Academic literature on the topic 'Ghana – Administrative and political divisions'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ghana – Administrative and political divisions"
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Bazzi, Samuel, and Matthew Gudgeon. "The Political Boundaries of Ethnic Divisions." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 235–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20190309.
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We use a policy experiment in Indonesia to show how local political boundaries affect ethnic tension. Redrawing district borders along group lines reduces conflict. However, the gains in stability are undone or even reversed when new boundaries increase ethnic polarization. Greater polarization leads to more violence around majoritarian elections but has little effect around lower-stakes, proportional representation elections. These results point to distinct incentives for violence in winner-take-all settings with contestable public resources. Overall, our findings illustrate the promise and pitfalls of redrawing borders in diverse countries where it is infeasible for each group to have its own administrative unit. (JEL D72, D74, J15, O15, O17, O18)
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MUNKH-ERDENE, LHAMSUREN. "Political Order in Pre-Modern Eurasia: Imperial Incorporation and the Hereditary Divisional System." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 4 (July 27, 2016): 633–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186316000237.
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AbstractComparing the Liao, the Chinggisid and the Qing successive incorporations of Inner Asia, this article is prepared to argue that the hereditary divisional system that these Inner Asian empires employed to incorporate and administer their nomadic population was the engine that generated what scholars see either as ‘tribes’ or ‘aristocratic order’. This divisional system, because of its hereditary membership and rulership, invariably tended to produce autonomous lordships with distinct names and identities unless the central government took measures to curb the tendency. Whenever the central power waned, these divisions emerged as independent powers in themselves and their lords as contenders for the central power. The Chinggisid power structure did not destroy any tribal order; instead, it destroyed and incorporated a variety of former Liao politico-administrative divisions into its own decimally organized minqans and transformed the former Liao divisions into quasi-political named categories of populace, the irgens, stripping them of their own politico-administrative structures. In turn, the Qing, in incorporating Mongolia, divided the remains of the Chinggisid divisions, the tümens and otogs, into khoshuu and transformed them into quasi-political ayimaqs. Thus, it was the logic of the imperial incorporation and the hereditary divisional system that produced multiple politico-administrative divisions and quasi-political identity categories.
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Sossa, Rostyslav. "Political and administrative divisions of Ukrainian lands on the 16th century maps." Polish Cartographical Review 51, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcr-2019-0004.
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Abstract The author discusses the first maps of Ukrainian lands within the borders of various countries, reflecting their political and administrative division, which were published in the 16th century. State and administration borders in Ukrainian territories were presented on the map of Southern Sarmatia (1526) by the Polish cartographer B. Wapowski and on the wall map of Europe (1554) by the Dutch cartographer G. Mercator. Maps by S. Münster and G. Gastaldi, including names of individual administrative units without reflecting state and administrative borders, were taken into account. A thorough analysis was carried out of the territorial division of Ukrainian territories on maps in the atlases by A. Ortelius (maps of Poland by W. Grodecki and A. Pograbka), on the maps of Lithuania and Taurica Chersonesus in the atlases by G. Mercator, including their subsequent adaptations. A number of inaccuracies regarding the location of state and administrative borders as well as names of administrative units have been revealed. Particular attention has been paid to the manner of presenting administrative borders. It was established that in those times no special attention was paid to the presentation of political and administrative divisions on maps. During subsequent editions of maps, no national and administrative borders were updated. Maps could be published without changes for decades. Map publishers often borrowed unverified information, which led to duplication of errors.
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Moynihan, Donald P. "Protection Versus Flexibility: The Civil Service Reform Act, Competing Administrative Doctrines, and the Roots of Contemporary Public Management Debate." Journal of Policy History 16, no. 1 (January 2004): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0005.
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The year 2003 marks the twentieth-fifth anniversary of the Civil Service Reform Act (CSRA) of 1978, a late chapter in the development of the American administrative state and the most significant reform of the civil service system since its creation through the Pendleton Act of 1883. The Act made a number of enduring contributions to the personnel system of the federal government. Given the recursive nature of public management debate, there is considerable policy importance in trying to understand the original basis of decisions on legislation that have shaped the federal government over the last twenty-five years, and the CSRA has recently been the subject of renewed interest. More important, the CSRA was a rare and relatively important shift in the beliefs and attitudes—the administrative doctrine—that shape the evolution of the administrative state. Significantly, the debate during the CSRA saw the emergence of deep divisions within administrative doctrine, divisions that continue to shape public management policymaking.
