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1
Bazzi, Samuel, and Matthew Gudgeon. "The Political Boundaries of Ethnic Divisions." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 235–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20190309.
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We use a policy experiment in Indonesia to show how local political boundaries affect ethnic tension. Redrawing district borders along group lines reduces conflict. However, the gains in stability are undone or even reversed when new boundaries increase ethnic polarization. Greater polarization leads to more violence around majoritarian elections but has little effect around lower-stakes, proportional representation elections. These results point to distinct incentives for violence in winner-take-all settings with contestable public resources. Overall, our findings illustrate the promise and pitfalls of redrawing borders in diverse countries where it is infeasible for each group to have its own administrative unit. (JEL D72, D74, J15, O15, O17, O18)
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MUNKH-ERDENE, LHAMSUREN. "Political Order in Pre-Modern Eurasia: Imperial Incorporation and the Hereditary Divisional System." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 4 (July 27, 2016): 633–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186316000237.
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AbstractComparing the Liao, the Chinggisid and the Qing successive incorporations of Inner Asia, this article is prepared to argue that the hereditary divisional system that these Inner Asian empires employed to incorporate and administer their nomadic population was the engine that generated what scholars see either as ‘tribes’ or ‘aristocratic order’. This divisional system, because of its hereditary membership and rulership, invariably tended to produce autonomous lordships with distinct names and identities unless the central government took measures to curb the tendency. Whenever the central power waned, these divisions emerged as independent powers in themselves and their lords as contenders for the central power. The Chinggisid power structure did not destroy any tribal order; instead, it destroyed and incorporated a variety of former Liao politico-administrative divisions into its own decimally organized minqans and transformed the former Liao divisions into quasi-political named categories of populace, the irgens, stripping them of their own politico-administrative structures. In turn, the Qing, in incorporating Mongolia, divided the remains of the Chinggisid divisions, the tümens and otogs, into khoshuu and transformed them into quasi-political ayimaqs. Thus, it was the logic of the imperial incorporation and the hereditary divisional system that produced multiple politico-administrative divisions and quasi-political identity categories.
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Sossa, Rostyslav. "Political and administrative divisions of Ukrainian lands on the 16th century maps." Polish Cartographical Review 51, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcr-2019-0004.
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Abstract The author discusses the first maps of Ukrainian lands within the borders of various countries, reflecting their political and administrative division, which were published in the 16th century. State and administration borders in Ukrainian territories were presented on the map of Southern Sarmatia (1526) by the Polish cartographer B. Wapowski and on the wall map of Europe (1554) by the Dutch cartographer G. Mercator. Maps by S. Münster and G. Gastaldi, including names of individual administrative units without reflecting state and administrative borders, were taken into account. A thorough analysis was carried out of the territorial division of Ukrainian territories on maps in the atlases by A. Ortelius (maps of Poland by W. Grodecki and A. Pograbka), on the maps of Lithuania and Taurica Chersonesus in the atlases by G. Mercator, including their subsequent adaptations. A number of inaccuracies regarding the location of state and administrative borders as well as names of administrative units have been revealed. Particular attention has been paid to the manner of presenting administrative borders. It was established that in those times no special attention was paid to the presentation of political and administrative divisions on maps. During subsequent editions of maps, no national and administrative borders were updated. Maps could be published without changes for decades. Map publishers often borrowed unverified information, which led to duplication of errors.
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Moynihan, Donald P. "Protection Versus Flexibility: The Civil Service Reform Act, Competing Administrative Doctrines, and the Roots of Contemporary Public Management Debate." Journal of Policy History 16, no. 1 (January 2004): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0005.
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The year 2003 marks the twentieth-fifth anniversary of the Civil Service Reform Act (CSRA) of 1978, a late chapter in the development of the American administrative state and the most significant reform of the civil service system since its creation through the Pendleton Act of 1883. The Act made a number of enduring contributions to the personnel system of the federal government. Given the recursive nature of public management debate, there is considerable policy importance in trying to understand the original basis of decisions on legislation that have shaped the federal government over the last twenty-five years, and the CSRA has recently been the subject of renewed interest. More important, the CSRA was a rare and relatively important shift in the beliefs and attitudes—the administrative doctrine—that shape the evolution of the administrative state. Significantly, the debate during the CSRA saw the emergence of deep divisions within administrative doctrine, divisions that continue to shape public management policymaking.
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Ohemeng, Frank Louis Kwaku. "Getting the state right: think tanks and the dissemination of New Public Management ideas in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 443–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001047.
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Private research institutions, commonly referred to as think tanks, are a recent phenomenon in the Ghanaian policy environment. They are part of a growing number of NGOs that have emerged with Ghana's political liberalisation and are attempting to influence policymaking. These institutions exert a greater influence on policies affecting the functioning of the ‘administrative state’ than other NGOs. Through their efforts, ideas pertaining to administrative reform appear to have taken root strongly in Ghana. This paper examines the processes and methods that have been adopted by these institutions in developing policies that are being pursued to change the ‘administrative state’ in Ghana. It argues that the ability of these institutions to influence policies geared towards changing the administrative state can be attributed to the calibre of personnel as well as the processes and methods they have adopted.
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STERETT, SUSAN. "Legality in Administration in Britain and the United States." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 2 (July 1992): 195–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025002003.
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Efforts to structure administrative processes through legality are well known in the United States. However, they are seldom analyzed in a comparative context, with an effort to explain how legal procedures are structured into administrative process. Political disputes criticizing bureaucracy and arguing for more legal accountability have occurred in Britain as well as the United States, culminating in statutes. But the extensive postwar debate in Britain led to a statute that did not accomplish as much as the American Administrative Procedure Act. This article explains the efforts and the somewhat different outcomes in Britain and the United States with an analysis of the coherence of and divisions within legal ideology and how the legal profession interacted with the different configuration of state institutions in Britain and the United States.
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Kelly, Bob, and R. B. Bening. "Ideology, Regionalism, Self-Interest and Tradition: An Investigation into Contemporary Politics in Northern Ghana." Africa 77, no. 2 (May 2007): 180–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2007.77.2.180.
