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Journal articles on the topic 'Ghana Democracy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 7 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Botchway, Thomas Prehi. "Ghana: A Consolidated Democracy?" Asian Research Journal of Arts & Social Sciences 5, no. 4 (2018): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/arjass/2018/39713.

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2

Bratton, Michael, Peter Lewis, and E. Gyimah-Boadi. "Constituencies for reform in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 2 (2001): 231–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003603.

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The attitudes of ordinary people in Africa towards the liberalisation of politics and economies are not well known. Are there popular constituencies for reform? Which specific reform measures do different social groups accept or reject? And does popular support for structural adjustment, if any, go together with support for democracy? In an effort to find answers, this article reports results of a national sample survey in Ghana conducted in July 1999 as part of the Afrobarometer. The survey finds that the constituency for democracy is broader than the constituency for market reform, which is

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3

Asante, Freda. "Developing Democracy: Alternations between autocracy and democracy in Ghana." International Journal of Political Science and Governance 7, no. 5 (2025): 05–08. https://doi.org/10.33545/26646021.2025.v7.i5a.517.

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4

Haynes, Jeffrey. "Revolutionary populism and democracy in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 60, no. 4 (2022): 503–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x22000337.

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ABSTRACTThe article examines two decades of Jerry Rawlings’ rule in Ghana. It seeks to explain why Rawlings’ revolutionary populism did not develop in the direction that he envisaged: a new kind of popular democracy. Instead, Rawlings oversaw the reintroduction of Ghana's popularly preferred political system: ‘Western-style’ multi-party democracy, despite his avowed intention of not doing so. To what extent was this outcome surprising or puzzling? The article explains that it was neither surprising nor puzzling as Rawlings’ regime, the PNDC, lacked the capacity to introduce a radical new polit

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5

Zounmenou, David. "Ghana: Will oil resources strengthen democracy?" African Security Review 18, no. 2 (2009): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2009.9627528.

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6

Afra Boateng, Anabella. "Reinstating the Inherent Dignity of Marginalized Communities in Ghana." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies in Education 9, SI (2020): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jise.v9is(1).2010.

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When a representative democracy implicitly or explicitly undermines minority rights and prevents marginalized people from actively participating in a democratic process, it facilitates social exclusion. This paper focuses on how Ghana’s democracy, coupled with traditions, aggravate social exclusion. The research discusses the democratization process of Ghana and its role in the marginalization of minorities. Particularly, this paper looks at the class-based marginalization of women on the one hand and the sex-based marginalization of the LGBTQI+ community on the other, in Ghana. Finally, this

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7

Obeng, Samuel Kwabena, Linda Akoto, and Felicia Acquah. "Democracy, Globalization and Private Investment in Ghana." Global Business Review 19, no. 1 (2017): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972150917713288.

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The article examines the effects of democracy and globalization on private investment in Ghana for the period 1980–2012, using the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds test for cointegration and the error correction model (ECM). Two models are used. In Model 1, democracy is proxy by an index for institutional quality (Polity 2), while Model 2 uses an index for civil liberties as proxy for democracy. The results for Model 1 show globalization and public investment increase private investment, while exchange rate volatility and trade openness decrease private investment in both the long

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8

Abdulai, Abdul-Gafaru, and Gordon Crawford. "Consolidating democracy in Ghana: progress and prospects?" Democratization 17, no. 1 (2010): 26–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340903453674.

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9

Haynes, Jeff. "Sustainable democracy in Ghana? Problems and prospects." Third World Quarterly 14, no. 3 (1993): 451–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599308420337.

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10

Osei, Anja. "Political parties in Ghana: agents of democracy?" Journal of Contemporary African Studies 31, no. 4 (2013): 543–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2013.839227.

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11

Thompson, Esi Eduwaa. "Public relations education in an emerging democracy: the case of Ghana." Journal of Communication Management 22, no. 4 (2018): 476–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-04-2018-0038.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how lecturers in public relations (PR) in Ghana are preparing students to be effective practitioners. The study also aims to extend understanding of PR education to an emerging democracy in response to calls for examining how future practitioners are shaped in different contexts. Design/methodology/approach The paper adopted a qualitative open-ended key informant in-depth interview approach with 12 purposively sampled PR lectures in accredited higher education institutions in Ghana. Findings PR education in Ghana is shaped by the local socio-poli

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12

Tankebe, Justice. "The making of ‘democracy’s champions’: Understanding police support for democracy in Ghana." Criminology & Criminal Justice 14, no. 1 (2013): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895812469380.