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Ohemeng, Frank Louis Kwaku. "Getting the state right: think tanks and the dissemination of New Public Management ideas in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 443–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001047.
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Private research institutions, commonly referred to as think tanks, are a recent phenomenon in the Ghanaian policy environment. They are part of a growing number of NGOs that have emerged with Ghana's political liberalisation and are attempting to influence policymaking. These institutions exert a greater influence on policies affecting the functioning of the ‘administrative state’ than other NGOs. Through their efforts, ideas pertaining to administrative reform appear to have taken root strongly in Ghana. This paper examines the processes and methods that have been adopted by these institutions in developing policies that are being pursued to change the ‘administrative state’ in Ghana. It argues that the ability of these institutions to influence policies geared towards changing the administrative state can be attributed to the calibre of personnel as well as the processes and methods they have adopted.
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STERETT, SUSAN. "Legality in Administration in Britain and the United States." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 2 (July 1992): 195–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025002003.
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Efforts to structure administrative processes through legality are well known in the United States. However, they are seldom analyzed in a comparative context, with an effort to explain how legal procedures are structured into administrative process. Political disputes criticizing bureaucracy and arguing for more legal accountability have occurred in Britain as well as the United States, culminating in statutes. But the extensive postwar debate in Britain led to a statute that did not accomplish as much as the American Administrative Procedure Act. This article explains the efforts and the somewhat different outcomes in Britain and the United States with an analysis of the coherence of and divisions within legal ideology and how the legal profession interacted with the different configuration of state institutions in Britain and the United States.
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Kelly, Bob, and R. B. Bening. "Ideology, Regionalism, Self-Interest and Tradition: An Investigation into Contemporary Politics in Northern Ghana." Africa 77, no. 2 (May 2007): 180–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2007.77.2.180.
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ABSTRACTThis article focuses on three concerns: (1) the historical and contemporary distinctiveness of the ‘north’ from the rest of Ghana; (2) the extent to which the ‘north’ is itself a distinct and united political entity; and (3) the relevance to the area of competing analyses of Ghanaian politics which emphasize: the continuing importance of a distinct ‘northern’ political consciousness;the role of competing Ghanaian political traditions based on ideology and related socio-economic divisions;the growth of conscious ‘self-interest’ on the part of individual voters; andthe continued significance of local loyalties and rivalries, many of which pre-date the arrival of the British to the area in the final decades of the nineteenth century.The article argues that while no monocausal analysis of northern politics is adequate, longstanding internal divisions and rivalries, and distinct local issues, have been highly significant in determining the characteristics of its politics. It further suggests that whilst individual self-interest and ideological and related socio-economic differences have some role in determining the political sympathies and allegiances of members of the political elite, their independent role in determining voting patterns at the local level is limited. Longstanding local divisions and patterns of loyalty may vary in their intensity and impact from time to time, but nevertheless continue to have the potential to shape general political and specific electoral behaviour. Such an analysis is not peculiar to the north, with areas in the south and east also having significant traditional rivalries. It is, however, of particular significance in the north because of its history and the prevalence of common assumptions about the north's having a distinct political identity.Much of this article focuses on evidence gleaned from the 2004 elections, but it must be remembered that there are potentially serious limitations on the value of this source. In the first place it may be that electoral malpractice and various forms of vote rigging provide a distorted picture of what actually took place. While there were certainly attempts to buy votes in constituencies throughout the north, shooting incidents in Bawku and Tamale, and assaults and attempted assaults on election officials in at least three constituencies, the general impression was of a free, fair and credible election. Of more real significance, however, are the implicit features of an election – votes are aggregated so that we do not know the motivation behind individual voters' selections, and indeed each individual may have conflicting pressures and interests which have to be balanced into a single vote. It is certainly the contention here that underlying issues and actual electoral issues are not congruent; it is argued that only in a limited number of areas in the north did the underlying issues dominate the electoral outcome. It is, however, the potential for longstanding local divisions and loyalties to do so that is still significant today – and likely to remain so in the foreseeable future.
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Szymańska, Daniela, and Jadwiga Biegańska. "The Eastern and the Western Cuiavia - One Region, Two Development Lines." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 10, no. 10 (January 1, 2008): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-008-0014-6.