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ABSTRACTThis article focuses on three concerns: (1) the historical and contemporary distinctiveness of the ‘north’ from the rest of Ghana; (2) the extent to which the ‘north’ is itself a distinct and united political entity; and (3) the relevance to the area of competing analyses of Ghanaian politics which emphasize: the continuing importance of a distinct ‘northern’ political consciousness;the role of competing Ghanaian political traditions based on ideology and related socio-economic divisions;the growth of conscious ‘self-interest’ on the part of individual voters; andthe continued significance of local loyalties and rivalries, many of which pre-date the arrival of the British to the area in the final decades of the nineteenth century.The article argues that while no monocausal analysis of northern politics is adequate, longstanding internal divisions and rivalries, and distinct local issues, have been highly significant in determining the characteristics of its politics. It further suggests that whilst individual self-interest and ideological and related socio-economic differences have some role in determining the political sympathies and allegiances of members of the political elite, their independent role in determining voting patterns at the local level is limited. Longstanding local divisions and patterns of loyalty may vary in their intensity and impact from time to time, but nevertheless continue to have the potential to shape general political and specific electoral behaviour. Such an analysis is not peculiar to the north, with areas in the south and east also having significant traditional rivalries. It is, however, of particular significance in the north because of its history and the prevalence of common assumptions about the north's having a distinct political identity.Much of this article focuses on evidence gleaned from the 2004 elections, but it must be remembered that there are potentially serious limitations on the value of this source. In the first place it may be that electoral malpractice and various forms of vote rigging provide a distorted picture of what actually took place. While there were certainly attempts to buy votes in constituencies throughout the north, shooting incidents in Bawku and Tamale, and assaults and attempted assaults on election officials in at least three constituencies, the general impression was of a free, fair and credible election. Of more real significance, however, are the implicit features of an election – votes are aggregated so that we do not know the motivation behind individual voters' selections, and indeed each individual may have conflicting pressures and interests which have to be balanced into a single vote. It is certainly the contention here that underlying issues and actual electoral issues are not congruent; it is argued that only in a limited number of areas in the north did the underlying issues dominate the electoral outcome. It is, however, the potential for longstanding local divisions and loyalties to do so that is still significant today – and likely to remain so in the foreseeable future.
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Szymańska, Daniela, and Jadwiga Biegańska. "The Eastern and the Western Cuiavia - One Region, Two Development Lines." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 10, no. 10 (January 1, 2008): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-008-0014-6.
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The Eastern and the Western Cuiavia - One Region, Two Development LinesCuiavia is one of the oldest historical regions in Poland characterized by diverse physical and geographical conditions, as well as different administrative and historical past. The aim of this paper is to present the impact of historical and administrative divisions, as well as diverse socio-economic and political transformations that in a significant way influenced the diversity of social and economical features of Eastern and Western Cuiavia. Against such a background different development directions will be discussed.
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MacLean, Lauren Morris. "Mediating ethnic conflict at the grassroots: the role of local associational life in shaping political values in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 4 (November 3, 2004): 589–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000412.
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This article attempts to understand why ethnic-regional civil war has challenged the national unity of Côte d'Ivoire and not Ghana, two neighbouring countries with nearly identical ethnic, religious and regional divisions, by examining politics at the grassroots. Based on a carefully controlled comparison of two similar regions of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, the study investigates how participation in local voluntary associations reinforces the local experience of the state to shape the ongoing development of political values and affect the prospects for ethnic peace and democracy. The article finds that participation in ethnically heterogeneous voluntary associations does not necessarily promote democratic values and practice. In fact, in Côte d'Ivoire, participation in ethnically heterogeneous cocoa producer and mutual assistance organisations reinforces vertical patronage networks based on narrower ethnic identities. In contrast, in Ghana, participation in more ethnically homogeneous local church groups encourages the development of democratic values and practices at the local level that mediate the potential for ethnic conflict and support the consolidation of a democratic regime.
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Jing, Sun. "Study on the Administrative Divisions in China’s Border Areas from the Perspective of Nation-state Building --- Changes to the Administrative Divisions in Inner Mongolia in the 20th Century." Asian Social Science 14, no. 6 (May 28, 2018): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n6p98.
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From the end of the Yuan Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty, when Inner Mongolia was still a special administrative region of the Qing Empire, the Mongolian nomad's territory went through numerous significant changes. Since the beginning of the 20th century, the administrative divisions in Inner Mongolia underwent three major changes and after continuous integration they were incorporated into the administrative territory of the People's Republic of China in a manner that was compatible with the behavior of a modern nation-state. Such changes can neither be ascribed to the natural process of national development and it’s accompanying fissions nor to the sinocization of Inner Mongolian initiated by Han migrants. Instead, it is derived from the game of power played in the region by various forces, from the Manchu and Han peoples, to the Mongolians, Russians and Japanese, and the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party in the period of surging modern nationalism. This is evidenced by the changes of division in Hulunbuir in particular. This case is enough to demonstrate that the issues of China’s border and nations are not simply equivalent to the binary opposition between Central Plains and border areas, between Han and ethnic minorities, but a process teeming with complex and diverse points of contention, political wrestling matches and other interactions.
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Amin, Husnul, Maryam Siddiqa, and Lubna Batool. "Nation-Building in the Developing States: A Case Study of Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review III, no. IV (December 30, 2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-iv).01.
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This research concerns the process of nation-building in developing states with a focus on Pakistan. The study explores hurdles in the process of nation-building in Pakistan. In this connection, the study takes into account key political disparities such as uneven representation of various ethnic groups and regions in legislature and provincial assemblies, state-led cosmetic political reforms and feudalism and biradri-based political system that exist in various administrative units (and their tiers) of the state. The study also highlights the major administrative flaws and demographic shifts and divisions that are hampering the process of nation-building in Pakistan. The research also details the economic disparities found in various forms and at various levels in the state which minimize the prospects of nation-building in Pakistan. The study concludes that nation-building is always a state-controlled process and Pakistan has hardly addressed various hindrances in nation-building process such as political, demographic, administrative and economic issues of the various administrative units (and their tiers) as a state.
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Курілов, Ю. Ю. "Administrative reform in Ukraine: from its origins to the future." Public administration aspects 7, no. 9-10 (November 25, 2019): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151949.
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In general, this article reveals the political meaning of administrative reforms and administrative divisions in some countries of Europe and Asia. A special subject of research is administrative reform and the reform of regionalization in the unitary countries, their path to regionalism and greater democratization at the level of regional governance. Administrative reform and the reform of decentralization of power have ripened in Ukraine for a long time, and even at the present stage, these reforms are inherent in some problems. This work reveals all the functional and historical-ethnographic content of administrative reform in Ukraine. The study offers a pilot map of the administrative division of regions and subregional entities in Ukraine, according to Western trends in administrative division. The historical, national foundations of administrative reform and decentralization reforms in Ukraine are interesting, as well as external factors such as European integration, which may affect the formation of the concept of administrative division in Ukraine, both from a historical retrospective and futurism in this matter, as well as from a functional point of view. In general, the Ukrainian space is inherent in some uncertainty and differences in conceptual issues of reforming the administrative-territorial structure of the state. The study analyzes promising developments in the field of reforming of the administrative-territorial divisions and suggests some new trends in possible areas of reform. First of all, the author is trying to restore order about how European trends and ideas can be expressed in the domestic environment. Some legislative initiatives are analyzed and it is proposed to highlight the historical and functional meaning of the concept of a region in legislation. It also analyzes the possible impact of administrative reform on the reforms of various branches of government. In general, the study proposes a qualitative modernization of the system of administrative-territorial construction in Ukraine. In fact, reforming the administrative-territorial structure on the basis of universally recognized world trends can significantly streamline national, regional, subregional and local governance in Ukraine, and bring it to a new level. Also, these reforms carry some modernization of regional economic policy, which the domestic space needs in the face of modern problems.
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Ameyaw Domfeh, Kwame. "Managing the environment in a decade of administrative reforms in Ghana." International Journal of Public Sector Management 17, no. 7 (December 2004): 606–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09513550410562275.