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13

Opoku Mensah, Eric, Godwin Etse Sikanku, Eric Kwame Adae, and Nana Kwame Osei-Fordjour. "Political Communication in an Emerging Democracy: A Framing Analysis of President Akufo-Addo’s 2021 Inaugural Address." Journal of Communications, Media And Society (JOCMAS) 9, no. 1 (2023): 47–69. https://doi.org/10.63772/jocmas.v9n1.3.

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President Akufo-Addo’s (Ghana) 2021 inaugural address is analysed from a framing perspective. A theory-guided approach anchored by framing as the conceptual framework and framing analysis as the methodological approach were employed. Five major frames were unearthed: (a) “The can-do spirit”, (b) “Ghana beyond aid” (c) “maturing democracy”, (d) “social and economic justice” and (e) “unity, confronting COVID-19 and seizing destiny”. The Presidential inaugural address is the first and most significant speech the President will give after he is sworn in. This research offers insights into the unde

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14

Kpessa-Whyte, Michael, and Kafui Tsekpo. "Blighting the ‘Bright Star’ through Constitutional Tyranny: Nana Akufo-Addo and Democratic Backsliding in Ghana." Journal of African Politics 4, no. 2 (2024): 01–19. https://doi.org/10.58548/2024jap42.0119.

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This article examines the concerning trend of democratic decline in Ghana under President Nana Akufo-Addo by discussing how constitutional powers can become weapons against democracy itself. Once celebrated as Africa's democratic beacon, Ghana now stands as a stark warning of how executive overreach can systematically dismantle democratic safeguards. Through calculated manipulation of his presidential powers, Akufo-Addo has orchestrated a sweeping capture of three pillars of democracy: the judiciary, the Electoral Commission, and the Auditor-General's Office. By installing party loyalists in t

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15

Owusu, Bernice, and Benjamin Damoah. "GHANA'S DEMOCRACY UNDER THE FOURTH REPUBLIC: A CASE FOR POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION IN AFRICA." Annals of the University of Craiova for Journalism, Communication and Management 9, no. 1 (2025): 6–18. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15249676.

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Ghana's Fourth Republic has been marked by a stable and thriving democracy since its inception in 1992. The Fourth Republic began after a series of military governments and coups in the country's history. Ghana's democracy has proven its mettle under the Fourth Republic by upholding democratic principles such as the Rule of Law, free and fair elections, freedom of expression and association, a multi-party system, political tolerance, separation of powers, and effective participation. Despite its commendable success over the past 30 years, there are still some critical challenges that need to b

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16

Owusu Kyei, Justice Richard Kwabena, and Lidewyde H. Berckmoes. "Political Vigilante Groups in Ghana: Violence or Democracy?" Africa Spectrum 55, no. 3 (2020): 321–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720970957.

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Literature on political vigilante groups has centred on the violence and conflict that emanate from their activities. This article approaches political vigilante groups as political actors who engage in political mobilisation and participation and therewith also contribute to nation state building. It explores how such groups participate in Ghana’s democratic governance and asks whether violence is an inevitable characteristic. The article builds on individual in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with political vigilante group members in Kumasi and Tamale in 2019. Findings show that

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Opoku-Agyemang, Kwabena. "Democracy in Ghana: Everyday Politics in Urban Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 54, no. 1 (2020): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2020.1720942.

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Adu, Kajsa Hallberg. "Democracy in Ghana: Everyday Politics in Urban Africa." Ghana Studies 23, no. 1 (2020): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/gs.23.1.109.

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19

Bukari, Gbensuglo. "The Nexus between Citizen Participation and Engagement in Elections and Development in Ghana: Empirical Evidence from Voters in Four Electorally-Swing Constituencies in Ghana." Ghana Journal of Science, Technology and Development 9, no. 2 (2024): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47881/409.967x.