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The Eastern and the Western Cuiavia - One Region, Two Development LinesCuiavia is one of the oldest historical regions in Poland characterized by diverse physical and geographical conditions, as well as different administrative and historical past. The aim of this paper is to present the impact of historical and administrative divisions, as well as diverse socio-economic and political transformations that in a significant way influenced the diversity of social and economical features of Eastern and Western Cuiavia. Against such a background different development directions will be discussed.
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MacLean, Lauren Morris. "Mediating ethnic conflict at the grassroots: the role of local associational life in shaping political values in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 4 (November 3, 2004): 589–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000412.
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This article attempts to understand why ethnic-regional civil war has challenged the national unity of Côte d'Ivoire and not Ghana, two neighbouring countries with nearly identical ethnic, religious and regional divisions, by examining politics at the grassroots. Based on a carefully controlled comparison of two similar regions of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, the study investigates how participation in local voluntary associations reinforces the local experience of the state to shape the ongoing development of political values and affect the prospects for ethnic peace and democracy. The article finds that participation in ethnically heterogeneous voluntary associations does not necessarily promote democratic values and practice. In fact, in Côte d'Ivoire, participation in ethnically heterogeneous cocoa producer and mutual assistance organisations reinforces vertical patronage networks based on narrower ethnic identities. In contrast, in Ghana, participation in more ethnically homogeneous local church groups encourages the development of democratic values and practices at the local level that mediate the potential for ethnic conflict and support the consolidation of a democratic regime.
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Jing, Sun. "Study on the Administrative Divisions in China’s Border Areas from the Perspective of Nation-state Building --- Changes to the Administrative Divisions in Inner Mongolia in the 20th Century." Asian Social Science 14, no. 6 (May 28, 2018): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n6p98.
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From the end of the Yuan Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty, when Inner Mongolia was still a special administrative region of the Qing Empire, the Mongolian nomad's territory went through numerous significant changes. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the administrative divisions in Inner Mongolia underwent three major changes and after continuous integration they were incorporated into the administrative territory of the People's Republic of China in a manner that was compatible with the behavior of a modern nation-state. Such changes can neither be ascribed to the natural process of national development and it’s accompanying fissions nor to the sinocization of Inner Mongolian initiated by Han migrants. Instead, it is derived from the game of power played in the region by various forces, from the Manchu and Han peoples, to the Mongolians, Russians and Japanese, and the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party in the period of surging modern nationalism. This is evidenced by the changes of division in Hulunbuir in particular. This case is enough to demonstrate that the issues of China’s border and nations are not simply equivalent to the binary opposition between Central Plains and border areas, between Han and ethnic minorities, but a process teeming with complex and diverse points of contention, political wrestling matches and other interactions.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ghana – Administrative and political divisions"
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Banks, McRae C. "Degrees of success?: MPA's and MBA's from elite universities and career success in the federal government." Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76504.
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Since Woodrow Wilson’s seminal essay "The Study of Administration,” when he called for educating administrators in administration in hopes of making government more business-like, scholars have been investigating the differences and similarities between government and business. Largely ignored was the education for administration; should it likewise be more focused on business?
Despite the development of specialized public administration degrees, the Master of Public Administration (MPA) and its equivalents, many managers trained in business schools are employed in federal government. This, alone, should make one question whether or not graduate education in public administration is truly any better or more appropriate for public sector management careers than other graduate degrees, notably the MBA.
The present study addresses the issue of degree appropriateness by comparing federal sector managers who are MPA-trained with those who are MBA-trained on ten career success indices. Data to construct the indices were collected via a mailed survey questionnaire sent to the population of federal sector managers holding the MPA or MBA from selected universities. A variety of statistical procedures in SPSS were used to analyze the data.
Analysis of the data indicates that few significant differences exist between MPA's and MBA's in career success, as measured in the short term. Possible explanations for these findings are explored. A cohort analysis and t-Test indicates that MBA's receive higher starting salaries than MPA's but MPA's surpass their MBA peers approximately twelve years after completing the master's degree. A hypothetical fourth (older) cohort of MPA's would be significantly higher paid now than MBA's.
Implications for individuals, institutions, and society, based on the findings, were discussed, along with limitations to the study and future topics of research.Ph. D.
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Silva, Diego Coimbra Barcelos da. "Cidade, poder e diferença: outros caminhos para a compreensão do direito à cidade sustentável em Henri Lefebvre." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2018. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/3752.
