To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Germany, history, 1990-.
Journal articles on the topic 'Germany, history, 1990-'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Germany, history, 1990-.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Igo, William. "Carr, A History Of Germany - 1815-1990." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 18, no. 2 (1993): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.18.2.86.
Full textAbstract:
Now in its fourth edition, William Carr's A History of Germany: 1815-1990 still ranks as one of the best single volume works available, succinctly delineating the political and diplomatic history of post-Napoleonic Germany. The first edition (1969) covered German history from 1815 until the end of World War II and received much acclaim and some criticism, though most of the criticisms were based upon differences in historical interpretation, not factual presentation. The second edition clarified Carr's historical interpretations and expanded the information on the Wilhelmine and Weimar eras. The third edition included a new chapter "The Two Germanies" covering 1945 to 1984. Carr's fourth edition "cleans up" the third edition's added chapter and includes a new chapter on Germany's reunification in 1990
2
LAMMERS, KARL CHRISTIAN. "Glücksfall Bundesrepublik: New Germany and the 1960s." Contemporary European History 17, no. 1 (2008): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004316.
Full textAbstract:
The downfall and disappearance of the German Democratic Republic, the GDR, and the unification in 1990 of the two German states into the Federal Republic of Germany, the FRG, marked the end of an era. Forty years of divided and non-simultaneous German history had been brought to an end, and the national or German question had at last been solved. Since 1990 German history has continued as the history of the Federal Republic. From this perspective 1990 marked not an absolute end, but the continuity of the Federal Republic and to some degree even the triumph of the political, economic and social system of the FRG, as the inhabitants of the socialist GDR, when they had the opportunity, voted for joining the successful and wealthy West German state. The end of divided history, however, has had another consequence. Even if the era of the GDR, because of the very favourable archive situation, attracted great attention among historians, the focus of historical research has turned more and more to the history of the Federal Republic in order to analyse and explain why the FRG ended as a success, while the socialist GDR failed in its ambitions and aspirations as an alternative Germany. History demonstrated that the GDR was no German option, although for some time it was a German reality.
3
Spohr, Kristina. "Precluded or Precedent-Setting? The “NATO Enlargement Question” in the Triangular Bonn-Washington-Moscow Diplomacy of 1990–1991." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (2012): 4–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00275.
Full textAbstract:
Controversy arose in the mid-1990s when Russian officials accused Western governments of reneging on binding pledges made to Moscow in 1990 during German unification diplomacy. According to the allegations, Western leaders had solemnly promised that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would never expand beyond Germany into Central and Eastern Europe. Were such pledges ever made? Was the Soviet Union betrayed, and if so, by whom, how, and when? Or have various tactical comments been misinterpreted in hindsight? This article seeks to offer new answers to these questions by exploring not simply U.S.-Soviet-West German triangular diplomacy in 1990 but also the evolution of different approaches, ideas, and visions regarding Germany's security arrangements and the wider European security architecture. These ideas were floated publicly and privately, at home and abroad, by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, and other senior West German officials. In showing how ultimately a “unified Germany in NATO” came about after months of intense diplomacy in 1990 to resolve the “German question,” this article refutes the recently made claim that the extension of full membership to the whole of Germany was a precedent-setting expansion of NATO.
4
Merkl, Peter H., and Manfred Gortemaker. "Unifying Germany, 1989-1990." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (1996): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169305.
Full text
5
Bauerkämper, Arnd. "Not Dusk, but Dawn: The Cultural Turn and German Social History After 1990." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102003.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses on the evolution of social history in pre- 1989 West Germany and the GDR and, on the basis of this overview, identifies new, innovative historiographical trends on (re-)writing social history in unified Germany. It is argued that, for many decades, West German historiography had been characterized by sharp debates between the more established advocates of investigations into social structures and processes, on the one hand, and the grass-roots historians of everyday life, on the other. Since the early 1990s, however, this antagonism has considerably receded in favour of synthetic perspectives. At the same time, interest in the history of East European states and regions has considerably increased. This article highlights these new analytical trends in recent German historiography by taking as example studies of the social history of the GDR. In the unified Germany, the history of the GDR has received particular attention. Access to new sources has also enabled historians to link the histories of Eastern and Western Europe, either by employing comparative perspectives or investigating cross-border entanglements.
6
Welsh, Helga A. "Higher Education in Germany: Fragmented Change Amid Paradigm Shifts." German Politics and Society 28, no. 2 (2010): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280204.
Full textAbstract:
After the two German states unified in 1990, the tendency to transplant West German practices to the former East Germany was particularly pronounced in areas where systemic differences and perceived inefficiency met ideological reservations. The higher education system was among them. Comprehensive institutional, policy, and personnel transfer from West to East ensued. Starting in the mid 1990s after many failed initiatives, however, new policies were launched in the unified Germany. Reinforced by feedback from institutional and policy transfer to the East, factors such as Europeanization and globalization empowered newly formed advocacy coalitions to advance a reform agenda. Competition and performance seeded other ideas, prominent among them diversification, internationalization, autonomy, and accountability. Existing institutions and firmly rooted traditions still condition and limit change, and reforming the reforms has become commonplace. Differentiation among Länder and higher education institutions has become more pronounced, adding to the variety of outcomes. In ways unforeseen in 1990, some areas of the German higher education system have seen paradigmatic change, while others have survived relatively unscathed. The recalibration of the system continues, and reform pressure persists.