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Guinchard, Audrey. "FIXING THE BOUNDARIES OF THE CONCEPT OF CRIME: THE CHALLENGE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 3 (July 2005): 719–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei024.
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In England and Wales, as elsewhere, criminal law stands in sharp contrast to other systems of social control. Criminal offences and their related penalties are clearly distinguishable from civil wrongs and their associated (civil) sanctions. And because the term ‘civil law’ refers not only to the domain of torts, but also encompasses administrative law, criminal penalties are, in addition, distinguished from the administrative or regulatory sanctions. This ‘distinction between criminal and civil justice has been such a basic feature of the common law’1that it shapes not only substantive law but also the organization of the courts into civil, criminal and sometimes administrative chambers or divisions. More importantly, the distinction between civil and criminal sanctions will lead to the application of different procedural rules: civil proceedings, used for the imposition of civil sanctions, are less stringent that their criminal counterpart applied when the offender faces a criminal sanction. This more gentle approach can be detected in both the burden and standard of proof.
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Asamoah, Kwame, and Emmanuel Ababio Ofosu-Mensah. "Fruitlessness of Anti-Corruption Agencies: Lessons from the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice in Ghana." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 7 (March 27, 2018): 987–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618762575.
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Political corruption has become one of the most topical issues in the political discourse in Ghana. This stems from the fact that corruption has become so endemic and systemic in Ghanaian polity with its negative effects on the economy. Indeed, political corruption negatively affects job creation, investment potentials, infrastructural development and generally the standard of living of the people. It is within this context that anti-corruption institutions have been established in Ghana to address the menace of corruption. The Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) is one of such institutions established under the 1992 Republican Constitution of Ghana tasked with the responsibility of addressing the problem of corruption in Ghanaian public administration system. This paper examines the extent to which the Commission has achieved this constitutional mandate of addressing the problem of corruption. The study finds that some drawbacks which inhibit the potency of CHRAJ in addressing the problem of corruption include lack of political will by the governing elite to support the institution, eroding confidence of the Commission, the trend of appointing the Head of the Commission in an acting capacity, constitutional weaknesses, poor capacity building support and low motivation. The paper therefore offers pragmatic policy suggestions to address the inherent deficiencies of the Commission with the objective of making it more functional.
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Mead, Lawrence M. "US Welfare Reform: The Institutional Dimension." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 2 (April 2003): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001180.
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Making a success of welfare reform has as much to do with implementation as with policy design. The experience in Wisconsin and New York generalises too much of the US, with states divided into those successfully implementing work-based reform, those incapacitated by partisan divisions and those that have never seriously framed welfare policy. Three decisions are key: the degree of toughness, the amount of programme integration; and the locus of administrative control which are shaped by long standing differences in political culture, moralistic, individualistic and traditionalistic. States adopting a moralistic approach to policy administration generally achieve most success.
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COUPERUS, STEFAN. "Research in urban history: recent theses on nineteenth- and early twentieth-century municipal administration." Urban History 37, no. 2 (July 6, 2010): 322–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000386.
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The ways in which the organization of local government and the practice of political power locally have changed over time has attracted heightened interest from urban and administrative historians over recent decades. Much of this burgeoning interest has paralleled the concurrent decline in the status and powers of local government since the 1980s. In recent years, a shifting focus from government to governance has allowed the historian to re-conceptualize approaches to urban political power. Urban governance denotes a wider system of government by encapsulating the complex range of actors, interests and resources, which straddle the public, private and voluntary sectors, each with a vested interest in the way that political power is organized and practised locally. By broadening their approach to urban political power, urban historians have, since the late 1980s, elicited new perspectives on municipal administration, reattaching it with the national and juridical frameworks of analysis from which it had been fractured. In general, this growing number of local, regional and cross-national historical studies hints at a more complex and interesting municipal dimension which transcends previously impermeable divisions between the private and the public spheres, between political democracy and administrative bureaucracy, between the central state and municipal administration, and between national and transnational contexts of administrative thought and practice.
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Pal, Leslie A. "Relative Autonomy Revisited: The Origins of Canadian Unemployment Insurance." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (March 1986): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390005798x.
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AbstractThe concept of “relative autonomy” is now routinely used by Marxist and non-Marxist students of public policy to describe the state's independence from class forces. A rare attempt to use the concept empirically is Carl J. Cuneo's work on Canadian unemployment insurance (UI) in the 1930s. This article argues that Cuneo focusses too narrowly on class struggle, and thus misses important aspects of Canadian UI policy. Relative autonomy must be more broadly conceived in terms of the state's administrative expertise, fiscal capacity, and jurisdictional divisions. It is constituted within, not outside, the state. The article illustrates these internal forces through a re-examination of the evolution of Canadian UI in the 1930s.
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McCrystal, Patrick, and Esmeranda Manful. "Ghana's Children's Act 560: A Rethink of its Implementation?" International Journal of Children's Rights 19, no. 2 (2011): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181810x505512.
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AbstractIn 1998 Ghana harmonised its child care legislation to conform to the Convention on the Rights of the Child by enacting the Children's Act 1998, Act 560. Some stakeholders expressed misgivings at its capacity to ensure child protection, but little literature exists on the views of professionals working within the law. This paper presents an investigation of the views of professionals who are mandated to work within the law to ensure the rights of the child to legal protection in Ghana. The findings suggest that there is a gap between legal intent and practice. It is concluded from these findings that for better child protection, the provision of legal rights for children is only an initial step; the administrative framework including better professional training, adequate resources for social care agencies and the establishment of new structures also needs to be reconsidered.
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Karg, Hanna, Rafael Hologa, Johannes Schlesinger, Axel Drescher, Gordana Kranjac-Berisavljevic, and Rüdiger Glaser. "Classifying and Mapping Periurban Areas of Rapidly Growing Medium-Sized Sub-Saharan African Cities: A Multi-Method Approach Applied to Tamale, Ghana." Land 8, no. 3 (February 27, 2019): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8030040.
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Periurban areas of growing cities in developing countries have been conceptualised as highly dynamic landscapes characterised by a mixture of socioeconomic structures, land uses and functions. While the body of conceptual literature on periurban areas has significantly increased over the past two decades, methods for operationalising these multi-dimensional concepts are rather limited. Yet, information about the location and areal extent of periurban areas is needed for integrated planning in the urban–rural interface. This article presents the results of a study aiming at classifying and mapping periurban areas along the urban–rural gradient of Tamale, a medium-sized city in Ghana. The study used a quantitative, multi-dimensional methodology involving the following as core elements: (1) a relative measure of how urban a place and its people are in terms of services, infrastructure and livelihoods (urbanicity index); (2) the diversity of households regarding their livelihoods and access to urban services; and (3) land use dynamics. Therefore, data from a household survey, as well as land use and other secondary geospatial data were collected and analysed at different spatial scales. The findings suggested that the periurban space consists of two main zones. Inner periurban areas are driven by urban expansion and the conversion of non-urban into urban land use is most visible here. These areas exhibit higher levels of socioeconomic diversity, compared to both rural and urban areas. Outer periurban areas are less dynamic in terms of land use change and exhibit lower building densities, and compared with rural areas, hold stronger links to the city related to the movement of people and goods. The spatial analysis revealed that periurban areas develop mainly along major transport corridors across administrative divisions, as well as in the form of periurban islands in the rural zone. This study set out to extend existing methodologies to map urban and periurban development in medium-sized cities in sub-Saharan Africa, useful for urban and regional planning beyond administrative boundaries.
