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1
Harrison, Hope M. "The Berlin Wall after Fifty Years: Introduction." German Politics and Society 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290201.
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Fifty years ago on 13 August 1961, the East Germans sealed the east-westborder in Berlin, beginning to build what would become known as theBerlin Wall. Located 110 miles/177 kilometers from the border with WestGermany and deep inside of East Germany, West Berlin had remained the“last loophole” for East Germans to escape from the communist GermanDemocratic Republic (GDR) to the western Federal Republic of Germany(FRG, West Germany). West Berlin was an island of capitalism and democracywithin the GDR, and it enticed increasing numbers of dissatisfied EastGermans to flee to the West. This was particularly the case after the borderbetween the GDR and FRG was closed in 1952, leaving Berlin as the onlyplace in Germany where people could move freely between east and west.By the summer of 1961, over 1,000 East Germans were fleeing westwardsevery day, threatening to bring down the GDR. To put a stop to this, EastGermany’s leaders, with backing from their Soviet ally, slammed shut this“escape hatch.”
2
Rauch, A. M. "Die geistig-kulturelle Lage im wieder-vereinigten Deutschland." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.560.
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The mental-cultural situation of the re-united GermanyIn 1993 an exhibition presenting phenomena about the past, present and future of both East and West Germany took place in Berlin. It became clear that West and East Germans differ in inter alia the way in which life and existence have been experienced. East and West Germans also have different perspectives and perceptions of policy and society. Among the former GDR-citizens, nostalgia dominates the reflection on the past. It should, however, not be underestimated how deeply East and West Germans have been alienated from each other and that many East Germans think that facing a common future - together with West Germans - is more than they could handle. The difference in which life and existence have been experienced in East and West Germany is also reflected in German literature as is pointed out in the work of Ulrich Woelk. It also becomes, however, clear that the idea of a common German culture and history supplies a strong link to overcome these alienations.
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Layne, Priscilla. "Halbstarke and Rowdys: Consumerism, Youth Rebellion, and Gender in the Postwar Cinema of the Two Germanys." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 432–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000187.
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ABSTRACTIn the second half of the 1950s, American films about “delinquent youth” took West Germany by storm. Although these films were not screened in East Germany, the still open border between the FRG and GDR allowed young people in both states to see these films. Many adopted American clothing styles and music in both Germanys. Two films, the West German production Die Halbstarken (1956) and the East German production Berlin–Ecke Schönhauser (1957) addressed “delinquent youth” in the German context and became quite popular. The article compares the competing images of femininity in both films, which linked the problem of “delinquent youth” to consumerism, pop culture, and “weak parents,” but portrayed young women very differently. While consumerism in the West German film was in a gender-specific way linked to femininity, the East German film linked consumerism to a class society and displaced it to the West. Contemporary film reviews and press treatment of main actresses reflected these differing attitudes toward gender and consumption.
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Cary, Noel D. "From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906350066.
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The Berlin Republic of the twenty-first century, writes W. R. Smyser, is destined to be unlike all previous German states. A status quo power and a stable democracy, it is neither the battleground of others nor dominant over them, neither reticent like Bonn nor arrogant like the Berlin of the late Hohenzollerns. The Cold War was “the essential incubator” of this “new Germany” (p. 402). It provided Germany with the tools of change—a role through which to overcome its past, and time to overcome old wounds. Aiding the incubation were contradictory Communist policies, astute Western statesmanship, and bravely pursued Eastern popular aspirations. Two Germans and two Americans, Smyser avers, stand at the heart of the eventual Communist defeat: East German leader Walter Ulbricht, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, President Ronald Reagan, and Smyser’s onetime mentor, General Lucius Clay. Mighty assists go to British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Soviet leaders Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev, and the inspirational Polish Pope. Further down this idiosyncratic hierarchy stand Chancellors Adenauer and Kohl and U.S. President George H. W. Bush.
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Sperling, Stefan. "The Politics of Transparency and Surveillance in Post-Reunification Germany." Surveillance & Society 8, no. 4 (March 24, 2011): 396–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v8i4.4178.
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After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, reunified Germany intensified its policy of political transparency in an attempt to alleviate European concerns over a new German superpower. As transparency became a means to political legitimacy, the term and the practice acquired a distinctive ethical dimension. Germany’s on-going effort to come to terms with its national socialist past came to encompass the years of state socialism as well. As Germany’s new-found moral legitimacy came to rest on portraying East Germany as an immoral state, the former socialist state became an object that needed to be made fully transparent. The East German secret police (Stasi) and its vast surveillance apparatus became a natural target of transparency, as it inverted the logic of transparency by which the West German state claimed to function. As one form of transparency became key to legitimacy in Germany, its inversion – surveillance – became a marker of illegitimacy. In that sense, surveillance came to justify the unequal treatment of East Germans, of their political system, and of their public life. The conflict between divergent understandings of transparency became especially clear in a debate between two political figures, one from the former East and one from the former West. The case of German reunification serves to highlight the contingency of the meaning of the concepts of transparency, surveillance, and privacy.
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LÜTHI, LORENZ M. "How Udo Wanted to Save the World in ‘Erich's Lamp Shop’: Lindenberg's Concert in Honecker's East Berlin, the NATO Double-Track Decision and Communist Economic Woes." Contemporary European History 24, no. 1 (January 19, 2015): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000435.
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AbstractThe concert given by the West German rock star Udo Lindenberg in East Berlin on 25 October 1983 links cultural, political, diplomatic and economic history. The East German regime had banned performances by the anti-nuclear peace activist and musician since the 1970s, but eventually allowed a concert, hoping to prevent the deployment of American nuclear missiles in West Germany. In allowing this event, however, East Germany neither prevented the implementation of the NATO double-track decision of 1979 nor succeeded in controlling the political messages of the impertinent musician. Desperate for economic aid from the West, East Germany decided to cancel a promised Lindenberg tour in 1984, causing widespread disillusionment among his fans in the country.
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Belyaev, Andrei N. "German-Slavic toponymic contacts in East Germany." Neophilology, no. 27 (2021): 434–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2021-7-27-434-443.
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We consider the issues of the relationship between the German language and the Sorbian language. The material of the study is the toponyms that are common in the territory that extends in the east to the course of the rivers Bober, Quays and Oder, in the north – to the vicinity of Berlin, and in the west goes beyond the Saale River. The relevance of the study is due to the desire for a more in-depth study of German-Slavic language contacts issues. The novelty of the work lies in the consideration of the issue in various aspects: language levels, sociolinguistic, areal. We study the mechanisms and properties of adaptation of Slavic toponyms at all linguistic levels, clarify the methodology for describing the integration process of borrowed toponyms, describe the phase’s characteristic of the integration process. We show that among the Slavs and Germans, semantic parallelism in the acts of nomination is often noted, due to the geographical environment. We establish that the linguo-geographic relations that developed during the German-Lusatian to-ponymic interaction are heterogeneous in nature. We conclude that interlanguage contacts in the field of toponymy were complex and did not have a monolithic character, as was previously be-lieved. As a prospect for further research, it is planned to study the Slavic Germanic place names in the Slavic languages.