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Este trabalho monográfico tem por objeto a análise e a proposição de caminhos alternativos para a compreensão do direito à cidade sustentável, sob o prisma das relações de poder. Para tanto, busca esquadrinhar alguns pressupostos e conceitos centrais da obra de Henri Lefebvre, notadamente aqueles em que a proposta original do direito à cidade se alicerça, a fim de compatibilizá-los com as categorias de análise necessárias à condução da pesquisa. Nesse intento, esboça um quadro argumentativo sistemático que aponta para as direções da redistribuição do poder no espaço urbano, da plenitude do exercício da multiterritorialidade e dos múltiplos territórios e da participaçãointervenção na produção dos discursos ambiental e jurídico-urbanístico, este último através do pluralismo jurídico. Busca, ainda, analisar a viabilidade teórica dos sentidos propostos no escopo da teoria espacial lefebvriana.Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES
This dissertation aims at analyzing and proposing alternative ways of understanding the right to a sustainable city, in the light of power relations. To do so, it seeks to explore some key assumptions and concepts of Henri Lefebvre's work, mostly those on which the original proposal of the right to the city was built, in order to match with the categories of analysis in the development of the research. In this attempt, outlines a systematic argumentative framework, that points to the redistribution of power in the urban space, the full exercise of multiterritoriality and multiple territories and the participationintervention in the production of environmental and legal-urban discourse, the latter through the legal pluralism. Also seeks to analyze the theoretical feasibility of the proposed meanings within the scope of Lefebvrian spatial theory.
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Uyttendaele, Marc. "Le fédéralisme inachevé: réflexions sur le système institutionnel belge, issu des réformes de 1988-1989." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213170.
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Alves, Diorgenes de Moraes Correia. "A Luta pela terra dos quilombolas de Palmas: do quilombo aos direitos territoriais." Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2013. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/651.
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A presente pesquisa tem por escopo analisar os fundamentos dos direitos territoriais
quilombolas na localidade de Palmas-PR: as dificuldades e expectativas quanto à sua
efetivação. Assim, inicia-se o estudo com uma incursão à historiografia tradicional para buscar os principais elementos da formação social brasileira, ao mesmo tempo em que procura insular-se da noção idealizada de quilombo pautada em elementos históricoarqueológicos. Já com o advento da Constituição de 1988, previsão dos direitos territoriais quilombolas, ocorre a evolução do conceito de quilombo a partir de elementos antropológicos capazes de abranger a sua dinamicidade como fenômeno social. A partir da demonstração do que pode significar a concretização de tais direitos para o quilombo de Palmas-PR, emergem
as diferentes dimensões assumidas pela relação dos quilombolas com o seu território e com o trabalho tradicional, além dos obstáculos encontrados. Assim, os direitos territoriais são frutos do campo das disputas políticas que ao buscar reparar as injustiças da escravidão e da excludente sociedade do trabalho livre; trazem visibilidade para os quilombolas, reforçam a
sua luta e criam possibilidades, seja na arena de disputas jurídicas, seja na arena de disputas políticas.This research has as the main scope to study the fundamentals Maroons territorial rights in Palmas-PR: their issues and their expectations. The study begins through traditional Brazilian historiography elements and the Brazilian social formation, to avoid using the idealized concept of “quilombo”, based in historical and archaeological elements. In the Brazilian National Constitution of 1988, there is an evolution of the concept of “quilombo” with anthropological elements, to become able to comprehend its dynamics as a social phenomenon. After the meanings demonstration of these rights for the Maroons from Palmas- PR, emerge the differents dimensions by the Maroons with its territory and its traditional work. However the structural formation of Brazilian society; the territorial maroons rights are answering to the slavery injustices and social exclusion from the free work society. Theses rights bring visibility to the Maroons, strengthen their cause and create possibilities rather in the legal issues, rather in the political issues.
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Gomez, Reino Juan Luis. "Essays on optimal jurisdictional size for local service delivery." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/34656.