7
Carlin, W. "Privatization in East Germany, 1990-92." German History 10, no. 3 (1992): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/10.3.335.
Full text
8
Carlin, W. "Privatization in East Germany, 1990-92." German History 10, no. 3 (1992): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549201000306.
Full text
9
Albisetti, James C. "Introduction." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 593–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00055.x.
Full textAbstract:
All historians must grapple with the complexities of continuity and change. Yet those who study twentieth-century German history face greater difficulties than most, given the variety of political regimes Germany experienced in that era and their major differences in ideology, degree of stability, and relations with their neighbors. Some Germans, such as former West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, born in 1913, and former East German leader Erich Honecker, born in 1912, experienced all the changes, from childhood under the Kaiser through World War I, the Weimar Republic, the Nazis' “Twelve-Year Reich” (in exile and prison, respectively), the occupation regimes, forty years of what Brandt called “two states in one nation,” and the (re)unification of 1990.
10
Nicholls, A. J. "Germany: The Long Road West, 1933-1990." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 507 (2009): 494–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep014.
Full text
11
Banham, G. "The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany 1890-1990." German History 13, no. 2 (1995): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/13.2.257.
Full text
12
Ester, H. "Sprachliche Entfremdung als Phänomen des Umbruchs in der früheren DDR." Literator 18, no. 3 (1997): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.571.
Full textAbstract:
Linguistic alienation as phenomenon of the transformation in the erstwhile DDRThe Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic have not yet grown into a coherent unity since the political unification of the two 'Germanies' in 1990. The reason for the lack of sympathy and the irritations on both sides possibly lies in the fact that the actual developments did not meet the general expectations during the first years after 1990. The thesis of my article is that the more profound reasons for the alienation between the western and the eastern part of Germany can be found in the little interest on the western side for the developments in the GDR from 1949 until the fall of the Wall in 1989. The lack of interest in the forty years of the GDR’s existence finds its expression in the alienation of language. In order to improve communication between the Germans of both spheres, the reading of literary texts from the former GDR by members of the entire new Federal Republic of Germany can be a reconcilliatory device. In this way the reader can obtain insight into forty years of history.
13
Biess, Frank, and Astrid M. Eckert. "Introduction: Why Do We Need New Narratives for the History of the Federal Republic?" Central European History 52, no. 1 (2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000013.
Full textAbstract:
Observers of German current affairs and historians of contemporary Germany have long been cognizant of the shadow that the Nazi past and its crimes cast over postwar German history. Likewise, it has long been widely accepted as appropriate that the “old” Federal Republic would develop a political culture marked by reserve and modesty on the international stage and in its public representation—whatever seemed the opposite of the pomp, power, and ruthlessness of past German regimes. Whereas the prospect of unification in 1989-1990 still triggered concerns about the country's possible relapse into attitudes and behaviors worthy of a “fourthReich,” two decades later, Germans were treated to the news that theirs was “the most positively viewed nation in the world.” A few years later still, German Chancellor Angela Merkel found herself widely hailed as the “leader of the free world,” a phrase soaked in Cold War connotations and hitherto reserved for the president of the United States. Merkel probably had little desire for such a click-bait label; it was the world around her that had changed on the coattails of the global ascendancy of right-wing populism and authoritarianism, resulting, for example, in the British vote to leave the European Union (“Brexit”), the presidency of Donald Trump, and the attempt of the Polish government to do away with the separation of powers. With the strong showing of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in the 2017 federal elections, this development had begun to affect domestic politics in Germany as well.
14
Block, John M. "The Divided Nation: A History of Germany, 1918–1990." History: Reviews of New Books 21, no. 4 (1993): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1993.9948782.
Full text
15
Roßbach, Gundula, and Magdalena Skowron. "Glosa do Wyroku Federalnego Sądu Socjalnego z dnia 16 czerwca 2015 r., sygn. akt B 13 R 27/13 R." Przegląd Sejmowy 3(170) (2022): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.118.
Full textAbstract:
The year 2021 marked the 30th anniversary of the entry into force of the Social Security Agreement between the Republic of Poland and the Federal Republic of Germany, drawn up in Warsaw on 8 December 1990. In this connection, it is worth emphasising both its timeless significance and the impact it has had on the legal orders of Poland and Germany. The progressive political and economic integration of Europe has resulted in both countries redefining pension rights in Polish-German relations. It should be recalled that only a few days earlier, on 14 November 1990, Poland and Germany had signed an agreement on a common border on the Oder and Lusatian Neisse rivers. This played a huge role in the history of both countries. This was due to the fact that at the Potsdam Conference in 1945, when the course of the common German-Polish border was decided, neither side had a seat at the conference table and had any influence on the outcome of the negotiations.
16
Weczerka, Hugo. "Beiträge zu den Beziehungen zwischen dem Hansischen Geschichtsverein und der Hansischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft in der DDR (1955-1990)." Hansische Geschichtsblätter 134 (April 18, 2020): 287–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hgbll.2016.41.