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DOBYSH, Mykola. "INTRAREGIONAL VARIABILITY AND PLACE-SPECIFIC ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN UKRAINE." Ekonomichna ta Sotsialna Geografiya, no. 80 (2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7154/2018.80.4-17.
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The paper criticizes electoral geography studies of Ukraine, where the territory of the country is artificially divided into a number of regions following administrative divisions. The study reveals intraregional variability in the territorial patterns of voting behavior in Ukraine in 2002-2014. Zakarpattya, Chernivtsi, Sumy, Chernigiv, and Zhytomyr oblasts have the highest intraregional variance of electoral preferences for conventional “national-democratic” and “Communists and pro-Russian” political parties. All oblasts of Ukraine have internal variations of voting behavior. It was studied based on electoral results data for rayons and cities with special administrative status (n=675). Scatterplot with a time scale, filters for oblasts and rayons/cities, and the opportunity to draw electoral preferences trajectories from 2002 to 2014 parliamentary elections was used as a research instrument. The study also reveals region-specific voting patterns of cities and territorial outliers, which are bounded by administrative borders places with unique voting behavior. The paper accentuates place-specific and region-as-context understanding of electoral behavior as an essential conceptual framework for the further electoral geography studies of Ukraine.
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Workman, Andrew A. "Manufacturing Power: The Organizational Revival of the National Association of Manufacturers, 1941–1945." Business History Review 72, no. 2 (1998): 279–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116279.
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In the years following World War II, the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) regained the political effectiveness it had lost during the New Deal. This article analyzes NAM's resurgence within the context of the rising popularity and political strength of organized business in the postwar period. It argues that NAM's success is only partly explained by external factors, such as the policies of Truman administration and divisions among labor organizations. NAM's renewed ability to shape national affairs resulted from an internal transformation that vastly improved its administrative capacity, and from a change in its public relations and labor policies. These efforts came to fruition when NAM proved able to dominate the proceedings of the 1945 Labor-Management Conference.
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Ali, Ghulam, and Razia Musarrat. "Challenges for Federalism in Pakistan, Post Musharraf Era." Review of Economics and Development Studies 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/reads.v6i1.184.
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Federalism is a form of government that solves the challenges of diversity of a state. Many ethnic groups resides in Pakistan .Baluchistan is the biggest province having smallest number of population of the state ,Punjab the dominant province in terms of population and size has further divisions on linguistic and territorial grounds. Small provinces always raised their voices against the unjust sharing of resources, administrative posts and political positions. The study reveals that mostly resources and political and administrative positions are shared by the two dominant provinces, Punjab and Sindh and other federating units and regions are usually deprived from these prestigious positions that is causing unrest in those regions which is very harmful for the integration of the state. Post Musharraf era in Pakistan is witnessing a continuity of democratic regimes in the state and democratic government of Yousaf Raza Gailani shared maximum powers to the provinces in the form of 18th Amendment but still state of Pakistan has to do a lot more for solving the issues of the provinces.
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Taylor, Stephen. "Whigs, bishops and America: the politics of church reform in mid-eighteenth-century England." Historical Journal 36, no. 2 (June 1993): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019269.
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ABSTRACTThe eighteenth century is traditionally seen as an interlude between two vigorous movements of church reform. This article explores the problems and attitudes which underlay the absence of major structural reform of the Church in this period. To do so, it examines the failure of attempts, especially those of the 1740s and 1750s, to create an anglican episcopate in the American colonies. The leaders of the Church of England were agreed that the need for American bishops was pressing, on both pastoral and administrative grounds, and the 1740s and 1750s witnessed two proposals for their creation which were supported by virtually the whole bench of bishops. Both failed. The whig ministry resolutely opposed these initiatives, largely out of fear that any debate of church reform would revive the political divisions of Queen Anne's reign. The bishops, moreover, were prepared to submit to this ministerial veto, despite their belief in the necessity of reform, not through political subservience, but because they too feared renewed controversy about religion and the Church, believing that such controversy would revive both anti-clerical attacks from without and bitter divisions within.
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Brookes, Stuart. "Searching for the territorial origins of England." Antiquity 93, no. 367 (February 2019): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.263.
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When the Normans arrived in England in AD 1066 they found a kingdom divided into a distinctive and complicated administrative geography. In compiling Domesday Book, the great survey of holdings and liabilities over much of England and parts of Wales completed in 1086, the assessors grouped information firstly into ‘shires’—districts that are in many cases the precursors of modern counties—and then into smaller divisions such as hundreds, wapentakes and vills (estates), with additional groupings such as multiple hundreds and regional ealdormanries also discernible in the source. These administrative entities clearly had a territorial composition. Using the boundaries of estates, parishes and hundreds mapped at later dates, numerous scholars have sought to reconstruct the administrative geography described in Domesday Book. The resulting maps have, in turn, been interpreted as the product of several centuries of developing territoriality and of continual social and political change. The shires of Norfolk and Suffolk (the ‘north’ and ‘south folk’), for example, appear to fossilise the extents of the kingdom of the East Anglians as it existed 300 or 400 years before Domesday survey; in other cases, clusters of hundreds have been argued to represent post-Roman tribal groupings.
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Spickermann, Roland. "Limits of nationalist mobilization: Bromberg/Bydgoszcz in theKaiserreich,1900–1918." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 6 (November 2011): 925–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.616882.
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Discussions about ethnic mobilization in eastern Europe have emphasized efforts of nationalist leaders to demarcate their community from their neighbors in mixed areas where ethnic boundaries and identities were blurred. Demarcation became a common means of defining the community both geographically and culturally, a process which later facilitated the community's mobilization. In the German Empire, however, the Polish-German demarcation was already stark, since it mostly coincided with Catholic-Protestant demarcations. But while the Polish community mobilized quickly and showed great solidarity, the German community did not. Using the Bromberg/Bydgoszcz administrative district as a model, the article argues that the local German community's internal divisions limited its ability to mobilize. Germans agreed on the need for greater German community solidarity, but differed on conceptualizations of its ideal structure and form. Liberal nationalists, envisioning a more egalitarian community defined by a common ethnicity, fought with local conservatives, who were as intent on preserving their prominence within the community as they were on struggling with the Poles. Such divisions crippled local German mobilization on any scale comparable to their Polish neighbors, suggesting that an ethnic community's self-demarcation is necessary but not sufficient to ensure its mobilization.
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England, Philippa. "Forest Protection and the Rights of Cocoa Farmers in Western Ghana." Journal of African Law 37, no. 2 (1993): 164–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011220.