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This dissertation contributes to the definition of an analytical framework for the study of optimal jurisdictional size for local service delivery. We argue that the standard economics framework for the analysis of optimal jurisdictional size importantly neglects individual preferences for political accountability. Our theoretical model shows that once we take into account such preferences, the optimal jurisdictional size for the provision of local public goods is smaller than in the standard model. We obtain empirical evidence to support our hypothesis from a sample of 197 countries. Our results show that, in fact, demand for political accountability leads to higher jurisdictional fragmentation both in terms of greater number of jurisdictions and smaller average population per jurisdiction. In addition, a meta-analysis of the empirical contributions to the study of economies of scale in the provision of local services shows that the economies of scale expected from service provision to larger jurisdictional sizes may not be present except for a handful of local services, and limited to relatively small population sizes. The results of the meta-analysis signal moderately increasing to constant returns to scale in the provision of traditional local services. In light of these results, we argue that forced jurisdictional consolidation programs across the world justified by perceptions of excessive jurisdictional fragmentation, or by the expectation of large expenditure savings due to economies of scale may have been, thus, erroneously designed. From a policy perspective, multi-layered institutional frameworks for service delivery (including cooperation and privatization among other options) may allow targeting available efficiency gains more efficiently than consolidation.
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Alcantara, Fernanda Viana de. "Gestão social nos territórios rurais : limites e possibilidades do agreste de Alagoas." Pós-Graduação em Geografia, 2013. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/5578.
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The theme of territorial development has attracted interests of different areas of knowledge. In this sense, it becomes necessary to think about the approach of territorial development in Brazil, which became wider at the beginning of the XXI century. This particular thesis aims to perform reflections on the process of preparing and implementing territorial actions to promote a development in rural areas; in this regard the discussion about the experience of Brazilian planning is recognized, and it is also aimed to understand the challenge of construction of mediation processes which are able to guide and operationalize territorial policies; it also aims to forward the interests for discussion that evidences the problematic of social management. The research has an exploratory and investigative character, performing
an approach that ponders the territorial development through an analysis, from survey and literature review on the theme, and the analysis of data obtained through fieldwork, such as interviews with the main social actors bound to entities and members of social movements
that contribute in the process of territorial development, taking as a parameter the main instance: the Rural Territorial Collegiate. It is acknowledged that the participation of civil society in the elaboration of public policies is significantly important, providing the
transcendence of apparent contradictions of interests and visions inherent to public and private domain, particularly when referring to rural environments, in which an increasing on density of commitments and responses is aimed. It is to respond to the challenge of territorial
development, in the face to the difficulty in forming government capacity of multiple commitments on strategic interplay of the actors. It refers to the recognition of the importance of the participation and interaction of different social actors in the attempt of delineating ways
to territorial development. Also regarding to the discussion of territorial development, this job
is linked to the references of the discussion about the rural environment in Portugal, especially the discussion of governance, through contact with Portugal Local Development Associations, although it is considered the significant and notable differences regarding to the territorial
dimension and the socio-economic and environmental issues between these two countries. As a result of the research, it is evidenced that the Rural Development Policy in Brazil is a process in construction that still goes through difficulties regarding to its supporting pillars
among which is called attention to social management; the data and conducted analysis reveal that there was a process of change in the manner and consequences of action planning in rural environment, and also reveal that there is an advance regarding to the innovation in the
instruments of participation and valuing of local forces, from the point of view of the togetherness of different representations that are heterogeneous. And therefore, they try to find the ways to reduce social disparities in rural environment, through management, but still