Full textAbstract:
Contributions to the relations between the “Hansischer Geschichtsverein” and “Hansische Arbeitsgemeinschaft” in the German Democratic Republic (1955–1990)In 2011 Eckhard Müller-Mertens published a book about the Hanseatic association in the German Democratic Republic (“Hansische Arbeitsgemeinschaft”=AG). This association had been founded in 1955 as a part of the Association for Hanseatic History (“Hansischer Geschichtsverein” = HGV, seat: Lübeck), responsible for the HGV-members living in East Germany. All activities of the AG were meticulously watched by the relevant authorities of the GDR. Against the background of the GDR’s efforts to gain recognition as a state according to international law, the AG was pressed to dissociate itself from the HGV and to try to become an independent member of an international association for hanseatic studies. The anniversary of the foundation of the HGV one hundred years before was used as an opportunity to break off the connection to the HGV. The anniversary was to be celebrated in Stralsund (East Germany), where the HGV had been founded in 1870. Although the mayor’s invitation to come to Stralsund was limited by authorities, the HGV accepted it. Nevertheless, the AG was compelled to cancel the conference in Stralsund and to dissolve the connection to the HGV. As a pretext for the cancellation controversial formalities in the program papers for the conference were put forward.
 The author of these contributions was in close contact with the HGV since the late 1950s, he was an assistant professor affiliated to the chair of Hanseatic (and East European) history at the university of Hamburg, he took part in editing the review “Hansische Geschichtsblätter” and was a member of the HGV-committee since 1965. Therefore he also had contacts with the AG and is now able to describe the connections between HGV and AG in crucial years, based on private papers and his own memories, as a useful addition to the statements of Müller-Mertens.
 After a general introduction to the relations between the HGV and the AG the author comments on the participation of students from Hamburg University in conferences of the AG in East Germany, arranged by him 1960 –1966. While the Berlin wall was being built, he took part in a conference of the AG in Naumburg in 1961 and was able to impart news of the AG-committee to Lübeck. Difficulties in using western credits in East Germany are verified. The impending separation of the AG from the HGV could already be seen when the author was preparing an anniversary volume of the “Hansische Geschichtsblätter”. After the AG had left the HGV in 1970 historians outside Germany, above all in the Netherlands (Johanna van Winter) and in Poland (Maria Bogucka, Henryk Samsonowicz) tried to renew co-operation between historians of West and East Germany by founding an international organization for hanseatic studies, which could contain national commissions and associations in Western and Eastern countries, as the HGV and the AG. These efforts culminated in the Warsaw conference in December 1971 concerning the history of the Baltic area, arranged by the Polish Historical Society, followed by important discussions about an international society; under the leadership of Michel Mollat, chairman of the “Commission Internationale d’Histoire Maritime”, a “Committee for Organizing a Commission of the History of Europe’s Northern seas” was appointed. – In order to maintain direct connections between HGV und AG in East Germany, the author sometimes met the chairman of the AG in East Berlin (1970/71).
17
Storkmann, Klaus. "East German Military Aid to the Sandinista Government of Nicaragua, 1979–1990." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 2 (2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00451.
Full textAbstract:
The East German regime provided extensive military assistance to developing countries and armed guerrilla movements in Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Latin America. In the 1980s, the pro-Soviet Marxist government in Nicaragua was one of the major recipients of East German military assistance. This article focuses on contacts at the level of the ministries of defense, on Nicaraguan requests to the East German military command, and on political and military decision-making processes in East Germany. The article examines the provision of weaponry and training as well as other forms of cooperation and support. Research for the article was conducted in the formerly closed archives of the East German Ministry for National Defense regarding military supplies to the Third World as well as the voluminous declassified files of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (the ruling Communist party).
18
Childs, D. "The Other Germany: Perceptions and Influences in British-East German Relations, 1945-1990." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 499 (2007): 1470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem323.
Full text
19
Panayi, Panikos. "Racial Violence in the New Germany 1990–93." Contemporary European History 3, no. 3 (1994): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000898.
Full textAbstract:
After the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 and the re-unification of Germany in the following year, the contemporary history of Germany was characterised by a rise in the more potent manifestations of racism, notably an increase in support for extreme right-wing parties and an enormous upsurge in the number of racial attacks which have taken place against minorities of all descriptions. In addition, as a reaction against the racist violence, specifically the attack upon a Turkish home in Solingen in June 1993, there was also a violent response on the part of the Turks.
20
Hübner, Klaus. "Linguistic spaces of the world between. On the „Chamissa” literature." Tekstualia 3, no. 46 (2016): 121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4209.
Full textAbstract:
German Literature, written by Authors whose First Language is different to German, has a long tradition (18th and 19th Century). In the 1960s und 1970s a new Generation of Authors entered the Stage of Literature. This Essay deals with History and Development of their kind of German Literature from its beginnings as „Gastarbeiterliteratur“ until today, outlinig several of its phases: Immigration from Turkey, Italy, Yugoslavia and other Countries into Germany 1960–1985, Literature and Changes in Europe’s Political Map 1989/90, Growing Variety of Literary Styles 1990–2005, Success and Recognition of „Chamisso-Literature“ in the last ten years (Feridun Zaimoglu, Yoko Tawada, Ilija Trojanow, Artur Becker, Ilma Rakusa, Terézia Mora, and Others), Present Situation.
21
Bergmann, Peter, and Steven E. Aschheim. "The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany 1890-1990." American Historical Review 99, no. 1 (1994): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166261.
Full text
22
Kahn, Michelle Lynn. "Turkish Germans in the Federal Republic of Germany: Immigration, Space, and Belonging, 1961–1990." German History 38, no. 1 (2019): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz099.