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Patzelt, Werner J. "Die Gründergeneration des ostdeutschen Parlamentarismus . Teil 1: Persönlicher Hintergrund und Amtsverständnis." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 509–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-509.
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What were the central characteristics of those members of parliament who rebuilt parliamentarism in Eastern Germany after reunification? A detailed picture emerges from surveys conducted in 1991/92 and in 1994 . All East German MPs were included in a paper-and-pencil interview, and in-depth-interviews were conducted with a random sample of MPs from Eastern Germany, West Berlin and West Germany . The results not only revealed similarities and dissimilarities between East and West German MPs but also changes in the role patterns of East German MPs during their first legislative term . In the first part of the analysis, published here, the focus lies on the political and vocational background of the first generation of East German MPs, their parliamentary learning processes, and their role orientations as well as their loyalty ties to their most important political “role partners” .
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Harjes, Kirsten. "Stumbling Stones: Holocaust Memorials, National Identity, and Democratic Inclusion in Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889237.
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In 1997, Hinrich Seeba offered a graduate seminar on Berlin at the University of California, Berkeley. He called it: "Cityscape: Berlin as Cultural Artifact in Literature, Art, Architecture, Academia." It was a true German studies course in its interdisciplinary and cultural anthropological approach to the topic: Berlin, to be analyzed as a "scape," a "view or picture of a scene," subject to the predilections of visual perception in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This course inspired my research on contemporary German history as represented in Berlin's Holocaust memorials. The number and diversity of these memorials has made this city into a laboratory of collective memory. Since the unification of East and West Germany in 1990, memorials in Berlin have become means to shape a new national identity via the history shared by both Germanys. In this article, I explore two particular memorials to show the tension between creating a collective, national identity, and representing the cultural and historical diversity of today's Germany. I compare the Denkmal für die ermordeten Juden Europas (Memorial for the Murdered Jews of Europe, or "national Holocaust memorial") which opened in central Berlin on May 10, 2005, to the lesser known, privately sponsored, decentralized "stumbling stone" project by artist Gunter Demnig.
10
Burchardi, Konrad B., and Tarek A. Hassan. "The Economic Impact of Social Ties: Evidence from German Reunification*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 128, no. 3 (July 4, 2013): 1219–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjt009.
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Abstract We use the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 to show that personal relationships which individuals maintain for noneconomic reasons can be an important determinant of regional economic growth. We show that West German households who had social ties to East Germany in 1989 experienced a persistent rise in their personal incomes after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Moreover, the presence of these households significantly affects economic performance at the regional level: it increases the returns to entrepreneurial activity, the share of households who become entrepreneurs, and the likelihood that firms based within a given West German region invest in East Germany. As a result, West German regions that (for idiosyncratic reasons) have a high concentration of households with social ties to the East exhibit substantially higher growth in income per capita in the early 1990s. A one standard deviation rise in the share of households with social ties to East Germany in 1989 is associated with a 4.7 percentage point rise in income per capita over six years. We interpret our findings as evidence of a causal link between social ties and regional economic development.
11
Schaefer, Sagi. "Growing Apart: Farmers and the Division of Germany, 1945–1965." Central European History 50, no. 4 (December 2017): 493–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000929.
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AbstractA variety of external forces led to the division of Germany after 1945, and, almost three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, division continues to persist as a social, economic, and political factor in united Germany. This article contributes to scholarly efforts aimed at delineating the ways in which division became a component in the self-perception of many Germans. Focusing on farmers, it shows that their attachment to the land was one such path. At the same time, it argues that farmers were among the first to contend with division in 1945 and, as the most numerous participants in the so-called Little Border Traffic (Kleine Grenzverkehr) between the two postwar states, were keenly aware of the growing division of Germany from its earliest days. The article highlights the choice that farmers made between living in East or in West Germany, arguing that because crossing the border was optional until the mid-1960s, and because land was much less available in the West than in the East, many East German farmers came to associate life in West Germany with the loss of land—and life in East Germany with an ability to keep it. When deciding to stay put, flee westward, or move from West to East, farmers prioritized the degree to which they were attached to their land and property. By making that choice, they cemented their self-perception as belonging to one of the opposing sides. This was not an ideological declaration per se, but rather one rooted in eminently practical considerations.
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Sunseri, Thaddeus. "The Moravian, Berlin, and Leipzig Mission Archives in Eastern Germany." History in Africa 26 (January 1999): 457–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172152.
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The reunification of the Germanies in 1990 has opened up research opportunities for historians of Africa. While research in East German archives was possible for Western scholars during the Cold War, conditions for research were not as easy or affordable as they currently are. Intent on obtaining foreign exchange, East German authorities channeled Western researchers to expensive hotels and limited the number of files a researcher could see in a day in order to prolong the process. Visas had to be obtained well in advance of research trips, and for prescribed durations, curtailing the flexibility one needed if archival materials proved to be especially rich. From the Western side, while the Federal Republic was generous in allocating funds for research in its archives (particularly through DAAD—German Academic Exchange Service—research grants), it prohibited use of those funds for research undertaken in East Germany. Today it is possible to use DAAD funds for travel and research throughout reunited Germany.While federal and state archives in eastern Germany offer valuable resources for researchers interested in the former German colonies, mission archives located in the East have not been widely used by historians of Africa. For the most part these have been content to use published mission histories and newspapers as their sources of information, neglecting diaries, station reports, and correspondence which offer more nuanced and detailed pictures of African life.
13
Earnest, Steve. "The East/West Dialectic in German Actor Training." New Theatre Quarterly 26, no. 1 (February 2010): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x10000096.
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In this article Steve Earnest discusses contemporary approaches to performance training in Germany, comparing the content and methods of selected programmes from the former Federal Republic of Germany to those of the former German Democratic Republic. The Hochschule für Musik und Theater Rostock and the University of the Arts in Berlin are here utilized as primary sources, while reference is also made to the Bayerische Theater-akademie ‘August Everding’ Prinzregententheater in Munich, the Hochschule für Musik und Theater ‘Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy’ in Leipzig, and Justus Leibig Universität in Giessen. The aim is to provide insight into theatre-training processes in Germany and to explore how these relate to the national characteristics that have emerged since reunification. Steve Earnest is Associate Professor of Theatre at Coastal Carolina University in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. His publications include The State Acting Academy of East Berlin (Mellen Press, 1999) and articles in Performer Training (Harwood Publishers, 2001), New Theatre Quarterly, Theatre Journal, and Western European Stages.
14
ROHRSCHNEIDER, ROBERT. "Cultural Transmission Versus Perceptions of the Economy." Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1996): 78–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029001004.
