Relevant bibliographies by topics / Germany (West). Bundesrat

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Academic literature on the topic 'Germany (West). Bundesrat'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Germany (West). Bundesrat"

1

Schmitt, Hermann, and Andreas M. Wüst. "The Extraordinary Bundestag Election of 2005: The Interplay of Long-term Trends and Short-term Factors." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935324.

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When Chancellor Gerhard Schr?der went public and announced his plan for early elections on the evening of 22 May 2005, the SPD and the Green Party had just lost the state election in North-Rhine West-phalia. It was the last German state ruled by a Red-Green government, which left the federal government without any stable support in the Bundesrat. The chancellor's radical move resulted in early elections that neither the left (SPD and Greens) nor the conservative political camp (CDU/CSU and FDP) was able to win. While the citizens considered the CDU/CSU to be more competent to solve the country's most important problems, unemployment and the economy, the SPD once again presented the preferred chancellor. The new govrnment, build on a grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD, might be able to solve some of the structural problems of the country. While this will be beneficial for Germany as a whole, it will at the same time weaken the major German parties, which are running the risk of becoming politically indistinguishable.
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Khorolskaya, Maria V. "East Germans in the political elites of reunited Germany: the problem of underrepresentation." Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no. 1 (February 15, 2024): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869049924010078.

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The underrepresentation of East Germans (“ossis”) in German elites is studied. After more than 30 years since the reunification of Germany, the share of former GDR citizens in high government positions in the political system of the state at large is far smaller than their percentage in the population. Historical preconditions for the predominance of West Germans in leadership positions are explored, the share of East Germans in different elite groups is analyzed, and the factors that could facilitate East Germans’ entry to elite positions are suggested. Based on a large amount of data, it is concluded that East Germans are unevenly represented even among political elites. But the territorial principle and the democratic form of recruitment (elections) could facilitate East Germans’ entry into an elite. The research based on statistical data published by German scholars as well as data on the German political elite collected by the author and her colleagues is introduced in Russian and foreign academic literature for the first time. The database consists of information about 736 members of the Bundestag, 17 members of the federal government, 173 members of the federal state governments, and 59 state secretaries for the period up to November 16, 2023.
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Philipp Windhab, Philipp Windhab, and Jaechun Kim. "Germany as a Nuclear Power?: How Nuclear Taboo Shaped the Discourse on West German Nuclearization." East and West Studies 36, no. 2 (June 20, 2024): 155–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29274/ews.2024.36.2.155.

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A disinformation campaign by the Adenauer administration in the 1950s has led the public to believe that West Germany has never had any intentions on gaining nuclear capabilities. This interpretation is not accurate, as modern research shows and opens a new area of research to be explored. Modern literature on the topic however has mostly been dealing with the problem of German nuclearization from an historical background. While there has been some research on the topic from an international relations perspective, such research has been conducted mostly from a realist perspective. Although the realist perspective has some merits, it is lacking in explanatory power when it comes to the words and behavior of German policy makers and politicians. Constructivist theory of the ‘nuclear taboo’ offers a good supplementary explanation for inner political dynamics during the 1950s and early 1960s. This research examines debates in the Bundestag related to the nuclearization of West Germany during those periods and takes a closer look at what and how congresspeople discussed West Germany going nuclear. It proves that nuclear taboo embraced by the congresspeople discouraged West Germany’s nuclearization.
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4

Madajczyk, Piotr. "Raphael Lemkin and West Germany’s Accession to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 28 (December 17, 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2020.28.14.

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On 20 December 1950, the Secretary General of the United Nations invited the Federal Republic of Germany to accede to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948. For several reasons the West German authorities treated the Convention as a tool to conduct foreign policy. The ratification of the Convention by West Germany and the form in which it was to take place were also important for Lemkin. Lemkin’s aforementioned fears explain why it was so important to him that the German language version of the Convention did not include phrases that distorted its original connotation and bring it closer to the Nuremberg principles. After a meeting of the Bundestag Law Committee on 3 May 1954, the West German justice minister informed Lemkin about the course of the discussions and also informed him that most of the proposed amendments and changes were accepted.
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5

Palonen, Kari. "Conceptual Explorations around “Politics”." Contributions to the History of Concepts 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 16–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2021.160102.

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This article discusses the ways of conceptualizing politics in parliamentary debates. When the politics-vocabulary is ubiquitous in them, which kind of speech act lies in emphasizing the political aspect? Focusing on thematized uses allows us to identify conceptual revisions in the politics-vocabulary in digitalized plenary debates of the German Bundestag from 1949 to 2017. My fourfold scheme for conceptualizing politics (polity, policy, politicization, politicking) provides the analytical apparatus. The units of analysis in this study are compound words around politics written as single words, a German language specialty. Their frequency has remarkably risen in the Bundestag debates, and the search engine can easily find them. This research interest allows me to speculate with changes in the understanding and appreciation of politics in postwar (West)Germany.
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Palonen, Kari. "Conceptual Explorations around “Politics”." Contributions to the History of Concepts 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 16–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.160102.