Full text
23
Wipplinger, Jonathan. "A People’s Music: Jazz in East Germany, 1945–1990." German History 39, no. 2 (2021): 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab018.
Full text
24
Costigliola, Frank. "An ‘Arm Around the Shoulder’: The United States, NATO and German Reunification, 1989—90." Contemporary European History 3, no. 1 (1994): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000643.
Full textAbstract:
United Germany ‘will stand with us as an ally’, confidently predicted Robert B. Zoellick, who served as Secretary of State James A. Baker 3rd's chief of staff and as the overseer of US negotiations on reunification. Testifying before the Senate in September 1990 on the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany, Zoellick asserted that the unification process proved that ‘the United States can lead and persevere…in the post-cold war world‘. Despite such optimism, however, the ambivalance in past US–German relations, the erosion of American leverage during the unification process and the narrowness of Washington's conception of ‘leadership’ in Europe all suggested a future more problematic than the happy scenario Zoellick sketched for the senators.
25
Schroeter, Gerd. "Frauenbewusstsein und Soziologie: Empirische Untersuchungen von 1910–1990 in Deutschland [feminine consciousness and sociology: Empirical investigations in Germany from 1910 to 1990]." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 33, no. 1 (1997): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199724)33:1<95::aid-jhbs8>3.0.co;2-j.
Full text
26
Harjes, Kirsten. "Stumbling Stones: Holocaust Memorials, National Identity, and Democratic Inclusion in Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (2005): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889237.
Full textAbstract:
In 1997, Hinrich Seeba offered a graduate seminar on Berlin at the University of California, Berkeley. He called it: "Cityscape: Berlin as Cultural Artifact in Literature, Art, Architecture, Academia." It was a true German studies course in its interdisciplinary and cultural anthropological approach to the topic: Berlin, to be analyzed as a "scape," a "view or picture of a scene," subject to the predilections of visual perception in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This course inspired my research on contemporary German history as represented in Berlin's Holocaust memorials. The number and diversity of these memorials has made this city into a laboratory of collective memory. Since the unification of East and West Germany in 1990, memorials in Berlin have become means to shape a new national identity via the history shared by both Germanys. In this article, I explore two particular memorials to show the tension between creating a collective, national identity, and representing the cultural and historical diversity of today's Germany. I compare the Denkmal für die ermordeten Juden Europas (Memorial for the Murdered Jews of Europe, or "national Holocaust memorial") which opened in central Berlin on May 10, 2005, to the lesser known, privately sponsored, decentralized "stumbling stone" project by artist Gunter Demnig.
27
Chernega, Vladimir. "The Evolution of Franco-German Relations in 1949–2022: From the German Problem to the Franco-German Tandem and the Idea of the “Power of Europe”." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2023): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640024674-9.
Full textAbstract:
After the Second World War, the most important priority of French foreign policy in Europe was the solution of the German problem, in other words, the prevention of the revival of Germany as a revanchist state. At the same time, French diplomacy, influenced by the “power complex”, sought to ensure the leading role of its country in the Western European part of the continent. Hence Paris&apos;s course, first towards anti-German alliances and then, following the proclamation of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949, towards the formation of European defence structures with the participation of the FRG, to at least keep its possible rearmament under control. The accession of the Federal Republic of Germany into NATO in 1955 signalled the failure of this strategy. Charles de Gaulle, who came to power in 1958, tried to form a Franco-German alliance that would allow the creation of a “European Europe” independent of the United States. The failure of this policy, due to the pro-Atlantic stance of the Federal Republic, prompted his successors to take a more flexible position. On the one hand, the French created a tandem with their German partner in order to strengthen European integration, particularly in the field of defence (European Autonomous Defence); on the other hand, they strengthened France&apos;s relations with the USA and NATO. Yet the reunification of Germany on the basis of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1990 exacerbated the already existing problem of power disparity in the Franco-German tandem in favour of Germany, which is slowly developing its own sovereign interests However, since his election in 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron, a staunch Europeanist, has been trying to use this tandem to promote the idea of a “European state” in the EU that can compete with the United States and China. However, the prospects for the implementation of this conception are very ambiguous.
28
Plum, Catherine. "Contested Namesakes: East Berlin School Names under Communism and in Reunified Germany." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 625–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00059.x.
Full textAbstract:
Within weeks and months of the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, numerous busts and portraits of school namesakes disappeared from the foyers, hallways, and “tradition rooms” (Traditionszimmer) of East Berlin schools and were relegated to trash bins. In 1990 municipal authorities formalized this spontaneous purge of school identities by eliminating the names of all schools in eastern Berlin. Over the course of the 1990s administrators, teachers, and students in the newly restructured schools began to discuss a wide range of new school identities.
29
Gregor, Neil. "After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe, 1945–1990." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (2005): 1408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei419.
Full text
30
Niederhut, J. "Red Prometheus: Engineering and Dictatorship in East Germany, 1945-1990." German History 28, no. 2 (2010): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq006.
Full text
31
McElligott, A. "Germany: The Tides of Power; Germany in the Twentieth Century; The Divided Nation. Fontana History of Germany 1918-1990; Modern Germany Reconsidered 1870-1945." German History 13, no. 1 (1995): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/13.1.146.