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The history of illegal farming activities in certain forest reserves in the Western Region of Ghana demonstrates the magnitude of the problems facing conservationists, administrators and forestry personnel i n developing countries. The objective of this article is to explore briefly some of those problems and to reflect on the value of a human rights approach to environmental protection in the light of events in Western Ghana. First, the article presents evidence of the scale of illegal farming i n some forest reserves in the Western Region, before discussing the various initiatives taken since the 1960s to reserve and protect forest land in this Region. The administrative, legal and political obstacles to their success are highlighted as is the role played by competing interest groups. The implications of this analysis for the concept of environmental rights is then briefly discussed and alternative proposals for tackling this problem suggested.
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Benson, George, and Vincent Adzahlie-Mensah. "POLITICAL PARTY PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL GOVERNANCE: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE RECENT GHANAIAN PROPOSAL." International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 1 (January 30, 2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.47722/imrj.2001.02.
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This paper discussed public views on the effort to introduce partisan politics into local government administration in Ghana. We report findings from a cross-sectional survey research in which questionnaire-based data were collected from a convenience sample of 2270 participants, drawn from the 16 administrative regions of Ghana. From the analysis and discussions, we found out that although 63% agreed that political party participation will increase local activism and where 71% agreed that it can increase participation in district assembly elections, 58% of participants did not support political party participation. Meanwhile 1769 (78%) disagreed that political party participation will promote development. Furthermore, 30% disagreed that political party participation will disparage the authority of the local assemblies, as only 23% disagreed that it will disparage traditional authorities of the people. Moreover, 73% of participants agreed to maintaining the status quo, while 46% agreed to blending party politics with a quota system. Overall, we argued that the introduction of political party-based politics into local governance poses many serious threats ----as it will stifle development in opposition areas, disparage traditional authorities of the people, degrade the value of common good in communities and disparage the authority of the local assemblies. To this end, we recommended that the introduction of party politics in Ghana’s local government system should be based on sound research, quality consultation and understanding of the threats.
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Dickinson, J. A. "Gender, Work and Economic Restructuring in a Transcarpathia (Ukraine) Village." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 3 (September 2005): 387–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500193261.
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This paper combines two sources of qualitative data, focus group interviews and ethnographic research, to discuss gender as a factor in changes to work and identity in a rural Ukrainian village. Analyzing data from focus groups I conducted in the winter and fall of 1997 at my dissertation field site in Transcarpathia, I argue that in this community gender differences are as important as generational differences in shaping participants' evaluation of work opportunities before, during and in particular after the Soviet period. The important relationship between gender and work opportunities in this village stems both from traditional divisions of labor and the loss of professional jobs, such as teaching and administrative positions, available to women during the Soviet period.
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Kim, Harris Hyun-soo, and Chaeyoon Lim. "From virtual space to public space: The role of online political activism in protest participation during the Arab Spring." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 60, no. 6 (December 2019): 409–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715219894724.
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This study examines the relationship between online social media use and protest participation during the Arab Spring, pro-democracy movements that swept across vast parts of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). What role did online communication media play in individual decisions to participate in these high-risk political activities? We address this question by drawing on microdata from the Arab Barometer Wave III (2012–2014), a large cross-national survey of citizens nested in administrative divisions across a dozen Muslim-majority countries. Using hierarchical linear modeling, we investigate the multilevel associations between online activities and the likelihood of getting involved in anti-government protests. Adjusting for individual- and regional-level confounders, as well as country fixed effects, we find that online political activism specifically, rather than Internet and social media use in general, is associated with higher odds of protest involvement during the Arab uprisings. In addition, we find that the positive linkage between individual online activism and protest is weaker in communities with a higher proportion of politically cyberactive residents.
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Zhu, Qinfeng, Marko M. Skoric, and Tai-Quan Peng. "Citizens' Use of the Internet and Public Service Delivery." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2018070103.
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This article examines citizens' use of the Internet as a popular feedback mechanism, and argues that it can help improve institutional performance. Specifically, it assesses the relationship between Internet penetration rate and public service delivery across 31 first-level administrative divisions in People's Republic of China from 1997 to 2014. A hierarchical linear modelling was conducted using secondary data released by the National Bureau of Statistics and the China Internet Network Information Centre. The result shows a positive relationship between Internet penetration rate and public service delivery when controlling for GDP per capita and education level. The positive relationship increases over time in general. The implications of Internet use for performance-based legitimacy and its impact on political change (or stability) in the authoritarian context are further discussed.
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Urushadze, Amiran. "The Armenian Apostolic Church in the Politics of the Russian Empire: the Search for an Administrative Optimum." Journal of Frontier Studies 6, no. 3 (September 16, 2021): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v6i3.281.
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The article analyzes governmental debates on the functions, rights and privileges of the Armenian Catholicoi in the context of inter-institutional controversies. The author attempts to identify and analyze the most influential programmes for solving the “Echmiadzin issue” and their origins presenting at the same time certain aspects of political interaction between the Russian Empire and the Armenian Church as overlapping processes and related events. The history of relationships between Russian state and Armenian Church in XIX–XX centuries shows that different actors of the imperial politics had different ideas about the optimal model of cooperation with Echmiadzin. The divisions took place not only between the various departments (the Ministry of Internal Affairs versus the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), but also within them, where individual officials could hold “anti-departmental” views in each particular case. All this hindered administrative consolidation, slowed down the empire's response to important political challenges and dragged the imperial structures into protracted service-hierarchical confrontations. The “Etchmiadzin Question” and the governmental discussions around it show in part the administrative paralysis of the autocracy and the decompensation of the system of power in the Russian Empire in the early 20th century.
The article employs a rich documentary base of archival materials from the collections of the Russian State Historical Archive. These materials are introduced into the scholarly discourse for the first time ever.
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Kamaly, Hossein. "Whence Came the Asvārān? An Inquiry into the Ambiguity of Sources." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341258.
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Abstract Narratives of the Arab Conquests that were compiled in book form only after the ninth century fall short of providing a consistent, let alone an accurate, view of Sasanian hierarchies of rank and status during the sixth and seventh centuries. Knowledge of provincial divisions and administrative practices under Sasanian rule was reflected more accurately, not least of all because it directly pertained to the collection of tax revenues for the conquerors. When it comes to information about Iranian society and culture before the conquests, Arabic sources, often based on veterans’ tales, offer but fragmentary and anecdotal information. While scholars have made great use of these sources, it is still difficult to fathom the composition and function of groups such as the Sasanian asvārān. Focusing on a few well-known conquest narratives, this article investigates the information they contain on the asvārān, and will underline some of the difficulties involved when drawing inferences from them with respect to Sasanian social hierarchy and military structure.
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Kaup, Katherine Palmer. "Regionalism versus Ethnicnationalism in the People's Republic of China." China Quarterly 172 (December 2002): 863–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902000530.