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The formal division of Germany in 1949 and the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 demarcate a monumental quasi-experiment. Whereas the political culture aspects of this experiment have been studied extensively, the implications of these events for the economic culture in West and East Germany have received less attention. This article attempts to fill this gap in scholarship by examining the basic economic values of parliamentarians in East and West Germany. To this end, I interviewed 168 parliamentarians from the united Parliament in Berlin (79 from the East, 89 from the West). The study finds that the socialist order successfully imbued East MPs with socialist economic values—especially among the postwar cohort—independent of MPs' evaluation of contemporary economic conditions. In contrast, West MPs' economic values reflect the social market system of the West German economy. These results suggest that basic institutional arrangements, once put into place, have a substantial influence on individuals' ideological predispositions.
15
Anderson, Ben. "Three Germanies: West Germany, East Germany and the Berlin Republic." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 19, no. 4 (August 2012): 637–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2012.702067.
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Cooling, N. J. "Psychiatry in the German Democratic Republic." Psychiatric Bulletin 13, no. 10 (October 1989): 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.13.10.536.
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The London-Berlin (GDR) Committee was established in June 1986, with the aim of encouraging cultural exchanges between Britain and the German Democratic Republic. This Committee organised a study tour of East Berlin for British health care workers in October 1988. This was the first exchange of this kind since the Second World War and the subsequent foundation of the modern Republic of East Germany.
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Crandall Hollick, Julian. "W. Berlin: Forty Years After." Worldview 28, no. 6 (June 1985): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046957.
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If you want to understand West Berlin's history and present political reality, take the train from Hanover or Hamburg. The border crossing from West to East Germany gives the first clue. Barbed wire and high fences line the track; police line the station platform. The few East German civilians who are waiting for their own trains seem to look right through you as though you were invisible—a ghost train heading for Berlin.
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Eith, Ulrich. "New Patterns in the East? Differences in Voting Behavior and Consequences for Party Politics in Germany." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486516.
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On 9 November 1989, the government of the German DemocraticRepublic decided to open the Berlin Wall, effectively signaling thecollapse of the socialist system in East Germany. The subsequenttransformation of the country’s political structures, and in particularthat of its political parties, took place in two phases. In the firstphase, directly after the fall of the wall, the GDR’s political systemunderwent a radical democratic and pluralistic overhaul withoutWest German involvement—although the existence of a second Germanstate, the Federal Republic of Germany, naturally influencedthe goals, strategies, and scope of action of the actors concerned.
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Schaefer, Sagi. "Hidden Behind the Wall: West German State Building and the Emergence of the Iron Curtain." Central European History 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 506–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000410.
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It is widely accepted that the inter-German border was constructed by East German authorities to halt the emigration to the west, which had damaged the East German economy and undermined the East German state agencies' power. This article argues that this is an inaccurate understanding, which mistakenly treats perceptions and insights gained from studying the Berlin Wall as representative of the mostly rural border between East and West Germany. It emphasizes crucial transformations of frontier society during the 1950s, highlighting the important role of western as well as eastern policy in shaping them.
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Spitz-Oener, Alexandra. "Human Capital, Job Tasks and Technology in East Germany After Reunification." National Institute Economic Review 201 (July 2007): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950107083054.
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At the time of the fall of the Berlin Wall, employees in East Germany were at least as well educated as employees in West Germany in terms of formal educational qualifications. However, it is unclear to what extent the skills and knowledge acquired through the East German education system, and through employment in a socialist labour market, are transferable to the new market-based economy. This study aims to shed light on this issue by giving a comprehensive description of the work of those employees who remained employed after the first phase of restructuring (i.e. in 1991) in East Germany, and comparing it with work in West Germany. Overall, the similarity between workplaces in East and West Germany soon after reunicication is striking. In addition, the patterns of task changes between 1991 and 1999 were very similar in both parts of Germany. Neither the level of task inputs in1991 nor the changes in task inputs between 1991 and 1999 were driven by cohort effects, a surprising finding given how differently the age groups were affected by the historical event. The Largest difference between the east and the west exists in terms of workplace computerisation. Although East Germany has caught up rapidly, it was still lagging behind the west in terms of computer use in 1999.
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Leibold, Stefan. "Il welfare tedesco: un compromesso confessionale?" SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 3 (January 2013): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.
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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.
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Bange, Oliver. "Onto the Slippery Slope: East Germany and East-West Détente under Ulbricht and Honecker, 1965–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 60–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00653.
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This article identifies and explains the fundamental shift of political and ideological paradigms that drew the Soviet Union's close ally, East Germany, into the détente process. Although economic and political influences and pressures, including from the Soviet Union itself, pushed the East German Communist regime to participate in this era of “peaceful coexistence,” officials in East Berlin were well aware of the dangers this posed to the Communist society in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the long term. Even at this early stage of East-West interaction, détente left the GDR with the unenviable task of squaring ideology with realpolitik—a task that East German leaders found increasingly hard to cope with.
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Ahonen, Pertti. "The Berlin Wall and the Battle for Legitimacy in Divided Germany." German Politics and Society 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290204.
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The Berlin Wall was a key site of contestation between the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic in their Cold War struggle over political legitimacy. On both sides, the Wall became a tool in intense publicity battles aimed at building legitimacy and collective identity at home, and undermining them in the other Germany. The public perceptions and politicized uses of the barrier evolved through stages that reflected the relative fortunes of the two German states, moving gradually from extensive East-West parallels in the early 1960s toward a growing divergence by the 1970s and 1980s, which became increasingly indicative of East Germany's weakness.
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Clinefelter, Joan L. "Can You Spare 5 Minutes? Cold War Women’s Radio on RIAS Berlin." Resonance 1, no. 3 (2020): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.3.279.
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Throughout the 1950s, the American propaganda radio station RIAS Berlin transformed women’s radio into an anti-communist medium designed to enlist German housewives into the Cold War. Based in West Berlin, RIAS—Radio in the American Sector—broadcast a full array of shows deep inside East Germany as part of the U.S. psychological war against communism. One of its key target audiences was German homemakers. Drawing upon scripts held in the German Radio Archives in Potsdam, Germany, this article analyzes the program Can You Spare 5 Minutes? (Haben Sie 5 Minuten Zeit?). It explores how RIAS inscribed the international contest between democracy and communism onto the domestic lives of women. The show built a sense of solidarity by treating typical “female” topics such as cosmetics, childcare, and recipes. In this way it forged a bond between its listeners that provided an opening for political messaging. Programs contrasted access to food, marriage rights, and educational policy in the rival Germanies to demonstrate the benefits of democracy and the need to resist the East German state. Women’s radio on RIAS, far from offering mere fluff, provided its female audience a political education.
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Boldyrev, Roman, and Jörg Morré. "Organizational Structure, Channels and Methods of Propaganda Work of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, 1945–1949." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (October 2019): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.5.15.