Full text
32
Ertman, Thomas. "Eastern Germany Ten Years After Unification." German Politics and Society 18, no. 3 (2000): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503000782486561.
Full textAbstract:
On October 3, 1990 the territory of the German Democratic Republic was incorporated into the Federal Republic of Germany, thereby ending forty-five years of German division. At the time, assessments varied widely about whether the wholesale introduction of the West German political, legal, and socioeconomic systems into the formerly communist east would be a success, and what the implications of success or failure would be for the new united Germany. Ten years later, opinions on these fundamental questions remain divided. One group of optimistic observers maintains that the full integration of the east into an enlarged Federal Republic is well underway, though these observers acknowledge that progress has been slower and more uneven than first anticipated. A more pessimistic assessment is provided by those who claim that, if the present pattern of development continues, the east will remain in a position of permanent structural weakness vis-à-vis the west in a way analogous to that of Italy’s Mezzogiorno.
33
Gross, Stephen. "The German Economy and East-Central Europe: The Development of Intra-Industry Trade from Ostpolitik to the Present." German Politics and Society 31, no. 3 (2013): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310305.
Full textAbstract:
Over the past decade Germany has had one of the most successfuleconomies in the developed world. Despite the ongoing Euro crisis unemploymenthas fallen below 7 percent, reaching its lowest levels since Germanreunification in 1990. Germany’s youth unemployment is among thelowest in Europe, far beneath the European average.1 One of the mostimportant engines of the German economy today, and in fact throughoutthe twentieth and twenty-first centuries, has been its export sector. As LudwigErhard, West Germany’s Economics Minister during the Wirtschaftswunderof the 1950s remarked: “foreign trade is quite simply the core andpremise of our economic and social order.”2 According to various estimates,today exports and imports of goods and services account for nearly a half ofGerman GDP—up from only a quarter in 1990. Germany is one of only threeeconomies that do over a trillion dollars worth of exports a year, the othertwo being the United States and China.
34
Berghoff, Hartmut, and Ingo Köhler. "Redesigning a class of its own: social and human capital formation in the German banking elite, 1870–1990." Financial History Review 14, no. 1 (2007): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565007000364.
Full textAbstract:
German bankers are renowned for their central position in the German model of ‘coordinated capitalism’ and for their elevated social status. Over the last 130 years, no other part of the entrepreneurial elite in Germany has displayed more power and stability. This article uses the concepts of social and human capital to explain this success and how German banking changed its patterns of recruitment, training and careers in response to general political and social trends. It also applies these concepts to the transformation of German banking from personal to managerial and, after 1970, to global capitalism. A conservative approach prevailed that integrated new demands but did so very cautiously. At the end of the twentieth century these features began to operate against German banking and weaken its international competitiveness, as the stock of specific social capital had created an inward-looking mindset.
35
Bondarenko, V., and O. Kornosenko. "PERIODIZATION OF THE ENTIRE PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION OF FITNESS TRAINERS AS A SYSTEM." Pedagogical Sciences, no. 72 (August 16, 2019): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2524-2474.2018.72.176131.
Full textAbstract:
In the article with the help of methods of historical-retrospective, system analysis, study of the complex of historical (normative acts, scientific works on history, materials of scientificpractical conferences, etc.) and scientific and methodical (dissertations, monographs, textbooks, encyclopedic dictionaries, etc.) sources, generalization of pedagogical and coaching experience, the periodization of the formation of the system of professional education of fitness trainers was developed; the present state of programmer and normative provision of professional training fitness trainers is determined, and functions of their professional activity are distinguished out. There are three periods of formation of professional education of fitness trainers: unsystematic, systemic pre-professional, systemic-professional.First period – unsystematic – is an origin of health fitness directions: mental (yoga and its varieties (3 rd century B.C., ancient India), pilates (1920 s, USA), stretching (1950 s, Sweden); power (beginning of XX c., England); aerobic (beginning of XX c., France, Russia) and empiric experience spontaneous transmission to next generations with the methods of inheritance and chaotic distribution of motive activity, through the authorial health-improving training programs and methodologies.The second period – system pre-professional – is a combination of motive experience best standards, methods and facilities of physical development improvement and men’s health strengthening, that contain motive activity, active rest organization, physical preparedness perfection (1960-80ss., USA), in integral athletic health-improving system – health-improving fitness.Third period – system-professional – is a completion of separate fitness programs realization methodologies development and introduction of system approach to fitness trainers’ professional education; differentiation of fitness trainers’ preparation: in specialized commercial institutions based on principle of certification (first half of 1980 s, USA; second half of 1980 s, Great Britain and Germany; 1990 s, Russia, Ukraine and others) and in higher educational institutions (the end of 1990 s, European countries and USA; 2005, Ukraine).
36
Just, Thomas. "Germany’s Approach to Countering Antisemitism since Reunification." German Politics and Society 39, no. 3 (2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390301.
Full textAbstract:
Since reunification in 1990, the German government has taken numerous steps to counter antisemitism and improve its relations with the Jewish community more broadly. Its approach has consisted primarily of two parts: antiradicalization legal measures and public diplomacy. In terms of legal measures, Germany has banned hate speech and incitement, adjusted immigration policy for Jews, and granted Judaism full legal status. In terms of public diplomacy, Germany has created a network of both governmental and non-governmental organizations to counter antisemitic attitudes within domestic society and to demonstrate progress abroad. This article examines these facets of the German approach, evaluates its success through an analysis of extremist group membership and survey data measuring antisemitic attitudes, and discusses some evolving challenges to which the approach must adapt.