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Abstract This article discusses the ways of conceptualizing politics in parliamentary debates. When the politics-vocabulary is ubiquitous in them, which kind of speech act lies in emphasizing the political aspect? Focusing on thematized uses allows us to identify conceptual revisions in the politics-vocabulary in digitalized plenary debates of the German Bundestag from 1949 to 2017. My fourfold scheme for conceptualizing politics (polity, policy, politicization, politicking) provides the analytical apparatus. The units of analysis in this study are compound words around politics written as single words, a German language specialty. Their frequency has remarkably risen in the Bundestag debates, and the search engine can easily find them. This research interest allows me to speculate with changes in the understanding and appreciation of politics in postwar (West)Germany
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7

Wentker, Hermann. "From the Basic Treaty to the Peaceful. Revolution: Inner-German Relations 1972-1989." VENTUNESIMO SECOLO, no. 51 (June 2023): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/xxi2022-051002.

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The article gives an overview over the relations between West and East Ger- many between the signing of the Basic Treaty in 1972 and the demise of the German Democratic Republic (Gdr) in the peaceful revolution of 1989. In 1972, the Federal Republic had consented to a de facto recognition of the Gdr but adhered to its constitutional obligation to reunification while the Gdr aimed at recogni- tion by international law from its West German rival. The Federal Government's short-term policy was to make the inner-German border more permeable. To contrast this, the East German leadership tried to delimitate the Gdr from the West by raising the compulsory exchange for visitors in 1973. But the Gdr had objective di?culties to uphold its policy of delimitation. On the one hand, West German economic and political conditions remained points of reference for the East Germans, especially after East-West contacts were enhanced during the Détente. On the other hand, the Gdr became increasingly economically depen- dent on the Federal Republic, especially after the Soviet Union substantially reduced the support in 1981. In the Eighties, it permitted many more inner-Ger- man human contacts than it would have liked. Moreover, the East German le- adership under Erich Honecker in 1983 did not yield to Soviet pressure to in- crease delimitation vis à vis the Federal Republic after the German Bundestag in November 1983 had decided to deploy Inf weapons. Honecker took his visit to West Germany in September 1987 as the final recognition the Gdr. But his triumph was short-lived. From 1987, relations between Moscow and the Frg became more important than those between Moscow and East Berlin. The Gdr was threatened by isolation. In the end it was the Gdr's weakness with regard to economic power, its unwanted political system and the unsolved German question, which led to its defeat in the contest with the Federal Republic.
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8

Belov, V. B. "German Foreign Policy in the Face of Current Challenges." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 3 (October 20, 2021): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-3-38-58.

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The article analyzes the features of German foreign policy on the eve of the September (2021) elections to the Bundestag and the gradual overcoming of the crisis consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The priorities of the foreign policy based on the value approach remain the European and transatlantic vectors, as well as relations with the main system-forming international organizations. The postulates of value are prompting Berlin to increasingly intensify criticism of Russia and China, incl. due to the signifi cantly increased, from his point of view, threats in relation to Germany and other states of the collective West. Germany still relies on France in European politics. Their tandem continues to determine the political and economic processes in the European Union, as well as to infl uence the formation of the EU mechanisms for overcoming the coronavirus crisis. Despite the rapid restoration of constructive relations with the new American administration, a number of controversial issues remain in bilateral relations, including defense spending and the economy. In recent years, Germany has been able to strengthen its positions in Europe and the world and expects to strengthen its role as a global actor, especially in international organizations. Nevertheless, the German expert community critically refers to its current foreign policy status quo. The author explores the latest trends in German foreign policy, gives an assessment of its development after elections to the Bundestag, pays special attention to the prospects for relations with the Russian Federation.
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9

Mikulska, Agnieszka. "Zieloni wobec ponownego zjednoczenia Niemiec." Res Gestae 14 (July 29, 2022): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.14.5.

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The period of German reunification was a very turbulent time for the Green Party. Plagued by internal conflicts and wrong decisions made during the campaign, it seemed to have come to a standstill, letting its competitors overtake it. Why did the Greens fail to take advantage of the period of German reunification, and why did the party’s East German roots have such a huge impact on its subsequent actions in the political arena? The internal war over the ideology that should guide the party in the future and the clarification of the concepts that defined the Green Party’s identity coincided with the most difficult election campaign since the party was founded. The following article touches on intra-party conflicts, the evolution of the Greens’ demands, the ifluence of key figures in shaping party strategy during the period of German reunification and relations between party branches on both sides of the Berlin Wall. It also discusses the situation of the Green Party in East Germany and West Germany before and just after reunification (i.e. after the first Bundestag elections after reunification).
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10

Sacha, Magdalena Izabella. "MUSEUMS OF THE LOST “GERMAN EAST”. THE CONDITIONS OF OPERATING AND THE EVOLUTION OF EXHIBITIONS IN THE POLISH-GERMAN CONTEXT." Muzealnictwo 59 (May 31, 2018): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.0741.