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Although a number of scholars have examined differences among members of a single nationality in different localities within the People's Republic of China, none emphasizes the impact which formal territorial administrative divisions have on ethnic identity and consequently on state–ethnic interaction. China's largest minority nationality, the Zhuang, is divided by the Guangxi–Yunnan provincial boundary. The Zhuang on either side of the boundary have been governed by different provincial institutions. This territorial division has encouraged both a pronounced difference in ethnic identity and in official discourse on the Zhuang, and has encouraged regionalist sentiment over pan-Zhuang ethnicnationalism. This essay explores the origin and consequence of two major differences between Zhuang self-expression on either side of the provincial boundary and concludes that the central government has played regional and ethnic politics in Zhuang areas off against one another in a manner that limits both, while purportedly promoting each.
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Tettey, Wisdom. "ICT, Local Government Capacity Building, and Civic Engagement: An Evaluation of the Sample Initiative in Ghana." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 1, no. 2 (2002): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915002100419790.
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AbstractThis paper evaluates a local Regional Network (LRNet) in one of Ghana's administrative regions; the purpose of the network is to enhance the capacity of the local government to perform its functions, promote transparency, and serve as a mechanism for civic engagement in the political process. I adopt Zhu's WSR approach as a conceptual model for this analysis, which examines, within a concrete setting, the nature, challenges, and outcomes that emanate from the intersection of the dual paradigm shifts in information technology and the reinvention of government. The case study concludes that there is a significant expectation-perception gap between the project's intent and its outcomes. The findings strongly support the view that computers by themselves cannot achieve organizational goals if the necessary enabling environment does not support them. It is clear from this study that ICTs do not function in a socio-cultural, political, and economic vacuum. Their efficacy is contingent on the various forces and realities that coalesce to shape the environment into which they are introduced. While the technologies may be designed in a way that allows them to perform certain functions, it is the decisions, orientations, and attitudes of human beings, as well as the resource capabilities of the organizations, which ultimately determine the success of IT undertakings. Therefore, organizations employing the ICTs must appreciate the limitations of an instrumental perspective that focuses only on the "digital messiah" as the panacea for organizational problems and the sole catalyst for government reinvention.
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Reese, Ty M. "Liberty, Insolence and Rum: Cape Coast and the American Revolution." Itinerario 28, no. 3 (November 2004): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019823.
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In early 1787, as American vessels flooded the Gold Coast with rum and as the French worked to extend their coastal position, the Cape Coast Castle governor Thomas Price, reported that the Fante, England's coastal allies, ‘are too politic a people, and too well acquainted with their own interests, ever to wish to confine their trade to one nation’. Price's summation of the issues affecting Anglo-Fante relations on the late eighteenth-century Gold Coast (modern Ghana) provides the foundation for this article. This article contributes to West African coastal historiography in that it examines the relationship between the Gold Coast and the Atlantic World through the trans-Atlantic slave trade. The article expands upon this foundation by narrowing the focus to one Gold Coast trade/administrative enclave. It examines the enclave during a period of change, the 1770s to the early 1800s that culminated in radical reconstruction of coastal relations. The article utilises the Fetu city of Cape Coast, also the administrative centre for England's Company of Merchants Trading to Africa (hereafter CMTA), to examine the relationship between Atlantic (external) and coastal (internal) factors within an African trade enclave. To accomplish this, it eliminates the dichotomy that exists between exploring general coastal trends within a diverse coastal region. This raises a question concerning the consequence of these general trends upon diverse states, cultures and peoples. Do the general trends affect each group similarly or differently and, if so, why? The focus upon one Gold Coast enclave expands our understanding of the consequences caused by the interaction of Atlantic and coastal factors.
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Shala, Arben. "The right to translation and interpreting into and from Albanian as a reflection of fundamental civil rights in Kosovo between 1912 and 1999." STRIDON: Studies in Translation and Interpreting 1, no. 1 (July 7, 2021): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/stridon.1.1.33-55.
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Through the analysis of official legal documentation, this paper presents a historical overview of the development of laws and practices regarding language policies in Socialist Yugoslavia, and the use of the Albanian language in education and in the security sector in Kosovo with special emphasis on translation and interpreting. The results of the analysis show that in the 1970s socialist Yugoslav laws governing the equality of languages in a multilingual state, as codified in the constitution and other administrative and legal documents, were quite progressive on paper but did not entirely translate into political and linguistic equality in practice, but that they, nevertheless, resulted in the increased trust in the formal Kosovo governing institutions; and that the abolishment of translation and linguistic rights accompanied by the abandonment of other fundamental civil rights at the end of the 20th century eventually strengthened the ethnic tensions and divisions in the region. The article concludes that translation and interpreting represent key activities supporting the implementation of linguistic rights and trust in the legal system, and that linguistic rights are effective only if they are supported with other fundamental civil rights, such as the right to education and political participation.
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Ahmed Tayeb Houbad, Ahmed Tayeb Houbad. "Rational Finance for Sustainable Development "Financial Plans by Omar Bin Abdulaziz- A model": المالية الرشيدة للتنمية المستدامة "المالية عند عمر بن عبد العزيز أنموذجا"." Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences 5, no. 10 (August 28, 2021): 33–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.d030221.
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There is no doubt that the successful public finances are the ones which achieve development that accommodate all the economic, social, political and other dimensions. This is what the Omar’s fiscal policy was able to do in a short time, and in an unprecedented way This policy has inherited a deteriorating financial system due to the fact that many excesses and irregularities were caused by the successors of the Bani Umayyad before him. This in turn caused political unrest and social divisions that led to a deficit in the fiscal budget. The researcher concluded that Caliph Omar bin Abdulaziz was able to get rid of the budget deficit through plans he adopted in the aspect of revenues and expenditures, which were generally represented in adherence to the legislation contained therein, providing flexible facilities and plans to manage them, and working to expand the circle of social spending and eliminate cases of administrative corruption. The researcher recommends conducting research to study age- based financial plans to avoid economic inflation, as well as specialized research to establish departments for financial revenues that governments have abandoned today, such as zakat and tax)kharaj)
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Chan, Kin Wing (Ray), and Andrew Flynn. "Food Production Standards and the Chinese Local State: Exploring New Patterns of Environmental Governance in the Bamboo Shoot Industry in Lin'an." China Quarterly 235 (June 4, 2018): 849–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018000802.
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AbstractAlthough current studies into Chinese food supply and quality provide explanations for the causality of food problems, there is limited inquiry into the role of the county government. This is a serious omission for two main reasons: first, because county governments perform a key role in providing support for farmers through agricultural extension services and farmers’ cooperatives, and second, because county-level administrative divisions are central to developing novel instruments to manage supply chain relationships, such as food production standards. We investigate the key players involved in standard making and delivery at the county level. We also analyse how and why the county government engages in standard-setting activities. We use Lin'an's bamboo shoot production industry as a case study to understand how the local state implements “hazard-free,” “green” and “forest food” production standards. The paper concludes that traditional conceptualizations of the local state do not sufficiently address how nature, knowledge of standards and state authority co-produce institutional capacity to control food supply and quality in China. In practice, the local state engages with non-state actors to achieve superficial environmental efforts, such as developing food production standards to throw a “green cloak” over a productivist model.