37
Just, Thomas. "Germany’s Approach to Countering Antisemitism since Reunification." German Politics and Society 39, no. 3 (2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390301.
Full textAbstract:
Since reunification in 1990, the German government has taken numerous steps to counter antisemitism and improve its relations with the Jewish community more broadly. Its approach has consisted primarily of two parts: antiradicalization legal measures and public diplomacy. In terms of legal measures, Germany has banned hate speech and incitement, adjusted immigration policy for Jews, and granted Judaism full legal status. In terms of public diplomacy, Germany has created a network of both governmental and non-governmental organizations to counter antisemitic attitudes within domestic society and to demonstrate progress abroad. This article examines these facets of the German approach, evaluates its success through an analysis of extremist group membership and survey data measuring antisemitic attitudes, and discusses some evolving challenges to which the approach must adapt.
38
Cooper, Belinda. "The Western Connection: Western Support for the East German Opposition." German Politics and Society 21, no. 4 (2003): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353367.
Full textAbstract:
Without help from the west, the small East German opposition,such as it was, never would have achieved as much as it did. Themoney, moral support, media attention, and protection provided bywestern supporters may have made as much of a difference to theopposition as West German financial support made to the East Germanstate. Yet this help was often resented and rarely acknowledgedby eastern activists. Between 1988 and 1990, I worked withArche, an environmental network created in 1988 by East Germandissidents. During that time, the assistance provided by West Germans,émigré East Germans, and foreigners met with a level of distrustthat cannot entirely be blamed on secret police intrigue.Outsiders who tried to help faced a barrage of allegations and criticismof their work and motives. Dissidents who elected to remain inEast Germany distrusted those who emigrated, and vice versa,reflecting an unfortunate tendency, even among dissidents, to internalizeelements of East German propaganda. Yet neither the helpand support the East German opposition received from outside northe mentalities that stood in its way have been much discussed. Thisessay offers a description and analysis of the relationship betweenthe opposition and its outside supporters, based largely on one person’sfirst-hand experience.
39
Sondhaus, Lawrence. "The Austro-Hungarian Naval Officer Corps, 1867–1918." Austrian History Yearbook 24 (January 1993): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005257.
Full textAbstract:
Two Decades Ago, Holger Herwig's The German Naval Officer Corps: A Social and Political History, 1890–1918 (1973) chronicled the story of the new military elite that rose to prominence when imperial Germany went to sea: a corps that sought to emulate the traditions of the Prussian army, its middle-class officers eager to embrace the values and attitudes of the more aristocratic army officer corps.1 Recently Istvan Deak's excellent work Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848–1918 (1990) has provided a comprehensive picture of the officer corps of the Habsburg army.2 Like imperial Germany, Austria-Hungary was a central European land power with few long-standing traditions at sea, but differences in social composition, training, and outlook distinguished the Austro-Hungarian naval officer corps from its German counterpart. Within the Dual Monarchy the navy had to deal with the nationality question and other challenges that also faced the army, but in many respects its officer corps reflected the diversity of the empire more than the Habsburg army officer corps did, contributing to the navy's relatively more successful record as a multinational institution.
40
Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.
Full textAbstract:
In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
41
Norkus, Zenonas. "Kiek kartų Lietuvoje buvo restauruotas kapitalizmas? Apie dvi Lietuvos okupacijas ir jų žalos skaičiavimus." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 33, no. 2 (2013): 91–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2013.2.3807.
Full textAbstract:
Santrauka. Straipsnyje lyginamos kaizerinės (1915–1918 m.) ir sovietinės (1940–1941, 1944–1990 m.) okupacijų laikais Lietuvoje susikūrusios politinės ekonominės Oberosto (Vokietijos Rytų fronto vadui pavaldžios okupacinės zonos, kurios didžiąją dalį sudarė Lietuvos teritorija) ir LTSR politinės ekonominės sistemos. Oberoste Vokietijos Rytų fronto kariuomenės vadai Paulius Hindenburgas ir Erichas Ludendorffas sukūrė pirmąją moderniausiais laikais planuojamo komandinio administracinio ūkio sistemą, kurios pirmąja laboratorija tapo okupuota Lietuva. 1917–1918 m. tapę faktiniais Vokietijos diktatoriais, Oberosto įkūrėjai Lietuvoje išbandytą ūkio sistemą mėgino įdiegti metropolijoje. Nors šis mėginimas iki galo nepavyko, karinio socializmo kūrimas Vokietijoje jau 1917 m. pažengė pakankamai toli, kad taptų inspiracijos šaltiniu bolševikams, kuriant sovietinį valstybinio socializmo modelį, kuris 1940 m. „sugrįžo“ į Lietuvą. Kai 1990–1992 m. Lietuvoje buvo atkuriama kapitalistinė ūkio santvarka, tai mūsų šalies istorijoje įvyko jau antrą kartą, nes taip pat ir 1918–1922 m. kartu su nepriklausomos valstybės kūrimu buvo atkuriama kapitalistinė ūkio santvarka. Šiuolaikinė Lietuva yra pateikusi okupacijos žalos atlyginimo sąskaitą SSRS teisių perėmėjai Rusijai, o tarpukario Lietuva okupacijos žalos atlyginimo reikalavo iš Weimaro Vokietijos. Tačiau jeigu tarpukario Lietuva reikalavo atlyginti tik tiesioginę žalą, šiuolaikinė Lietuva siekia taip pat ir netiesioginės žalos atlyginimo. Pagrindinę šios žalos dalį sudaro 1940–1990 m. Lietuvos negautos nacionalinės pajamos, kurių dydžio įvertinimas priklauso nuo prielaidų, kokie būtų kontrafaktinės nepriklausomos kapitalistinės Lietuvos ūkio raidos rezultatai 1990 m. Straipsnyje pateikiami du – optimistinis (1990 m. „dausų Lietuvos“ kaip „antrosios Suomijos“) ir pesimistinis (1990 m. kontrafaktinė Lietuva kaip „Baltijos Urugvajus“) modeliai.