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The Nexus between Citizen Participation and Engagement in Elections and Development in Ghana: Empirical Evidence from Voters in Four Electorally-Swing Constituencies in Ghana *Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari  Department of Political Science University for Development Studies, Tamale-Ghana E-mail: gbukari@uds.edu.gh  Eliasu Mumuni Department of Communication, Innovation and Technology University for Development Studies, Tamale-Ghana Email: meliasu@uds.edu.gh  Adam Osman Oscar Department of Logistics and Procurement Management

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20

Bawuah-Edusei, Kwame. "Commentary: An African Perspective on the Doha Round Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (2005): 1850076. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1163.

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An African commentary on the Doha Development Round. Kwame Bawuah-Edusei is Ambassador of Ghana to Switzerland and Austria and Permanent Representative of Ghana to the UN offices and international organizations in Geneva, including the WTO. He obtained his MD degree in 1982 at the University of Science and Technology, School of Medical Sciences, Kumasi Ghana, worked in Ghana for two years, and later studied in the United States. He specialized in Family Medicine at Howard University Hospital, Washington DC, and worked as a physician for the Dewitt Army Hospital in Fort Belvoir, Virginia. He su

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21

Benyah, Francis. "Pentecostalism, Media, Lived Religion and Participatory Democracy in Ghana." PentecoStudies: An Interdisciplinary Journal for Research on the Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements 18, no. 2 (2019): 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/pent.38945.

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22

Osei, Anja. "Elites and democracy in Ghana: A social network approach." African Affairs 114, no. 457 (2015): 529–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adv036.

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23

Resnick, Danielle. "Democracy, decentralization, and district proliferation: The case of Ghana." Political Geography 59 (July 2017): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2017.02.011.

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24

Sowatey, Emmanuel Addo. "Democracy and Peace-building in Ghana: Paradoxes and Challenges." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 1-2 (2005): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209054547247.

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25

Arkoh, Anthony Asare, Jennifer Coombs, and Sharon Talboys. "PAs in Ghana." JAAPA 38, no. 4 (2025): e6-e9. https://doi.org/10.1097/01.jaa.0000000000000180.

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ABSTRACT The West African country of Ghana boasts a stable democracy and diverse culture. Although strides have been made in education and healthcare access, challenges persist, particularly in rural communities. The physician associate (PA) profession emerged in the 1960s to address healthcare shortages, with formal training programs established and accreditation overseen by the Ghana Tertiary Education Commission and the Medical and Dental Council. PAs play a critical role in healthcare delivery, providing services in both urban and rural areas. Ghana's healthcare system, while advancing, is

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26

Norman, Ishmael D. "The effect of the Public Order Act of 1994, (Act 491) on Democracy in Ghana." International Journal of Arts and Humanities 5, no. 1 (2024): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25082/ijah.2024.01.006.

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Background: The thirty-year-old Public Order Act of Ghana of 1994 (Act 491), is seen as archaic legislation over the people’s civil libertarian rights to assemble in protest against inimical and corrupt government actions. It has become the bane of democratic development in Ghana, preventing the citizens right to conduct non-violent civil disobedience acts, and seen as anti-establishment act. Methods: This is an exploratory as well as retrospective review of government security apparatchik’s interpersonal relationship with the Ghanaian public who engage(d) in non-violent demonstrations and pro

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27

Tweneboah-Koduah, Desmond. "Political Parties: Builders and Destroyers of Ghana’s Drive to Democratic Consolidation." Social Sciences 13, no. 3 (2024): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20241303.13.

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Despite a very checkered political history, Ghana’s Fourth Republic has so far performed relatively better, surviving through eight election cycles. Though political parties are objects of massive supports in Ghana’s drive to democratic consolidation, nevertheless, questions have been raised about the ways in which parties operate in practice. Through the use of concurrent mixed methods design, the study examined the view that Ghanaian political parties are not agents of democracy due to some irresponsible and self-interested actions they usually pursue. The study found that Ghana has made sig

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28

Osei, Philip D. "Political liberalisation and the implementation of value added tax in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 2 (2000): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00003335.