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In the article, the so-called eastern German museums and the way they operate is discussed in view of a document ratified by Bundestag in 2016. The document concerned the further action plan for implementing the provisions of paragraph 96 of the Federal Expellee Law of 1953, popularly referred to as a “cultural paragraph”. The term “German East” bears reference to the historic territories of German settlement prior to 1945, whose heritage is a focus of attention for museums as well as science and culture institutions in contemporary Germany. Those eastern German museums have been reviewed herein, whose interest lies, inter alia, in territories presently belonging to Poland: the East Prussian State Museum (Ostpreuβisches Landesmuseum) in Lüneburg, the West Prussian State Museum (Westpreuβisches Landesmuseum) in Warendorf, the State Museum of Pomerania (Pommersches Landesmuseum) in Greifswald, the Silesian Museum (Schlesisches Museum) in Görlitz.
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Books on the topic "Germany (West). Bundesrat"

1

Ziller, Gebhard. Der Bundesrat. 9th ed. Düsseldorf: Droste, 1993.

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Ziller, Gebhard. Der Bundesrat. Düsseldorf: Droste, 1998.

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3

Reuter, Konrad. Bundesrat und Bundesstaat: Der Bundesrat der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 6th ed. Bonn: Direktor des Bundesrates, 1989.

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4

Pfitzer, Albert. Der Bundesrat: Mitwirkung der Länder im Bund. 3rd ed. Heidelberg: Decker & Müller, 1987.

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5

Walter, Loch, Ose Dieter, and Germany (West). Führungsstab der Streitkräfte I 3., eds. Die Parlamentarischen Väter der Bundeswehr: Demokratische Profile : Debatten und Entscheidungen in Bundestag und Bundesrat. [Bonn]: Bundesministerium der Verteidigung, Führungsstab der Streitkräfte I 3, 1985.

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6

R, Hrbek, and Döring Paul 1920-, eds. Miterlebt, mitgestaltet: Der Bundesrat im Rückblick. Stuttgart: Bonn Aktuell, 1989.

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7

Dehner, Friedrich. Die Stellung Berlins im Bundesrat. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1987.

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8

Winfried, Schneider. Einflussmöglichkeiten der Landesparlamente auf die Vertretung des Landes im Bundesrat. [Mannheim?: s.n., 1986.

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9

Heger, Matthias. Deutscher Bundesrat und Schweizer Ständerat: Gedanken zu ihrer Entstehung, ihrem aktuellen Erscheinungsbild und ihrer Rechtfertigung. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1990.

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10

Dregger, Meinulf. Die antizipierte Zustimmung des Parlaments zum Abschluss völkerrechtlicher Verträge, die sich auf Gegenstände der Bundesgesetzgebung beziehen. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Germany (West). Bundesrat"

1

Pridham, Geoffrey. "The 1980 Bundestag Election: A Case of ‘Normality’." In The West German Model, 112–23. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315034942-7.

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Jarausch, Konrad H. "Negotiating Accession." In The Rush to German Unity, 157–88. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195072754.003.0009.

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Abstract The transition to unity aroused widespread anxiety. Conservatives could not wait to get rid of the hated GDR, but leftists wanted to slow the merger with the West in order to cushion the shock. On June 17 the Volkskammer and the Bundestag met to commemorate the 1953 uprising and ponder the appropriate way to proceed. Praising the civic revolution, Protestant church leader Manfred Stolpe warned that it would take time to unite the estranged parts. Even if their “differences no longer divide, unification will become more difficult if they are not taken into account.”1 An impatient German Social Union (DSU) disregarded this advice and demanded that the GDR join the FRG “on this very day.” Caught by surprise, Prime Minister Lothar de Maiziere refused to be stampeded in the ensuing Volkskammer session. “First we must negotiate another not inconsiderable state treaty” so as to create a legal framework for the merger of East and West Germany. “And then the two-plus-four process will have to reach a result acceptable to all sides.” Since daunting domestic and diplomatic problems had yet to be resolved, the speed and shape of unity depended on the completion of these tasks.
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3

"[20.] The West German Bundestag Elections of 1953[1953]." In Otto Kirchheimer - Gesammelte Schriften, edited by Henning Hochstein and Frank Schale, 574–98. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845290027-574.

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Lockhart, Ted. "Introduction." In Joschka Fischer and the Making of the Berlin Republic, 3–8. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195181838.003.0001.

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Abstract On a blustery morning in March 1983, a spirited procession of several hundred people made its way through the streets of Bonn, West Germany’s postwar capital. The troupe was en route to the country’s parliament, the Bundestag. It ambled good-naturedly through the old university town to the beat of African drums played from an open, horse-drawn carriage. The event had all the trappings of ademonstration. Marchers young and old brandished signs reading: “Minimum Pension: 1500 Marks!”, “My Census Data Belongs to Me!”, and “PeaceNowin Israel-Palestine!”Onewoman pushed ahead of her a human-size “planet earth” beach ball, a symbol of the global nature of their concerns.
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