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Polk, Saanà A., Nicole Vazquez, Mimi E. Kim, and Yolanda R. Green. "Moving From Multiculturalism to Critical Race Theory Within a School of Social Work." Advances in Social Work 21, no. 2/3 (September 23, 2021): 876–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/24472.
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The continued presence of racism and white supremacy has risen to a crisis level as today’s global pandemic, police abuse targeting Black, Indigenous and other people of color (BIPOC) communities, and mass urban uprisings rock the nation. This article presents a case study of a West Coast school of social work that has carried out a five-year systematic campaign to move all levels of the program beyond a multicultural orientation towards critical race theory. This study reveals the results of a self-organized cross-racial committee within a school of social work, motivated by an ambitious goal to implement a racial justice orientation throughout the school’s personnel, practices, policies, and curricula. The committee has been further characterized by its commitment to engage across the power-laden divisions of field faculty, tenure track faculty, and administrative staff. The article offers documented stages of development, narratives from across differences of identity and professional role, and thick descriptions of strategies that led to the adoption and infusion of an intersectional critical race analysis throughout the school’s curricula. The organic development of the campaign and the leveraging of opportunities throughout the campus and across campuses offer important lessons for other schools of social work undergoing transformational change.
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McFerson, Hazel. "Developments in African Governance since the Cold War: Beyond Cassandra and Pollyanna." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0025.
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Abstract:Twenty years ago, most African countries seemed permanently mired in malgovernance and repression. The end of the Cold War triggered two contrasting developments: governance improvement associated with the end of superpower competition, and deterioration caused by the resurgence of suppressed ethnic conflicts. Based on a variety of evidence, three subperiods can be identified: fragile governance progress from 1989 to 1995; backsliding associated largely with civil conflict between 1996 and 2002; and resumption of progress in recent years. These broad trends mask major intercountry differences—with Ghana the best-known case of improvement and Zimbabwe the worst case of reversal. Overall, African governance is now somewhat better than it was two decades ago. However, the progress is fragile, and improvements in administrative and economic governance have lagged behind those on the political front. Consolidating democracy will thus require institutional capacity building through a combination of appropriate civil society efforts and constructive external pressure to strengthen accountability.
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GORSKY, MARTIN. "‘To regulate and confirm inequality’? A regional history of geriatric hospitals under the English National Health Service, c.1948–c.1975." Ageing and Society 33, no. 4 (March 21, 2012): 598–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x12000098.
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ABSTRACTThe post-war history of hospital care for older people in Britain in the first phase of its National Health Service (NHS) emphasises a detrimental Poor Law legacy. This article presents a regional study, based on the South West of England, of the processes by which Victorian workhouses became the basis of geriatric hospital provision under the NHS. Its premise is that legislative and medical developments provided opportunities for local actors to discard the ‘legacy’, and their limited success in doing so requires explanation. Theoretical perspectives from the literature are introduced including political economy approaches; historical sociology of the medical profession; and path dependence. Analysis of resource allocation decisions shows a persistent tendency to disadvantage these institutions by comparison with acute care hospitals and services for mothers and children, although new ideas about geriatric medicine had some impact locally. Quantitative and qualitative data are used to examine policies towards organisation, staffing and infrastructural improvements, suggesting early momentum was not maintained. Explanations lie partly with national financial constraints and partly with the regional administrative arrangements following the NHS settlement which perpetuated existing divisions between agencies.
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Salifu, Fuseini, Zaid Abubakari, and Christine Richter. "Innovating Along the Continuum of Land Rights Recognition: Meridia’s “Documentation Packages” for Ghana." Land 8, no. 12 (December 9, 2019): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8120189.
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Documentation of land rights can ensure tenure security and facilitate smooth land transactions, but in most countries of the global south this has been difficult to achieve. These difficulties are related to the high transaction cost, long transaction times, and procedural rigidity of land registration processes. In response to these problems, innovative approaches of tenure documentation have been conceived at a global level and are being promoted in many countries of the global south. Little is known yet about how such innovative land tenure documentation approaches unfold in various contexts and to what effect. The implementation of innovative approaches is challenging, due to the legal pluralistic nature of land governance and administrative hybridity in many countries of the global south, including the West African region. This qualitative study explores how Meridia, a small for-profit company, develops innovative approaches to register land rights in the form of “documentation packages” within the existing institutional setting of Ghana. In the paper, we describe both the processes of preparing the documentation packages and respective actors involved, as well as the nature of encounters between innovative interventions and existing institutions. Meridia develops specific products in response to both the regional diversity of land tenure, uses, and market demands, as well as in response to the challenges that the institutional context poses to the process of land tenure registration. As such, the case illustrates how innovation evolves in step-by-step fashion through negotiations with existing land institutions. The various documentation packages developed in this manner differ in terms of cost and complexity of preparation, in terms of recognition by customary and statutory institutions, as well as in the usability of the issued certificates and the extent of exchangeability of associated land parcels. Therefore, Meridia’s product innovation reflects the continuum of land rights, but it also poses questions for future research regarding the political economy of land tenure certification and regarding the actual uses and benefits of issued certificates.
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Rashed, Daher. "A két világháború közti libanoni rendszer természetrajza." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 3 (2019): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.3.4.
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The reconfiguration of the Middle East after the First World War can be regarded as the first wave of Europeanization in the Middle East. The centuries-long imperial order that defined the region and originated from local factors were replaced by a European-type modern state system, in which mandate powers such as France and Great Britain established Western institutions with their secular ideology, administrative basis, and understanding of sovereignty. It was evident from the beginning, that the arbitrarily designated borders broke many wellestablished local compromises and subverted the delicate balance between different sects, religions, language groups, and nations. The case of Lebanon – as the most complex area concerning the ethnic and sectarian divisions – illustrates the fact that implementing a European style nationstate into a Middle Eastern environment met with resistance and these set of internal contradictions have been exerting influence on the political situation of the region ever since. Although the mandate system of the interwar period broke up and Lebanon gained independence after the Second World War, the original demands by local movements (e.g. establishing a Greater Syria) was not possible owing to the firm establishment of new borders after 1918. In practice, this meant that independence was materialized in a framework defined by France and Great Britain and this condition considerably limited the space of action both on the political and the social level.
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Pytasz-Kołodziejczyk, Anna. "Podlasie in the light of contemporary research on historical geography of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (until 1569)." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 303, no. 1 (May 15, 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134865.
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Historical geography, treated as a separate auxiliary science of history, gives historians the opportunity to recreate the past of a specific region in the field of settlement and economic activity of people, as well as territorial changes of states and their administrative divisions. It should be emphasized that the development of Podlasie in terms of settlement and economics, especially politics, was inseparably connected with the conditions of the local geographical environment. Their reconstruction, especially in term of the natural landscape of the region, is the starting point for any consideration of the historical geography of the area (similar to other areas subjected to historical analyses) leading through the reconstruction of the cultural landscape to reconstruct its historical and political landscape. It is therefore the initial stage of any research on the settlement, economy and political history of the region, and is quite often omitted in the analyses carried out by historians. The subject of the article is a wide panorama of contemporary achievements of researchers focusing their interest on the reconstruction of the historical and geographical landscape of Podlasie until the end of the 16th century with a particular emphasis on the natural landscape and an outline of research postulates in relation to the region’s analysis of the landscape. This will make it possible to complement its unique past characteristic of the borderland, a crucible in which nations, cultures and religions were mixed together, creating a unique social, political and economic structure.