in a fragile way.A temática do desenvolvimento territorial despertou interesses de diferentes áreas do conhecimento. Torna-se necessário uma análise sobre a abordagem do desenvolvimento territorial no Brasil, que ganhou maior expressão no início do século XXI. A tese em tela tem como objetivo realizar reflexões em torno do processo de elaboração e implementação das ações territoriais para a promoção do desenvolvimento em áreas rurais. Retoma-se a discussão sobre a experiência do planejamento brasileiro, no intuito de compreender a construção de processos de mediação capazes de orientar e operacionalizar as políticas territoriais, visa encaminhar os interesses para a discussão sobre a problemática da governança. A pesquisa é de caráter exploratório-investigativo, aborda e pondera o desenvolvimento territorial por meio da análise, parti do levantamento e revisão bibliográfica referente à temática, e da análise de dados obtidos por meio de trabalho de campo, como as entrevistas dos principais atores sociais vinculados a entidades e membros de movimentos sociais que contribuem no processo de desenvolvimento territorial, tomando como parâmetro a instância principal: os Colegiados Territoriais Rurais. Reconhece-se que a participação da sociedade civil na elaboração das políticas públicas é significativa e propicia a transcendência de aparentes contradições de interesses e visões inerentes ao domínio público e privado, especialmente, quando se refere aos meios rurais, onde se procura aumentar a densidade de compromissos e de respostas. Trata-se de responder ao desafio do desenvolvimento territorial, face à dificuldade para constituir capacidade governativa de compromissos múltiplos no entrosamento estratégico. Refere-se ao reconhecimento da importância da participação e interação de diferentes atores sociais na tentativa de delinear caminhos para o desenvolvimento territorial. No âmbito da discussão do desenvolvimento territorial, o trabalho faz vínculo com as referências do debate sobre o meio rural em Portugal, em especial o contato com as Associações de Desenvolvimento Local de Portugal, embora se considere as significativas e notórias diferenças sobre a dimensão territorial e aos aspectos sócio-econômicos e ambientais existentes entre os dois países. O resultado da pesquisa evidencia que a política de desenvolvimento territorial rural no Brasil é um processo em construção que passa por dificuldades nos pilares de implantação e sustentação, dentre os quais se destaca a gestão social. Dados e análises realizadas revelam que ocorreu um processo de mudança na forma e nos desdobramentos das ações no meio rural, e que há avanços no sentido de inovações nos instrumentos de participação e de valorização das forças locais, como o ajuntamento de diferentes representações que são heterogêneas, mas buscam encontrar meios de reduzir as disparidades sociais no meio rural por meio da gestão, entretanto, ainda de forma frágil.
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Victoir, Laura A. "Moscow-area estates : a case study of twentieth-century architectural preservation and cultural politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670078.
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Quénot, Hélène. "La construction du champ politique local à Accra (Ghana) et Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) : le cas de la politique de gestion des déchets." Phd thesis, Institut d'études politiques de Bordeaux, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00452087.
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Les processus de décentralisation ont renforcé les pouvoirs et les responsabilités d'Accra et Ouagadougou et créé une « nouvelle donne » urbaine, qui implique la mise en place de modes de gestion renouvelés, comme la privatisation de certains services ou la prise en compte accrue de la société civile à travers des processus de type « gouvernance ». Ouagadougou et Accra restent cependant dans une situation paradoxale puisqu'elles sont à la fois des entités locales et des symboles du pouvoir central. Dans ce contexte, les réformes de gestion des déchets, d'abord techniques, possèdent également une dimension politique forte puisqu'elles interrogent la capacité des municipalités à contrôler leur territoire et à répondre aux demandes des acteurs internationaux et gouvernementaux. Ces réformes sont extrêmement comparables mais ont des résultats très différents. Après un état des lieux de la question des déchets, ce travail s'interroge donc sur les conditions de leur mise en oeuvre : quels facteurs institutionnels, historiques, humains structurent le champ et expliquent les différences de résultats dans les deux villes ? L'analyse de ces facteurs permet par ailleurs d'interroger l'autonomie politique des municipalités, qui doivent faire face à un manque de moyen chronique mais également aux demandes des bailleurs de fonds et aux réticences des gouvernements centraux. Ces réformes ont enfin été des opportunités de mise en oeuvre de nouvelles relations politiques au niveau local. Ces « nouvelles règles du jeu » ont-elles contribué à la structuration du champ et à l'émergence de pratiques politiques et d'identités spécifiquement locales ? Les difficultés parfois grandes des municipalités ont conduit à la mise en place de relations et d'organisations inattendues, qui permettent de dépasser l'analyse en termes de succès ou d'échec pour mettre en valeur les inventions politiques constantes à l'oeuvre dans les deux capitales.
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Galli, Telma Batalioti. "Uso do territorio e fronteiras internas : o caso da proposta de redesenho fronteiriço do municipio de Holambra (SP)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286959.