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Introduction. The paper deals with the issues of the propaganda system in the Soviet Occupation Zone in Germany (SOZ) between 1945 and 1949. Based on de-classified documents from Russian Archives propaganda organization, channels and methods of propaganda units of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SMAG) became a subject to study. The authors emphasize on control means towards German mass media and implementing the Soviet propaganda monopoly in East Germany. Methods and materials. The authors consequently analyze the main channels and methods of positive USSR image broadcasting: radio, press, SMAG propaganda unit lectures, people’s education system, activities of society for Soviet cultural studies, acquaintance trips of German delegations to the USSR, presentations of Soviet exhibitions and films. Analysis and Results. The authors come to a conclusion that the Soviet propaganda in East Germany had a low efficiency. It failed to establish a complete monopoly of Soviet propaganda units in East Germany. The SOZ population could access the propaganda from West Germany and West Berlin, which broadcast a radically negative image of the USSR. Besides, the units and institutions of the Group of Soviet Occupation Troops in Germany (GSOTG) created their own image of Soviet people, which was different from the ideal and broadcast one. Thus, it turned out to be impossible to provide the unification of the broadcast and perception of propagandist materials devoted to the USSR and its population. Soviet propaganda in Germany had gone through the transition by the late 1940s: division of Germany in two states appeared to be a reality, and the establishment of socialist society on Stalin’s model took place in East Germany. Ideological revisiting of the Soviet social constitution, and so its supremacy over the bourgeois one was to replace the conventional image of the country of total welfare and happiness.
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SPRIGGE, MARTHA. "Tape Work and Memory Work in Post-War Germany." Twentieth-Century Music 14, no. 1 (February 2017): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572217000056.
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ABSTRACTSonic traces of the Third Reich have held significant memorial power in post-war Germany. This article traces three works that sample one of the most well-known recordings from the Nazi period: Joseph Goebbels's declaration of Total War, delivered on 18 February 1943, and broadcast on newsreel and radio the following week. In both message and material, this recording epitomizes Friedrich Kittler's claim that tape is a military technology. The works examined span different memory debates in post-war Germany: Bernd Alois Zimmermann realized Requiem für einen jungen Dichter (1967–9) as West Germans were engaging in the first public discussions of the Holocaust, Georg Katzer's Mein 1989 (1990) is an East German composer's early response to the fall of the Berlin Wall, while Marcel Beyer's novel Flughunde (The Karnau Tapes, 1995) reveals the continued attempt to address the legacy of the Third Reich after German Reunification. Analysed together, these works create new configurations of discourse about wartime memory, moving away from geopolitical contours. Each of these artists transforms tape's wartime uses – namely dissemination and encryption – into forms of memorial labour. Through their physical and conceptual manipulations of tape, these artists create less deterministic readings of the Nazi past.
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Steinmetz, George. "Empire in three keys." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (April 2017): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701958.
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Germany was famously a latecomer to colonialism, but it was a hybrid empire, centrally involved in all forms of imperial activity. Germans dominated the early Holy Roman Empire; Germany after 1870 was a Reich, or empire, not a state in the conventional sense; and Germany had a colonial empire between 1884 and 1918. Prussia played the role of continental imperialist in its geopolitics vis-à-vis Poland and the other states to its east. Finally, in its Weltpolitik – its global policies centered on the navy – Germany was an informal global imperialist. Although these diverse scales and practices of empire usually occupied distinct regions in the imaginations of contemporaries, there was one representational space in which the nation-state was woven together with empire in all its different registers: the Berlin trade exhibition of 1896. Because this exhibition started as a local event focused on German industry, it has not attracted much attention among historians of colonial and world fairs. Over the course of its planning, however, the 1896 exhibition emerged as an encompassing display of the multifarious German empire in all its geopolitical aspects. The exhibition attracted the attention of contemporaries as diverse as Georg Simmel and Kaiser Wilhelm. In contrast to Simmel and later theorists, I argue that it represented the empire and the nation-state, and not simply the fragmenting and commodifying force of capitalism. In contrast to Timothy Mitchell, I argue that the exhibit did not communicate a generic imperial modernity, but made visible the unique multi-scaled political formation that was the German empire-state.
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KASSEM, HADI SHAKEEB. "The Sixties in Berlin and in Hollywood: City with a Wall in Its Center—The Attempt to Erase the German Past." Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no. 3 (September 2, 2021): p49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n3p49.
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Berlin was the location in which most of the intelligence operations in Europe have taken place in the first twenty years of the conquest and the Cold War. In November 27, 1958, Khrushchev issued a formal letter to the Allies, demanding that the western Allies evacuate Berlin and enable the establishment of an independent political unit, a free city. He threatened that if the West would not comply with this, the soviets would hand over to the East Germany’s government the control over the roads to Berlin. In the coming months Moscow conducted a war of nerves as the last date of the end of the ultimatum, May 27, 1959, came close. Finally the Soviets retreated as a result of the determination of the West. This event reconfirmed the claims of the West that “the US, Britain and France have legal rights to stay in Berlin.” According to Halle: “These rights derive from the fact that Germany surrendered as a result of our common struggle against Nazi Germany.” (Note 2) The Russians have done many attempts to change Berlin’s status. In 1961 Berlin Wall was constructed, almost without response on the part of the West, and by so doing, the Soviets perpetuated the status quo that had been since 1948. In July 25, 1961 Kennedy addressed the Americans on television, saying that “West Berlin is not as it had ever been, the location of the biggest test of the courage and the will power of the West.” (Note 3) On June 26, 1963, Kennedy went out to Berlin, which was divided by the wall, torn between east and west, in order to announce his message. In his speech outside the city council of West Berlin, Kennedy won the hearts of the Berliners as well as those of the world when he said: “Ich bin ein Berliner”, I’m a Berliner. The sixties were years of heating of the conflict with the Soviet Block. In 1961 the Berlin Wall was constructed. Then Kennedy came into power, there was the movement for human rights and the political tension between whites and blacks in America. The conflict increase as the Korean War started, and afterwards when America intervened in Vietnam. There was also the crisis in the Bay of Pigs in Cuba, which almost pushed the whole world into a nuclear war and catastrophe. During the 28 years of the Berlin Wall, 13.8.61-9.11.89, this was notorious as an example of a political border that marked the seclusion and freezing more than freedom of movement, communication and change. At the same time there was the most obvious sign of the division of Germany after WWII and the division of Europe to East and West by the Iron Curtain. The wall was the background of stories by writers from east and west. The writers of espionage thrillers were fascinated by the global conflict between east and west and the Cold War with Berlin as the setting of the divided city. Berlin presented a permanent conflict that was perceived as endless, or as Mews defined it: “Berlin is perfect, a romantic past, tragic present, secluded in the heart of East Germany.” (Note 4) The city presented the writers with a situation that demanded a reassessment of the genres and the ideological and aesthetic perceptions of this type of writing. This was the reason that the genre of espionage books blossomed in the sixties, mainly those with the wall. The wall was not just a symbol of a political failure, as East Germany could not stop the flow of people escaping from it. The city was ugly, dirty, and full of wires and lit by a yellow light, like a concentration camp. A West German policeman says: “If the Allies were not here, there would not have been a wall. He expressed the acknowledgment that the Western powers had also an interest in the wall as a tool for preventing the unification of Germany. But his colleague answers: If they were not here, the wall would not have been, but the same applies for Berlin. (Note 5) Berlin was the world capital of the Cold War. The wall threatened and created risks and was known as one of the big justifications for the mentality of the Cold War. The construction of the wall in August 1961 strengthened Berlin’s status as the frontline of the Cold War and as a political microcosmos, which reflected topographical as well as the ideological global struggle between east and west. It made Berlin a focus of interest, and this focus in turn caused an incentive for the espionage literature with the rise of neorealism with the anti-hero, as it also ended the era of romanticism. (Note 6) The works of le Carré and Deighton are the best examples of this change in literature. Both of them use the wall as the arena of events and a symbol in their works. Only at the end of the fifties, upon the final withdrawal of McCarthyism and the relative weakening of the Cold War, there started have to appear films with new images about the position and nature of the Germans and the representations of Nazism in the new history. The films of the Cold War presented the communists as enemies or saboteurs. Together with this view about the Soviets, developed the rehabilitation of the German image. Each part of the German society was rehabilitated and become a victim instead of an assistant of the Nazis. The critic Dwight MacDonald was impressed by the way in which the German population” has changed from a fearful assistant of one totalitarian regime to the hero opponent of another totalitarian regime”. (Note 7) This approach has to be examined, and how it influenced the development of the German representation, since many films I have investigated demonstrate a different approach of the German representation.