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ROY, KAUSHIK. "Race and Recruitment in the Indian Army: 1880–1918." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (February 8, 2013): 1310–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000431.
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AbstractIn 1914, the Indian Army was deployed against the enemies of the British Empire. This paper analyses the administrative mechanism as well as the imperial assumptions and attitudes which shaped the recruitment policy of the Indian Army during the First World War. From the late nineteenth century, the Martial Race theory (a bundle of contradictory ideas) shaped the recruitment policy. With certain modifications, this theory remained operational to the first decade of the twentieth century. The construction of the ‘martial races’ enabled the British to play-off different communities against each other to prevent the emergence of a unified anti-British sentiment among the colonized. During the Great War, faced with the rising demands of manpower, the army was forced to modify the Martial Race theory. However, a conscript army did not emerge in British-India. This was due to imperial policies, the inherent social divisions of Indian society, and because the demands for military manpower remained relatively low in comparison to India's demographic resources. Due to innovations in the theory and praxis of recruitment, the volume of recruitment showed a linear increase from 1914 to 1918, with maximum intensification of recruitment occurring during 1917 and 1918. But as the war ended in November 1918, despite the entry of several new communities, the bulk of the Indian Army still came from the traditional martial races.
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O’Connor, Karl, and Joost Vaesen. "Between Scylla and Charybdis? Twenty-Five Years Administrating the Contested Region of Brussels." Administration & Society 50, no. 6 (October 8, 2015): 835–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715607931.
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Although Belgian politics has experienced numerous political conflicts in the post-war period, the Brussels political system has, since 1989, remained relatively stable. This has led some scholars to suggest that Brussels may be experiencing a depolarization of its traditional linguistic cleavages. In this article, we analyze the possible realignment of these divisions and the possible emergence of an identity based on the urban territory. We trace the development of the public administrations at sub-state level in Brussels post 1989 and add new data on the often neglected elite-level bureaucrats and their individual attachment perceptions. This topic is most relevant as the organization and functioning of the public administrations have proven to be one of the major politically and socially divisive issues of the power-sharing agreement. The article draws on published and unpublished documents and interviews with 20 elite-level bureaucrats from four distinct public administrations operating in Brussels. The findings suggest that a regional urban attachment is emerging among the bureaucratic elite; however, this attachment would not prove robust if either community were to feel threatened. The likelihood of unintended policy making, which would have unintended consequences, is quite high given that the bureaucratic elite do not have confidence in the administrative structures of the city. The findings should be of interest to those interested in identification perceptions and to those studying other more fragile environments in and around Europe’s borders that may one day consider adopting the Brussels approach to conflict management.
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Yazdanpanah, Behrouz, Mitra Safari, Farahosadat Bahreini, Farzad Vafaei, Mohsen Salari, Mehran Yosefi, Masood Rezaei, et al. "Health Companion Project: A community-based participatory research model for health promotion in Iran." Action Research 16, no. 2 (January 4, 2017): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476750316678914.
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A 4-year (2008–2011) community-based participatory research was implemented in the Kohgiloyeh and Boyerahmad province, Iran. A steering committee was established from academics, policy makers, health officials, and representatives of health sectors. This committee selected six regions within Boyerahmad and Dena counties based on administrative divisions. Health companions consisting of stakeholders, academics, local leaders, health providers, and public representatives were established to guide the project in each region. The health companion groups were enabled by attending workshops dealing with need assessment, priority setting, and research methodology. Health companion groups adopted a Planned Approach to Community Health (PATCH) methodology including community mobilization for data collection, health priority setting, developing of a comprehensive intervention plan, and evaluation. A list of main health issues and their priorities for each region was provided. Subsequently, research topics were determined and six surveys and intervention programs were planned and implemented. After intervention most of top priority health risk factors were decreased and the preventive programs that targeted risk factors were increased significantly. This project is found to be an effective approach for building stronger partnerships between researchers and community members for the development of effective solutions for local health concerns and promote public health.
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Samaratunge, Ramanie, Ken Coghill, and H. M. A. Herath. "Tsunami engulfs Sri Lankan governance." International Review of Administrative Sciences 74, no. 4 (December 2008): 677–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852308098474.
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The features of governance during the provision of relief immediately following the 2004 tsunami, the restoration of key services and facilities, and the longer term rebuilding of damaged/destroyed infrastructure, in the Galle District of Sri Lanka, are investigated in this case study. Interview data revealed that recovery attempts were significantly weakened by the lack of collaboration among key players at the central and the district level. In particular, at the district level, interactions among key stakeholders have lacked focus and were ad hoc. We argue that despite the growing recognition of the advantages of the integration of the actions of various state and non-state actors in such governance, government appears to be reluctant to move away from the existing `command and control mode' of governance. As a result, transaction costs of governance were excessive, and the resources allocated for reconstruction were either misused or left underutilized. Points for practitioners Following a major disaster there is enormous goodwill, with willingness to overlook previous divisions and partisan interests. However, this is fragile and easily dissipated. It must be deliberately preserved and built on. Practitioners should seize the opportunity to build collaborative relationships and to reform administrative processes to facilitate the delivery of supplies and services, giving priority according to need. Advice to the political executive must emphasize the urgency and public interest in drawing on all available human, financial and physical resources through collaborative arrangements involving all sources, including the public service at each level of government, business and non-government organizations.
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Arcaute, Elsa, Carlos Molinero, Erez Hatna, Roberto Murcio, Camilo Vargas-Ruiz, A. Paolo Masucci, and Michael Batty. "Cities and regions in Britain through hierarchical percolation." Royal Society Open Science 3, no. 4 (April 2016): 150691. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.150691.
Full textAbstract:
Urban systems present hierarchical structures at many different scales. These are observed as administrative regional delimitations which are the outcome of complex geographical, political and historical processes which leave almost indelible footprints on infrastructure such as the street network. In this work, we uncover a set of hierarchies in Britain at different scales using percolation theory on the street network and on its intersections which are the primary points of interaction and urban agglomeration. At the larger scales, the observed hierarchical structures can be interpreted as regional fractures of Britain, observed in various forms, from natural boundaries, such as National Parks, to regional divisions based on social class and wealth such as the well-known North–South divide. At smaller scales, cities are generated through recursive percolations on each of the emerging regional clusters. We examine the evolution of the morphology of the system as a whole, by measuring the fractal dimension of the clusters at each distance threshold in the percolation. We observe that this reaches a maximum plateau at a specific distance. The clusters defined at this distance threshold are in excellent correspondence with the boundaries of cities recovered from satellite images, and from previous methods using population density.