 Pagrindiniai žodžiai: kapitalizmo restauracija, komandinė administracinė sistema, Hindenburgo programa, okupacijos žalos atlyginimas, kapitalizmo įvairovė.
 Key words: command administrative system, Hindenburg programme, restoration of capitalism, compensation of occupation damage, varieties of capitalism.
 
 SUMMARY
 HOW MANY TIMES CAPITALISM WAS RESTORED IN LITHUANIA? ON TWO OCCUPATIONS OF LITHUANIA AND THEIR DAMAGE CALCULATIONS
 The paper compares the political economic systems under German (1915–1918) and Soviet (1940–1941, 1944–1990 m.) occupations in Lithuania. During the World War I, Lithuania was part of the German occupation zone Ober Ost, ruled by the higher commando of the German Eastern front (Oberbefehlshaber Ost). The German military command of Eastern front under Paul Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff used Lithuania as a laboratory for large scale social experiment, creating the first planned command administrative economy in the world. After they were promoted to the higher commando of all German armed forced and established in 1917–1918 de facto military dictatorship over Germany, they made the attempt to establish the Ober Ost system in the metropole. Although the realization of the complete „Hindenburg programme“ did fail, by 1917 Germany lived under military socialism (Kriegssozialismus) and coercive economy, which became the example and source of inspiration for Bolsheviks constructing Soviet model of state socialism. In 1940, this model came back to Lithuania, history making the full circle. This means that the market transition in 1990–1992 was second restoration of capitalism in Lithuania, because in 1918–1922 the capitalist economic system also was restored here jointly with the establishment of national state. Contemporary Lithuania demands from Russia to pay for damage inflicted on Lithuanian economy by Soviet occupation, and interwar Lithuania did demand the same form Weimar Germany in 1922–1923. However, while interwar Lithuania did ask to pay only direct occupation damage, contemporary Lithuania demands to compensate also the indirect damage. The main part of this damage is the loss of the national income which Lithuania did not receive in 1940–1990 because the efficient capitalist economic system was replaced by the less productive state socialist system during this time. However, the calculations of the indirect damage incorrectly assume that all varieties of capitalism are more efficient in the developing countries in comparison with command administrative system. The assumption that the variety of capitalism which existed in Lithuania by 1940 (state cooperative capitalism) was not less efficient than Stalinist Soviet socialism is politically correct one, as much as the expectation that under this system independent Lithuania would become advanced technological frontier country („second Finland“) by 1990. Nevertheless, the counterfactual development path of the independent capitalist Lithuania in 1940–1990 would include critical conjunctures and crossroads, which could end with Lithuania entering „low road“ development path. Tellingly, Latin American capitalist country Uruguay (similar to Lithuania and other Baltic culture by its size and economc structure) had higher GDP per capita level than Lithuania in 1940, but by 1990 this level was lower than in Soviet Lithuania. Importantly, Uruguay never was under Soviet Russian occupation, did not construct socialism or suffered war damage.
 Pastaba: Tyrimas finansuotas Europos socialinio fondo lėšomis pagal visuotinės dotacijos priemonę (Nr. VP1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K-01-010).
 The research for this paper was funded by European Social Fund under the Global Grant measure (Nr. VP1-3.1-ŠMM-07-K-01-010).
 
42
Boyer, John W. "Some Reflections on the Problem of Austria, Germany, and Mitteleuropa." Central European History 22, no. 3-4 (1989): 301–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900020501.
Full textAbstract:
The dual assignment of this presentation was to review some of the issues facing historians of Austria as they try to situate Austrian history within the wider cultural and social realm of “Central Europe” and to present some brief reflections to my colleagues who study Germany on the possible role of Austrian history in shaping the interpretive choices they may make in the future. Since these remarks were offered in a self-consciously “German” symposium (organized with the support of the DAAD), I took it as a given that internal interpretive problems of Hapsburg and/or successor state history peculiar to those arenas would not necessarily be relevant, even though they did intrude in any event. Although these brief comments were conceived in September 1989 and presented the following month, the events of November 1989 and October 1990 have only enhanced my concerns, and subsequent revisions to this text have not changed the basic character of my remarks.
43
Stasiulis, Stanislovas. "The Holocaust in Lithuania: The Key Characteristics of Its History, and the Key Issues in Historiography and Cultural Memory." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, no. 1 (2019): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419844820.