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Oliver, Tim. "Book Review: Europe: Three Germanies: West Germany, East Germany and the Berlin Republic." Political Studies Review 12, no. 2 (April 7, 2014): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12053_117.
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Petzoldt, D., U. Jappe, M. Hartmann, and O. Hamouda. "Sexually transmitted diseases in Germany." International Journal of STD & AIDS 13, no. 4 (April 1, 2002): 246–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/0956462021925045.
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In the former West Germany, in specific venereal diseases legislation passed in 1953, only syphilis, gonorrhoea, ulcus molle, and lymphogranuloma venereum were defined as venereal diseases and subject to mandatory notification. The proportion of unreported cases was as high as 75% for syphilis and up to 90% for gonorrhoea. Epidemiological data for the past 10 years exist only on selected populations from research studies and are summarized in this article. In the former East Germany reporting of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) was mandatory and, due to the centralized organization, underreporting was considered to be low, although no specific studies have examined this. After the unification in 1990 of the two German states the West German laws were adopted in East Germany. Since 1982 - when the first AIDS case was reported in Germany - information on AIDS cases has voluntarily been collected at the national register at the AIDS Centre of the Robert Koch Institute in Berlin. The law governing the reporting of infectious diseases has recently been revised. Under the new Protection against Infection Act, which became effective on 1 January 2001, clinical diagnoses of STIs (with the exception of hepatitis B) are no longer notifiable diseases. Laboratory reporting of positive test results for Treponema pallidum has been introduced. With T. pallidum and HIV notifications, additional disaggregated data are collected. Since T. pallidum and HIV remain the only notifiable STIs, all other STIs have to be monitored through sentinel surveillance systems. These surveillance systems are currently being established. Under the new legislation, local health authorities have to provide adequate counselling and testing services for STIs, which may be provided free of charge if necessary.
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Limbach, Eric H. "Provisional State, Reluctant Institutions: West Berlin's Refugee Service and Refugee Commissions, 1949–1952." Central European History 47, no. 4 (December 2014): 822–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001915.
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In May 1951, the Hamburger Freie Presse published an article on the alleged experiences of Hans Schmidt, an East German police officer (Volkspolizist) who had sought to register earlier that year for political asylum in West Berlin. The newspaper profile followed the twenty-one-year-old Schmidt from his unit's barracks in the northern city of Rostock, across the still undefended border between Brandenburg and West Berlin, to a police station in the northwestern district of Spandau, where he announced his intention to flee to West Germany.
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Figus, Alessandro, Andrea Pisaniello, and Stefano Mustica. "Multiculturalism and Ostalgie." Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal 1, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gssfj-2018-0002.
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Abstract “Ostalgie” is coming from a German word referring to nostalgia for aspects of life in East Germany, and not only. It is a new multipurpose and new expression related the German terms “Nostalgie” (nostalgia in Italian) and Ost (East). Its anglicised equivalent, ostalgia, it is rhyming with “nostalgia” and it is also sometimes used. The collapse of Soviet Union and the Berlin Wall destruction, was the concept protected concrete barrier that physically and ideologically divided Berlin from ‘61 to ’89, It especially divided West and East European countries, the wall cut off West Berlin from almost all of surrounding East Germany and East Berlin until government officials opened it in November 1989. Formally its demolition began on 13 June 1990 and finished in 1992 and coincides in some generation from the Warsaw Pact countries, legally the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation with the “Mutual Assistance” URSS of the birth of “ostalgie”, that it goes against with modern principle of multicultural society and globalisation of the world. At the eighth congress of the communist party Lenin recognized the right to self-determination of the populations of the empire and promised them significant concessions, although its final intent was to reach the true dictatorship of the proletariat which would have rendered the ethnic-national distinctions useless. The Soviet Union became the incubator of new nations with the dissolving of the Russian nation in the Soviet state. Does the “ostalgie” refer to the USSR, is this compatible with multiculturalism? Is it compatible with that plurality of tending different cultures that coexists in mutual respect and which implies the preservation of their specific traits by rejecting any type of homologation or fusion in the dominant culture?
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Brothers, Eric. "Issues Surrounding the Development of the Neo-Nazi Scene in East Berlin." European Judaism 33, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2000.330206.
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The rise of neo-Nazism in the capital of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) was not inspired by a desire to recreate Hitler's Reich, but by youthful rebellion against the political and social culture of the GDR's Communist regime. This is detailed in Fuehrer-Ex: Memoirs of a Former Neo-Naxi by Ingo Hasselbach with Tom Reiss (Random House, New York, 1996). This movement, however, eventually worked towards returning Germany to its former 'glory' under the Third Reich under the guidance of 'professional' Nazis.
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Bruce, Gary S. "The Prelude to Nationwide Surveillance in East Germany: Stasi Operations and Threat Perceptions, 1945–1953." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 2 (March 2003): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703763336453.
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Many observers have been puzzled by the extent of the uprising that swept through East Germany in June 1953, given the legendary efficiency of the East German state security (Stasi) forces and their vast network of informants. Some scholars have even attempted to explain the Stasi's inability to foresee and prevent the uprising by arguing that the Stasi conspired with the demonstrators. The opening of the archives of the former German Democratic Republic has shed valuable light on this issue. Based on extensive research in the archives of the Stasi and of the former Socialist Unity Party of East Germany, as well as materials from the West German archives, this article shows that the Stasi did not fail its party superiors in being unable to foresee the uprising of June 1953. There was, in fact, no way that the organization could have foreseen the rebellion. Prior to 1953 the Stasi was not outfitted with a massive surveillance apparatus, nor was it mandated for broad internal surveillance. Rather, it primarily targeted well-known opposition groups at home and anti-Communist organizations based in West Berlin. The criticism directed against the Stasi after the uprising was attributable mainly to Walter Ulbricht's embattled leadership position and his need for a scapegoat.