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Orientador: Marcio Antonio CataiaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias
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Resumo: A proposta de novo redesenho fronteiriço do município de Holambra (SP), expressa a complexidade de relações no território brasileiro com a presença nos lugares de vetores da economia global. À luz do atual período desenvolve-se uma economia globalizada que vem sendo comumente confundida como "sem fronteiras", no entanto, os redesenhos fronteiriços, presentes em todo território nacional desacreditam a tese do fim das fronteiras ou de sua obsolescência. Entre os entes federativos (estados e municípios) acentuam-se disputas territoriais produtoras de dinâmicas locais exigentes em regulação política. A complexidade de relações internas e externas a uma fronteira amplia a necessidade de maior regulação, justificando-se o Estado e suas fronteiras. Ao município portador de poder legiferante cabe-lhe uma racionalidade própria de solucionar localmente o uso social e o uso corporativo do território. Este é o caso do município de Holambra que ao propor um novo redesenho de suas fronteiras, reorganiza o território, a partir da especialização produtiva de flores e plantas ornamentais, marcando uma hibridização entre Estado e economia na medida em que ao primeiro cabe atender aos reclamos do segundo, é assim, que política e economia conformam-se um par dialético dos novos usos do território brasileiro.
Abstract: The proposal for a new borderline re-arrangement in the municipality of Holambra (SP) manifests the complexity of relations in Brazil with a presence in the venues of the global economy's vectors. In the light of the current period, a globalized economy is being developed which is commonly and mistakenly referred to as "borderless", yet the borderline rearrangements seen throughout the country refute the issue regarding the end of borders or of their obsolescence. Territorial disputes have grown among the federative bodies (states and municipalities), which have given rise to local dynamics that require political regulation. The complexity of relations within and without a border increases the need for greater regulation, justifying a State and its borders. A local government in possession of legislating powers will be in charge of its own rationale in order to decide locally on the social and corporate use of its territory. This is the case in the municipality of Holambra, which while proposing a new rearrangement of its borders is reorganizing its territory based on the specialized production of flowers and ornamental plants, encouraging a hybridized relation between State and economy inasmuch as the former is responsible for meeting the latter's requirements, this is how politics and economics form a dialectical couple for the new uses of Brazilian territory.
Doutorado
Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial
Doutor em Ciências
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Full textBooks on the topic "Ghana – Administrative and political divisions"
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Ghana: Administrative areas and boundaries, 1874-2009. Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 2010.
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Zoltán, Hajdú. Administrative division and administrative geography in Hungary. Pécs: Centre for Regional Studies of Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1987.
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Medieval Ireland: Territorial, political, and economic divisions. Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2008.
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Phūangngām, Kōwit. ʻAmnāt mai Samāchik Saphā Thō̜ngthin. Krung Thēp: Samnakphim Sēmātham, 2014.
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Meer, Adrianus Josephus van der. Gemeentegrenzen in Nederland: Een juridisch, technisch en kadastraal onderzoek. Amsterdam: IOS Press, 2007.
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San qian li jiang shan hui gu: Chaoxian wang chao zheng qu jian zhi yan ge. Shanghai: Shanghai ren min chu ban she, 1997.
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Rica, Costa. División territorial administrativa de la República de Costa Rica: Decreto ejecutivo no. 15772-G de 9 de octubre de 1984, publicado en La Gaceta no. 210 de 5 de noviembre de 1984. La Uruca, San José, C.R: Impr. Nacional, 1986.
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Rica, Costa. División territorial administrativa de la República de Costa Rica: Decreto ejecutivo no. 21860-G, publicado en La Gaceta de 26 de febrero de 1993. 2nd ed. [San José, Costa Rica]: Impr. Nacional, 1993.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Ghana – Administrative and political divisions"
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Talton, Benjamin. "“A Festering Sore On an Otherwise Healthy Administrative Body”—Konkomba Political Agency and British Authority, 1929–1951." In Politics of Social Change in Ghana, 77–108. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230102330_4.
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Li, Su. "The Constitution of the Territory and Politics of a Large State." In The Constitution of Ancient China, 33–65. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171593.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the constitution of the territory and politics of a large state. It first discusses the problem posed by a large state before explaining how historical China became a geographically large state. It then describes the feudal system of the Zhou dynasty as an early attempt to build the constitution of a large state. It also explores how the commandery system integrated different localities of the country into an overarching entity, along with the role it played for the political constitution of ancient China. The chapter goes on to analyze the geopolitics underlying China's administrative divisions, focusing on the administration of the frontiers and integration of minority nationality areas. It concludes with an overview of the idea of “bringing peace to the world under heaven” and suggests that the center-periphery relations in historical China were successful from a constitutional point of view.
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McFate, Montgomery. "Robert Sutherland Rattray and Indirect Rule." In Military Anthropology, 47–84. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190680176.003.0002.
