisations. However, potentially the elements for similar anti-cancer policies as in Germany were present. The German occupation offered opportunities to develop these elements (concepts, institutions, personnel). This development was blocked because of the political radicalisation during the war and the German defeat.
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39

McFalls, Laurence. "Political Culture and Political Change in Eastern Germany: Theoretical Alternatives." German Politics and Society 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385426.

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In the past century, Germany, for better and for worse, offered itselfas a natural laboratory for political science. Indeed, Germany’sexcesses of political violence and its dramatic regime changes largelymotivated the development of postwar American political science,much of it the work of German émigrés and German-Jewishrefugees, of course. The continuing vicissitudes of the German experiencehave, however, posed a particular challenge to the concept ofpolitical culture as elaborated in the 1950s and 1960s,1 at least inpart to explain lingering authoritarianism in formally democraticWest Germany. Generally associated with political continuity or onlyincremental change,2 the concept of political culture has been illequippedto deal with historical ruptures such as Germany’s “breakwith civilization” of 1933-1945 and the East German popular revolutionof 1989. As well, even less dramatic but still important and relativelyrapid cultural changes such as the rise of a liberal democraticVerfassungspatriotismus sometime around the late 1970s in West Germany3and the emergence of a postmodern, consumer capitalist culturein eastern Germany since 19944 do not conform to mainstreampolitical culture theory’s expectations of gradual, only generationalchange. To be sure, continuity, if not inertia, characterizes much ofpolitics, even in Germany. Still, to be of theoretical value, the conceptof political culture must be able not only to admit but toaccount for change.
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Ritchie, J. M., and Jutta Vinzent. "Identity and Image: Refugee Artists from Nazi Germany in Britain (1933-1945)." Modern Language Review 103, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 598. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20467881.

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Staudenmaier, P. "Organic Farming in Nazi Germany: The Politics of Biodynamic Agriculture, 1933-1945." Environmental History 18, no. 2 (January 24, 2013): 383–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/ems154.

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42

Baader, Gerhard, Susan E. Lederer, Morris Low, Florian Schmaltz, and Alexander V. Schwerin. "Pathways to Human Experimentation, 1933-1945: Germany, Japan, and the United States." Osiris 20 (January 2005): 205–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/649419.

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43

Azaryahu, Maoz. "Renaming the past in post-Nazi Germany: insights into the politics of street naming in Mannheim and Potsdam." cultural geographies 19, no. 3 (January 20, 2012): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474011427267.

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The critical turn in the study of toponymy has drawn attention to the politics of place-naming practices and to how place names are embedded into systems of meaning and partake in social and ideological discourses. A measure of historical revision, the commemorative renaming of streets in the context of regime change is a common strategy employed to signify the break with the past. This article juxtaposes patterns of renaming the past in two German cities from 1945 through 1950 as an aspect of the democratic reconstruction of post-Nazi Germany. The moderate pattern applied in Mannheim represented a restorative approach and signified continuity with the pre-1933 Weimar Republic. The radical pattern applied in communist-controlled Potsdam represented the future-oriented approach of socialist transformation. At one level, the investigation explores patterns of commemorative renaming of streets in two German provincial cities after the collapse of Nazi Germany. At another, the juxtaposition of two patterns of renaming the past in post-Nazi Germany offers insights into large-scale renaming of streets as a ritual of revolution that, involving different interests and priorities introduces major political shifts and the ideological reorientation of society they entail into urban namescapes.
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Antonov, Boris A. "THE LEGAL SYSTEM OF GERMANY IN 1933-1945: MENTALITY IN THE CATEGORIES OF A CONCRETE ORDER." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Economics. Management. Law, no. 2 (2019): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6304-2019-2-128-146.

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45

Carty, Anthony. "Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberal International Legal Order Between 1933 and 1945." Leiden Journal of International Law 14, no. 1 (March 2001): 25–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156501000036.

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Carl Schmitt was an intellectual who made the discipline of international law grapple with the major issues of his time. His work as an international lawyer remains largely untranslated. It is riddled with racism and anti-Semitism. However, an interest of his work is that it reflects the ‘shadow side’ of contemporary international law, forgotten because the moral defeat of Germany in 1945 was so total. Schmitt argues for an inherent tendency to violence and demonization in Western liberal international law theory and practice. He argues for the acceptance of difference as against homogeneity in world society as the only way to limit this violence. Finally, he argues that the liberal tradition is fundamentally compromised by its own colonialist heritage. Its objections to Nazi Germany translating this colonialist imperialism onto Eastern Europe are incoherent. Schmitt's avowed racism and anti-Semitism remain shocking. The article does not try to downplay this aspect of his work. However, it is worth noting that his Nazi bosses, for the most part, thought his racism insincere. If any negative spirit imbues the actual technical detail of Schmitt's work it is his aversion to the West. This probably had its roots in the envy which the Kaiserreich had of the British, French, and American Empires while Schmitt was growing to maturity.
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46

Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.

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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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47

Gilfillan, Mark. "Jewish Responses to Fascism and Antisemitism in Edinburgh, 1933–1945." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 35, no. 2 (November 2015): 211–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2015.0155.