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Hannemann, Raiko. "Der ostdeutsche Citoyen. Beobachtungen zu Tiefenstrukturen der Demokratieentwicklung in Marzahn-Hellersdorf. Generationen, Erfahrungen, Erkenntnisschranken." Sozialer Fortschritt 68, no. 8-9 (August 1, 2019): 701–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/sfo.68.8-9.701.
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Zusammenfassung Dieser Artikel versteht sich als Forschungszwischenbericht sowie Kritik an bisherigen Erklärungsansätzen zur bisherigen Demokratieentwicklung in Ostdeutschland seit 1990. Am Beispiel des Ost-Berliner Bezirkes Marzahn-Hellersdorf wird auf der Basis qualitativer, narrativ-biografischer Interviews mit Bürger_innen des Bezirkes thesenartig zum einen eine Kritik traditioneller politiktheoretischer Begriffe wie privat und öffentlich, sozial und politisch am Material entfaltet. Dabei erscheinen die in der Bundesrepublik epistemisch ‚erfolgreichen‘ politikwissenschaftlichen Begriffe von Zivilgesellschaft, Engagement und Politik für Ostdeutschland unzureichend. Zum anderen wird auf der Basis des qualitativen Datenmaterials die These von der Entstehung einer ostdeutschen Öffentlichkeit, einer Ost-Sphäre vorgestellt und historisch hergeleitet. Sie verdankt ihre Existenz einem kollektiven Entfremdungsprozess des Citoyens dem Gemeinwesen gegenüber. Dabei wird festgestellt, dass populäre Diagnosen über eine unterentwickelte Zivilgesellschaft in Ostdeutschland, verursacht durch die DDR-Vergangenheit, nicht aufrechtzuerhalten sind. Abstract: The East German Citoyen. Notes on Deep Structures of Democracy Development in Marzahn Hellersdorf. Generations, Experiences, Frontiers of Perception This article is intended as an interim research report as well as a critique on previous explanatory approaches to the democracy development in East Germany since 1990. Based on qualitative, narrative-biographical interviews with citizens of Marzahn-Hellersdorf, a critique on traditional concepts of political sciences such as private and public, social and political is developed. Applied to this East Berlin district, it is shown that epistemically in West Germany ‘successful’ notions of civil society, political activism and the Political are not suitable enough for a deeper understanding of East German terms. Moreover, based on the qualitative data, the hypothesis of the emergence of an East German public, an Eastern-sphere, is presented and derived historically. It owes its existence to a collective process of alienation between the citoyen and the polity of the Federal Republic of Germany. It is claimed that currently popular notions of an alleged backward civil society in East Germany, caused by the GDR past, cannot be sustained.
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Seidler, Christoph. "East goes West — West goes East: border crossing and development." Group Analysis 52, no. 2 (January 11, 2019): 172–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0533316418819957.
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In the aftermath of the Nazi era and the Second World War the ‘Bloodlands’ of Eastern Europe including Germany were left with a pervasive and significant loss of empathy. Robi Friedman speaks of the ‘Soldier’s Matrix’ (2015), in which dehumanizing dissociation increases, and empathy, guilt and shame disappear. In the GDR (German Democratic Republic)—under totalitarian and authoritarian conditions—this state of emotional deficit persisted for longer than in the Federal Republic (BRD). Gradually, but only after reunification, could change in the whole of Germany become possible. In the following text I will review the fragmented state of psychoanalysis in the battered city of Berlin after the Second World War. I describe the predicament of psychoanalysts, who are hopelessly entangled in adaptation processes, fearing the new rulers and dreading their own conscience. Despite their weakened sense of courage, they were however able to create space for freedom of thought. I intend to convey the trajectory of that process. The GDR history, despite the experience of confinement, is also a story of opening. Specific developments within the borders enabled the preservation as well as the transportation of psychoanalytic thought: some examples can be seen in inpatient forms of psychotherapy, individual psychodynamic therapy and especially the Intended Dynamic Group Psychotherapy (IDG). The opening of the ‘Wall’ made profound psychoanalytic post-qualification possible, but it came at a cost to the specific developments of the health system in the East. Within this system group therapists took their own particular path. After several years of cautious rapprochement the founding of BIG (Berlin Institute for Group Analysis) could be negotiated and established in 2003, supported by all Institutes of Berlin belonging to the umbrella organization of the DGPT (German Society for Psychoanalyse, Psychotherapy, Psychosomatic). Nine years later the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Gruppenanalyse und Gruppenpsychotherapie (D3G) consolidated in the merger of several individual groups resulting in a continuous and refreshingly pluralistic cooperation today. This article will therefore describe a series of societal shifts, transitions, internal and external attempts to heal, that are well reflected within the parallel process visible in the development of group analysis and its practitioners. One example to consider would be the asymmetry between psychoanalytic ‘teachers’ (West) and ‘students’ (East) and the dynamics experienced during professional encounters, which were very particular and rather complicated. However, that is a chapter in itself and will be considered separately.
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Biess, Frank. "“Pioneers of a New Germany”: Returning POWs from the Soviet Union and the Making of East German Citizens, 1945–1950." Central European History 32, no. 2 (June 1999): 143–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020884.
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In early December 1945, the Communist Party functionary Karl Lewke sent an alarming report to the leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD). It was entitled “One million anti-Bolshevists are approaching. The democratic reconstruction of Germany is threatened by greatest dangers!” The report referred to the thousands of returning German POWs from the Soviet Union who daily entered the Soviet zone of occupation through Frankfurt an der Oder. Lewke's description of the mentality and the attitudes of these returning POWs was not very comforting for his party superiors in Berlin.
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Trunov, Philipp O. "Germany and «Libyan problem» during 2010-s." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750014942-8.
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Germany has been growing political and military activity in Northern Africa and Sahel region by the mid 2010s. FRG and its EU partners faced the great number of instability risks which are projected from zones of armed conflicts located in northern part of Africa. The key elements of the corridor of instability which has connected the fragile states in Sahel and Northern Africa were the «Libyan door» (the upper part) and «Malian gates» (the lower one). But in the 2010s FRG faced the absence of opportunities for itself to be directly involved in the resolution of «Libyan problem». That is why in 2012-2019 Germany had been trying only to fence «Libyan problem» in. This perimeter has four segments. German contribution to the creation of Western one (the strengthening of Tunisian and Algerian borders with Libya) and especially Eastern segment (the same with Egypt) was rather limited and consisted of arms export to these countries. The article explores the evolution of German participation to the resolution of Mali armed conflict (first of all FRG`s military contribution to EUTM Mali and MINUSMA missions). This one and also German participation in the reform of Niger`s security sector was the creation of Southern segment of the perimeter. By 2020 Germany has deepened cooperation on «Libyan problem» not only with regional players but also world powers. During Merkel`s visit to Moscow (January 11, 2020) the scheme of future Berlin conference on Libya was declared. This format was established on January 19, 2020. Germany became the coordinator of inter-Libyan dialogue (between the Government of national consensus in the West of the country and Libyan national army in the East) and supported it by the launch of the EU mission «IRINI». The article concludes about the perspectives of German policy towards Libya considering COVID-19 pandemics.