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This chapter begins with a description of how Captain Robert Sutherland Rattray, an anthropologist working for the British colonial government in what is now known as Ghana, may have averted a war between the Ashanti Empire and the British colonial government. This chapter offers a brief discussion of the origins of European colonial expansion and the various modes of European rule. Indirect rule is described as an administrative system, which (in theory) used indigenous institutions for governance. This chapter then explores how implementation of foreign policy creates a variety of knowledge imperatives, including the need for empirical, scientific research (instead of the impressionistic research of untrained administrators) concerning African social, political, economic and legal systems and the relationships between them. Lacking the requisite information, the mutual incomprehension between British colonial officers and the African societies they encountered resulted in a variety of unanticipated cultural disjunctions. Three disjunctions of indirect rule are then discussed, including the dangers of exporting western models, the problem of self-defeating policies and third, the tyranny of the paradigm.
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Bahout, Joseph. "The Unraveling of Taif." In Beyond Sunni and Shia, 135–56. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876050.003.0007.
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The Lebanese political system is based on a sectarian division of constitutional powers and administrative positions, guaranteeing the representation of certain groups while also contributing to decisionmaking paralysis. The flaws of the sect-based governance system in part led Lebanon into civil war. The 1989 Taif Agreement, which put an end to the war, reshuffled the system. Syria was made the postwar power broker and given guardianship over Lebanon. After Taif, a divisive tension arose between Lebanon’s two main Muslim communities, the Sunnis and Shia. Syria managed the divisions while also exacerbating them. Sunni-Shia frictions sharpened after the assassination of Lebanon’s prime minister and Syria’s 2005 withdrawal from the country. They further intensified with the 2011 outbreak of the Syrian civil war. Today, the Lebanese state is deadlocked. Lebanon has no president, and parliament has been paralyzed since 2013. Many Lebanese seem to believe their system is the least bad option compared with neighbors, but the state’s dysfunction raises doubts about implementing the Lebanese model elsewhere. Time and historical experience have largely rendered sectarianism commonplace in Lebanon, and it is now deeply entrenched in the collective ethos and national behavior. Other Arab countries lack this characteristic. Models of centralized states that rely on a unifying definition of national identity for state building are the rule across the region, and the idea of pan-Arabism has traditionally been more attractive than that of states constructed around subnational identities.
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Acar, Serkan. "Moğolların İkinci Kuşak Halefleri: Türk-Tatar Hanlıklarında Yönetim Anlayışı." In Cengiz Han ve Mirası, 111–30. Turkish Academy of Science, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.2021.025.
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Gradual divisions occurred in the Great Mongol Empire sometime after Genghis Khan’s death. The Golden Horde in the north of the Black Sea, the Chagatai Khanate in Turkestan, the Kublai Khanate in China, and the Ilkhanids in Iran appeared in the middle of the XIIIth century. These political organizations, descended from Genghis, were the first-generation successors of the Mongols. The situation was completely different in the dominions of the Kublai Khanate and the Ilkhanids. In contrast in the geographical regions that the Golden Horde and the Chagatay Khanate ruled steppe traditions were alive. Kublai Khanate ruled over the Chinese cultural geography, which dates to ancient times, and the Ilkhanids continued their existence in the Persian cultural circle with the creation of a strong civilization. Naturally, there were some changes in the administration styles of these successor states, molded by the local administrative features of their regions. Some signs of dissolution were seen in the Golden Horde, which interacted with the Russians who in the first half of the XVth century climbed the ladder of civilization later than Chinese and Iranians. At the time the state of the Golden Horde was disappearing from the stage of history it gave birth to its successors, which we call the Turco-Tatar khanates, such as Kazan, Crimea, Qasim, Sibir and Astrakhan. These states were the second-generation successors of the Mongols. Although they were the successors of the Golden Horde and originated from the same origin, the administration mentality of the khanates was different from one another. In fact, the Qasim Khanate entered the orbit of the Grand Duchy of Moscow while the Crimean Khanate recognized the high authority of the Ottoman Empire. The situation was different in Kazan, Sibir and Astrakhan khanates. This issue, which has not been properly examined as a whole, constitutes the core of thşs study.
Reports on the topic "Ghana – Administrative and political divisions"
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Novichkova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of Ghana. Edited by Nikolay Komedchikov, Larisa Loginova, and Alexandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, March 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2016-02-12-4.
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