Full textAbstract:
This article is part of the special cluster titled Conceptualizations of the Holocaust in Germany, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine since the 1990s, guest edited by Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe. The Holocaust is the darkest page of Lithuanian history: Nearly the whole Jewish community in Lithuania was destroyed, while a part of ethnic Lithuanians participated in this destruction. This article discusses three layers and periods of the Holocaust in Lithuania that have made a considerable impact on the perception of this traumatic period in Lithuanian society. The first period deals with the Lithuanian–Jewish relations during the German occupation in Lithuania (1941–1944). The second one is related to the Soviet reoccupation of Lithuania and discussions among Lithuanian émigrés in the West (1944–1990), which shaped the history of the Holocaust in Lithuania from the ideological (Soviet) and defensive (Lithuanian émigré) perspectives. The final part of this article discusses the historiography and Holocaust memory in independent Lithuania after the 1990s. Almost thirty years of independence mark not only the re-creation of some old myths and stereotypes in Lithuania, but also new groundbreaking and open discussions in society, concerning the perception of this dark page of Lithuanian history.
44
Baumann, Martin. "Culture Contact and Valuation: Early German Buddhists and the Creation of a ‘Buddhism in Protestant Shape’." Numen 44, no. 3 (1997): 270–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568527971655904.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper handles the question concerning the factors that control the degree of adaptability of a transplanted religion spread in a culturally alien context. It will be argued that the assumed superiority of both one's religion and one's culture are decisive factors for the willingness to adapt or to refuse adaptation. The theoretical issues will be illustrated by the adoption of Buddhism by its early German followers. Thus, the paper gives a brief survey of the historical development of the adoption of Buddhism in Germany. Characteristics of the early phases will be outlined as well as the state of affairs of Buddhism in Germany in the 1990's. Most remarkable is Buddhism's rapid growth which increased the number of Buddhist centres and groups fivefold since the mid 1970's.On the basis of this historic description a particular line of interpreting Buddhist teachings, that of a rational understanding, is outlined. The analysis of this adoption of Buddhism seeks to show that early German Buddhists interpreted and moulded Buddhist teachings in such a way as to present it as being in high conformity with Western morals and culture. This high degree of adapting Buddhist teachings led to an interpretation which can be characterized as a ‘Buddhism in Protestant shape.’ Buddhism was used as a means of protest against the dominant religion, that of Christianity, but at the same time its proponents took over many forms and characteristics of the religion criticized most heavily.
45
Meulemann, Heiner. "The Value of Achievement in Germany 1956-1996." Tocqueville Review 19, no. 2 (1998): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.19.2.127.
Full textAbstract:
One of the most important heritages shared by the two German states which existed between 1949 and 1990 was a strong endorsement of their populations to the value of achievement rooted in common history and common culture. Achievement requires concentration of impulses and of energy and devotion to a objectively defined task, that is : self-sacrifice.
46
Petrosyan, Dzhemma V. "German foreign policy in the period of adaptation to the realities of the post-bipolar world." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 6, no. 2 (2022): 407–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2022-6-2-2.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from a bipolar to a post-bipolar system of international relations and the reunification of the FRG and the GDR in 1990 marked the beginning of a new stage in the history of Germany. The article examines the period of transformation and adaptation of the foreign policy of reunited Germany to the realities of the post-bipolar world order. The purpose of this study is to analyze the main directions of German foreign policy during the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl. At that time it was important for the FRG to strengthen stability and develop democracy in the territories of neighboring eastern countries. The position of the FRG in German-American relations had also changed. Reunited Germany became a strategically important partner of the United States in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and one of the central countries to initiate NATO expansion into Eastern Europe. Bilateral relations between Germany and Russia during the period under review developed in a positive way, since after the collapse of the USSR and the reunification of Germany both countries were in search of new foreign policy benchmarks. Providing a detailed description of the actions of the first government of reunited Germany in adapting the country to the new external conditions, the author concludes that a new geopolitical situation was formed in Europe after the reunification of the FRG and the GDR.
47
Dostal, Caroline, Anke Strauss, and Leopold von Carlowitz. "Between Individual Justice and Mass Claims Proceedings: Property Restitution for Victims of Nazi Persecution in Post-Reunification Germany." German Law Journal 15, no. 6 (2014): 1035–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220001926x.
Full textAbstract:
German history of the twentieth century offers a rich resource of precedent for property restitution and compensation programs. The Federal Republic of Germany instituted different mass claims proceedings shaped to “reverse” or mitigate violations of property rights that took place as part of (a) the persecutions by the Nazi regime from 1933 to 1945, (b) the Land Reform (Bodenreform) during the Soviet occupation of East German territories from 1945 to 1949, and (c) the nationalization activities of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from 1949 to 1990. Except for cases under the Land Reform in the Soviet zone, restitution preceded compensation as the main means of redress. All reparation schemes involved specific compensation arrangements including elaborate property evaluation systems.
48
Pritchard, G. "Book Review: Constructing Socialism: Technology and Change in East Germany, 1945-1990." German History 20, no. 4 (2002): 549–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540202000426.
Full text
49
Alrich, A. "Book Review: After the Expulsion. West Germany and Eastern Europe 1945-1990." German History 23, no. 3 (2005): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540502300323.
Full text
50
Tompkins, David G. "One Sound, Two Worlds: The Blues in a Divided Germany, 1945–1990." German History 38, no. 1 (2020): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa005.
Full text