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Plum, Catherine. "Contested Namesakes: East Berlin School Names under Communism and in Reunified Germany." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 625–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00059.x.
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Within weeks and months of the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, numerous busts and portraits of school namesakes disappeared from the foyers, hallways, and “tradition rooms” (Traditionszimmer) of East Berlin schools and were relegated to trash bins. In 1990 municipal authorities formalized this spontaneous purge of school identities by eliminating the names of all schools in eastern Berlin. Over the course of the 1990s administrators, teachers, and students in the newly restructured schools began to discuss a wide range of new school identities.
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Kochnowski, Roman. "NVA a upadek muru berlińskiego." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.008.13801.
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Nva and the fall of the Berlin Wall Contrary to the arrangements from Potsdam, the remilitarization of both German states began as early as 1950. In 1956 the East German army was officially created under the name of the National People’s Army. The NVA was organized into four branches: Ground Forces (Landesstreitkräfte), Navy (Volksmarine), Air Force (Luftstreitkräfte) and Border Troops (Grenztruppen). In the years 1956–1990 they were the third largest (after the Soviet and Polish army) armed forces of the Warsaw Pact. As in other armies of the Eastern Bloc, the NVA was subject to strict party control. However, when the Berlin Wall was overthrown, this army remained a passive observer of events. After the reunification of Germany, only a few of its officers and soldiers were taken over by the Bundeswehr.
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Gerstenberger, Katharina. "Reading the Writings on the Walls— Remembering East Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780979994.
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Between the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the sixtieth anniversary of the end of World War II more than fifteen years later, Germany witnessed not only a proliferation of events and experiences to be remembered but also of traditions of memory. Before the fall of the wall, remembrance of the past in West Germany meant, above all, commemoration of the Nazi past and the memory of the Holocaust. Germany's unification had a significant impact on cultural memory not only because the fall of the wall itself was an event of memorable significance but also because it gave new impulses to debates about the politics of memory.
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Hüwelmeier, Gertrud. "Bazaar Pagodas – Transnational Religion, Postsocialist Marketplaces and Vietnamese Migrant Women in Berlin." Religion and Gender 3, no. 1 (February 19, 2013): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-00301006.
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After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the breakdown of the East German Socialist government, thousands of former contract workers from Vietnam stayed in the then reunified Germany. Due to their resulting precarious economic situation, a large number of these migrants became engaged in small business and petty trade. Some of them, women in particular, have become successful entrepreneurs and wholesalers in recently built bazaars in the eastern parts of Berlin. Most interestingly, parts of these urban spaces, former industrial areas on the periphery of Germany’s capital, have been transformed into religious places. This article explores the formation of female Vietnamese Buddhist networks on the grounds of Asian wholesale markets. It argues that transnational mobilities in a post-socialist setting encourage border-crossing religious activities, linking people and places to various former socialist countries as well as to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Further, by considering political tensions between Vietnamese in the eastern and western part of Berlin, this contribution illustrates the negotiation of political sensitivities among diasporic Vietnamese in reunited Germany. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among female lay Buddhists, it focuses on entrepreneurship and investigates the relationship between business, migration and religious practices.
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Wizisla, Erdmut. "Editorial Principles in the Berlin and Frankfurt Edition of Bertolt Brecht's Works." TDR/The Drama Review 43, no. 4 (December 1999): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420499760263480.
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Mehnert, W. H., and G. Krause. "Surveillance of Lyme borreliosis in Germany, 2002 and 2003." Eurosurveillance 10, no. 4 (April 1, 2005): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2807/esm.10.04.00531-en.
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Lyme borreliosis is a potentially serious infection common in Germany, but little data about its incidence, distribution, and clinical manifestations are available. Lyme borreliosis is not a notifiable disease in Germany, but six of Germany’s 16 states – Berlin, Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Sachsen, Sachsen-Anhalt and Thüringen, have enhanced notification systems, which do include Lyme borreliosis. The efforts made in these states to monitor confirmed cases through notification are therefore an important contribution to understanding the epidemiology of Lyme borreliosis in Germany. This report summarises the analysis of Lyme borreliosis cases submitted to the Robert Koch-Institut during 2002-2003. The average incidence of Lyme borreliosis of the six East German states was 17.8 cases per 100 000 population in 2002 and increased by 31% to 23.3 cases in 2003, respectively. Patient ages were bimodally distributed, with incidence peaks among children aged 5- 9 and elderly patients, aged 60- 64 in 2002, and 65- 69 in 2003. For both years, 55% of patients were female. Around 86% of notified cases occurred from May to October. Erythema migrans affected 2697 patients (89.3%) in 2002 and 3442 (86.7%) in 2003. For a vector-borne disease, like Lyme borreliosis, the risk of infection depends on the degree and duration of contact between humans and ticks harbouring Borrelia burgdorferi. As infectious ticks probably occur throughout Germany, it is likely that the situation in the remaining 10 German states is similar to that of the states in this study.
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Weczerka, Hugo. "Beiträge zu den Beziehungen zwischen dem Hansischen Geschichtsverein und der Hansischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft in der DDR (1955-1990)." Hansische Geschichtsblätter 134 (April 18, 2020): 287–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hgbll.2016.41.
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Contributions to the relations between the “Hansischer Geschichtsverein” and “Hansische Arbeitsgemeinschaft” in the German Democratic Republic (1955–1990)In 2011 Eckhard Müller-Mertens published a book about the Hanseatic association in the German Democratic Republic (“Hansische Arbeitsgemeinschaft”=AG). This association had been founded in 1955 as a part of the Association for Hanseatic History (“Hansischer Geschichtsverein” = HGV, seat: Lübeck), responsible for the HGV-members living in East Germany. All activities of the AG were meticulously watched by the relevant authorities of the GDR. Against the background of the GDR’s efforts to gain recognition as a state according to international law, the AG was pressed to dissociate itself from the HGV and to try to become an independent member of an international association for hanseatic studies. The anniversary of the foundation of the HGV one hundred years before was used as an opportunity to break off the connection to the HGV. The anniversary was to be celebrated in Stralsund (East Germany), where the HGV had been founded in 1870. Although the mayor’s invitation to come to Stralsund was limited by authorities, the HGV accepted it. Nevertheless, the AG was compelled to cancel the conference in Stralsund and to dissolve the connection to the HGV. As a pretext for the cancellation controversial formalities in the program papers for the conference were put forward.