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Despite the weaknesses of domestic fascist movements, in the context of the rise of Nazi Germany and the presence of antisemitic propaganda of diverse origin Edinburgh's Jewish leaders took the threat seriously. Their response to the fascist threat was influenced by the fact that Edinburgh's Jewish community was a small, integrated, and middle-class population, without links to leftist groups or trade unions. The Edinburgh community closely followed the approach of the Board of Deputies of British Jews in relation to the development of fascism in Britain, the most significant aspect of which was a counter-propaganda initiative. Another important aspect of the response in Edinburgh was the deliberate cultivation of closer ties to the Christian churches and other elite spheres of Scottish society. Despite some unique elements, none of the responses of Edinburgh Jewry, or indeed the Board of Deputies, were particularly novel, and all borrowed heavily from established traditions of post-emancipation Jewish defensive strategies.
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KARABİBER, Halide, and Nilgün DOĞRUSÖZ DİŞİAÇIK. "THE VIOLIN AS A PROPAGANDA IN NAZI GERMANY: GOEBBELS' STRADIVARIUS." Yegah Müzikoloji Dergisi 6, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51576/ymd.1400548.

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ÖZ Yüzyıllar boyunca siyasi liderler eylemlerini halk gözünde meşru kılmak ve toplumun gönüllü desteğini almak amacıyla propagandayı kullanmışlardır. II. Dünya Savaşı (1939-1945) bu durumun önemli örneklerini barındırır. Sanatın bir propaganda aracı olarak kullanılması ise sürecin en bilinen özelliklerinden birisidir. Pek çok sanatsal üretimin “kullanışlı” bir propaganda malzemesine dönüştüğü bu süreçte, keman yapımcılığı da bir propaganda unsuru haline getirilmiştir. Üçüncü Reich döneminde (1933-1945) Reich Kültür Odasının lideri propaganda bakanı Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945), Japon keman sanatçısı Nejiko Suwa’ya (1920- 2012), Antonio Stradivari (1644-1737) tarafından yapıldığı iddia edilen bir keman hediye eder. Böylelikle Stradivari ve kemanı bir “üstün ırk” imgesine dönüşür. Bu kesişme alanın hem bugününde etkili olmuş hem de kemana farklı simgesel anlamlar kazandırmıştır. Bu makale, “Stradivari yapımı” bir kemanın Goebbels tarafından bir propaganda aracı olarak kullanmasını “üstün ırk” kavramı üzerinden inceleyen disiplinlerarası bir çalışmadır. Çalışma sonucunda Yahudi ırkının kültürel kimliğinin önemli bir parçası olan kemanın bu süreç itibariyle çoklu bir simgesel anlam kazandığı, kemanın bugün hala “üstün insan” idealizminin izlerini taşırken bir yandan da Yahudi ırkı açısından kültür hatırlatıcı bir imge olarak yeni bir projenin propaganda nesnesi haline geldiği, öte yandan çalgının dünya pazarındaki yerinin şekillenmesinde ve “el yapımı keman”ın değerliliği algısının yerleşiminde “üstün insan” imgeleminin başka birçok nedenle birlikte etkili olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır.
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Schiller, Kay. "„Der schnellste Jude Deutschlands“. Sport, Moderne und (Körper-)Politik im bewegten Leben Alex Natans (1906–1971)." STADION 43, no. 2 (2019): 185–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2019-2-185.

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This article deals with the biography of the elite Jewish-German sprinter, sports writer and left-wing political activist Alex Natan, „the fastest Jew in Germany“ (Alfred Flechtheim) during the 1920s. Hailing from an assimilated family of the Berlin Jewish-German middle class, Natan was for most of his active career a member of the bürgerlich sport movement, running for SC Charlottenburg Berlin. He achieved his greatest athletic success as a member of the club’s world-record equalling 4x100-meter relay squad in 1929. In addition to Natan’s athletic achievements, the article pays particular attention to his career as a left-wing sports journalist; his participation in the anti-Nazi resistance of civil servants in the Reich Vice Chancellery in 1933/34; his emigration to Britain in 1933; his four-year internment during World War II; the resumption of his journalistic career in the postwar period; and his support for the 1972 Munich Olympics. By focusing on his confrontations with Carl Diem and Karl Ritter von Halt, the article also engages with Natan’s vocal opposition to the rehabilitation after 1945 of sport functionaries who had collaborated with the Nazi regime.
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Moses, A. D. "The Forty-Fivers: A Generation Between Fascism and Democracy." German Politics and Society 17, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): 94–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503099782486941.

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In 1999, Germans celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Federal Republic. Unlike the fiftieth anniversary of other events in the recent national past—the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, the anti-Jewish pogrom of November 1938, and the unconditional surrender in 1945—this is not an awkward occasion for the country’s elites. On the contrary, the Federal Republic is indisputably Germany’s most successful state, and its record of stability and prosperity compares favorably with that of two prominent neighbors, France and Italy. This anniversary gives us pause to pose the basic questions about West Germany. How was it possible to construct an enduring democracy for a population that, exceptions notwithstanding, had enthusiastically supported Hitler and waged world war to the bitter end?
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