The author of these contributions was in close contact with the HGV since the late 1950s, he was an assistant professor affiliated to the chair of Hanseatic (and East European) history at the university of Hamburg, he took part in editing the review “Hansische Geschichtsblätter” and was a member of the HGV-committee since 1965. Therefore he also had contacts with the AG and is now able to describe the connections between HGV and AG in crucial years, based on private papers and his own memories, as a useful addition to the statements of Müller-Mertens.
After a general introduction to the relations between the HGV and the AG the author comments on the participation of students from Hamburg University in conferences of the AG in East Germany, arranged by him 1960 –1966. While the Berlin wall was being built, he took part in a conference of the AG in Naumburg in 1961 and was able to impart news of the AG-committee to Lübeck. Difficulties in using western credits in East Germany are verified. The impending separation of the AG from the HGV could already be seen when the author was preparing an anniversary volume of the “Hansische Geschichtsblätter”. After the AG had left the HGV in 1970 historians outside Germany, above all in the Netherlands (Johanna van Winter) and in Poland (Maria Bogucka, Henryk Samsonowicz) tried to renew co-operation between historians of West and East Germany by founding an international organization for hanseatic studies, which could contain national commissions and associations in Western and Eastern countries, as the HGV and the AG. These efforts culminated in the Warsaw conference in December 1971 concerning the history of the Baltic area, arranged by the Polish Historical Society, followed by important discussions about an international society; under the leadership of Michel Mollat, chairman of the “Commission Internationale d’Histoire Maritime”, a “Committee for Organizing a Commission of the History of Europe’s Northern seas” was appointed. – In order to maintain direct connections between HGV und AG in East Germany, the author sometimes met the chairman of the AG in East Berlin (1970/71).
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Heidenreich, Achim. "‘Shaping Electronic Sounds like Clay’: The historical situation and aesthetic position of electroacoustic music at the ZKM | Institute for Music and Acoustics." Organised Sound 14, no. 3 (December 2009): 248–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355771809990069.
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Twenty years after the founding of the Karlsuhe ZKM | Center for Art and Media and its Institute for Music and Acoustics, we reexamine the institute’s position with regard to both aesthetic approaches and the 20 years of a reunified Germany. When the broadcasting corporations in West Germany decided to discontinue support for all of their electronic music studios except the Southwest German Radio’s Experimental Studio in Freiburg, the Institute for Music and Acoustics took on a special role that also had an impact on the course of music history in former East Germany. Together with the studio at the Berlin Academy of the Arts, the Institute became a studio for electroacoustic art that served the whole of Germany, though financed by local funding from the City of Karlsruhe and regional funding from the state of Baden-Württemberg. One of the artistic themes pursued at the ZKM’s Institute for Music and Acoustics is the combination of instruments and voice with electronics, for both theatrical settings and purely concert performances. The aspect of real-time composition gives rise to a lasting alteration of the performance situation and the character of the work produced.
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Lindenblatt, Andreas, and Peter Egger. "The long shadow of the Iron Curtain for female sex workers in German cities: Border effects and regional differences." Urban Studies 54, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 649–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016640655.
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This paper assesses determinants of habits and prices about sexual work in Germany. The paper alludes to a regional pattern, in particular, in pricing. This pattern varies with the size of cities and across as well as along the former East–West German border. In particular, the evidence suggests that there is a long shadow of the former Iron Curtain which leads to higher conditional prices in the former East than in the West, in particular, in larger agglomerations such as Berlin. Moreover, there is evidence of habit formation and spillovers within regions, which leads to regionally clustered prices as well as unsafe sex services being offered by sexworkers.
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Zajas, Pawel. "South goes East. Zuid-Afrikaanse literatuur bij Volk & Welt." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 57, no. 2 (October 9, 2020): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v57i2.8324.
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The paper analyses the transfer of South African literature to the German Democratic Republic. In its historiographic/methodological dimension it presents findings on the statistics of (South) African literature(s) translations in the Verlag Volk und Welt (the major East German publisher in the area of contemporary world literature), and on the place of literary translations in the East German foreign cultural policy, as well as in the socialist solidarity discourse of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) and the antiapartheid movement. Furthermore, findings are presented on the publisher-internal selection criteria applied to South African literature, based on the archival data from the Bundesarchiv in Berlin (i.e. applications for a print permit and internal/external reviews), on issues around the transformation and adaptation of literature translated in the realm of the East German Weltliteratur, and on the transfer of South African literature from the GDR, based on the English language series Seven Seas Books. Lastly, the function of this alternative canon, framed within the so-called ‘minor transnationalism’, is spelled out.
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Rohrschneider, Robert. "Report from the Laboratory: The Influence of Institutions on Political Elites' Democratic Values in Germany." American Political Science Review 88, no. 4 (December 1994): 927–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082717.
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The unification of Germany revives several questions about the future of Germany's democracy. Given the socialist-authoritarian background, how supportive are East Germany's elites of liberal democratic rights? Has the socialist-democratic experience instilled into elites a social egalitarian conception of democracies? In what ways, if at all, do elites support direct democracy procedures? I examine political elites' conceptions of democracies in the united Germany in 1991, using a survey of 168 parliamentarians from the united parliament in Berlin. I find that the socialist and parliamentary institutions in the East and the West, respectively, have substantially influenced elites' conceptions of democracies in Germany, leading to a value divergence across the East-West boundary. Yet the findings also suggest that a partial value convergence in terms of liberal democratic rights among postwar elites has taken place. The results support an institutional learning theory, but they also suggest that support for liberal democratic values has been diffused into East Germany.
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Feferman, Kiril. "Nazi Germany and the Karaites in 1938–1944: between racial theory andRealpolitik." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549468.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the policies of Nazi Germany towards the Karaites, a group of Jewish ancestry which emerged during the seventh to the ninth centuries CE, when its followers rejected the mainstream Jewish interpretation of Tanakh. Karaite communities flourished in Persia, Turkey, Egypt, Crimea, and Lithuania. From 1938 to 1944, the Nazi bureaucracy and scholarship examined the question of whether the Karaites were of Jewish origin, practiced Judaism and had to be treated as Jews. Because of its proximity to Judenpolitik and later to the Muslim factor, the subject got drawn into the world of Nazi grand policy and became the instrument of internecine power struggles between various agencies in Berlin. The Muslim factor in this context is construed as German cultivation of a special relationship with the Muslim world with an eye to political dividends in the Middle East and elsewhere. Nazi views of the Karaites’ racial origin and religion played a major role in their policy towards the group. However, as the tides of the war turned against the Germans, various Nazi agencies demonstrated growing flexibility either to re-tailor the Karaites’ racial credentials or to entirely gloss over them in the name of “national interests,” i.e. a euphemism used to disguise Nazi Germany's overtures to the Muslim world.