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This article examines an aspect of Ghana's political economy in the 1990s, covering its transition to democracy from military dictatorship, and how this change process impacted on its attempt to implement a value added tax (VAT). It assesses the claim that political transition from autocracy to democracy improves policy-making and policy outcomes. Ghana's experience of implementing VAT typifies an inherent problem in African governance, that of lack of adequate capacity for improved policy-making and for the institutionalisation of inclusive politics and public accountability. The VAT case ser

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29

Crook, Richard C. "Legitimacy, Authority and the Transfer of Power in Ghana." Political Studies 35, no. 4 (1987): 552–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00205.x.

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The problems of authority and legitimacy experienced by post-colonial states are often explained in terms of a ‘colonial legacy’. The validity of this hypothesis is examined, in the case of Ghana, by analysing changes in the kinds of legitimacy claimed by the state from the colonial period through decolonization to independence. It is concluded that, whilst the most enduring legacy of colonialism was the attempt to found legitimacy in particularistic, indigenous systems of law, the decolonization process failed to transfer any one of the new, competing claims to legitimacy which emerged. Natio

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30

Osei, Anja. "From Conflict to Consensus? Elite Integration and Democracy in Ghana." Comparative Sociology 13, no. 4 (2014): 503–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341318.

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The paper takes as its starting point Higley and Burton’s (2006) contention that no liberal democracy has ever evolved without a ‘consensually united elite’ which is structurally integrated and shares some general values. The fact that the evolution of a consensually united elite is a very rare event limits the prospects for the worldwide spread of liberal democracy. Ghana, however, could represent one of these rare cases. This paper looks at if and how an elite consensus on the “rules of the game” has emerged in the country and what the potential threats to this consensus are. It pays special

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Campos Serrano, Alicia, and Ángeles Sánchez Díez. "Oil in times of democracy: debates on extraction and politics in Ghana." Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, no. 130 (April 8, 2022): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2022.130.1.165/en.

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The discovery of oil in 2007 in Ghana came in a time when elections had shown the capacity to allow for alternation of two main political parties in government. The main objective of this article is to investigate the terms of the debates that have been developed in regard to the relation between natural resources and democracy in the country. Three main issues have been addressed: the capacity of democratic institutions to condition and configure the social and political effects of the oil industry in the country; the potential perverse effects of oil extraction on democratic institutions; an

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32

Ogunseye, Inioluwa Iyanu. "The United States Foreign Policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa: Insights from Ghana, Tanzania, and Zambia, and the Omission of Nigeria." Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy 5, no. 1 (2024): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/jcird.2024.0501.10-j.

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In December 2022, the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit was held in Washington DC, which had 49 heads of African states in attendance. As a follow-up, the United States Vice President, Kamala Harris, on March 27, 2023, was on state visits to Ghana, Tanzania, and Zambia. However, she did not stop in Nigeria. What does skipping Nigeria tell us about the U.S. foreign policy currently? This paper seeks to analyze Kamala Harris's trips to Ghana, Tanzania, and Zambia as well as what the United States' decision to skip Nigeria tells us about its current African foreign policy. The balance of power theory un

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33

Svanikier, Johanna Odonkor. "Political Elite Circulation: Implications for Leadership Diversity and Democratic Regime Stability in Ghana." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187423.

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AbstractThis article proposes that elite theory is at the heart of understanding political conflict in Africa. A case study of Ghana analyses the historical origins of elite conflict in Ghana before and after independence. The article links high levels of political elite circulation resulting from the transformation of traditional social structures with high levels of political elite differentiation and instability in the post-colonial era. Since 1992 Ghana's new liberal democratic regime has flourished. There are indications that there is a gradual increase in unity amongst competing politica

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34

Krah, Redeemer, and Gerard Mertens. "Democracy and financial transparency of local governments in Sub-Saharan Africa." Meditari Accountancy Research 28, no. 4 (2020): 681–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/medar-08-2019-0539.

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Purpose The study aims at examining the level of financial transparency of local governments in a sub-Saharan African country and how financial transparency is affected by democracy in the sub-region. Design/methodology/approach The study applied a panel regression model to data collected from public accounts of 43 local authorities in Ghana from 1995 to 2014. Financial transparency was measured using a transparency index developed based on the Transparency Index of Transparency International and the information disclosure requirements of public sector entities under the International Public S

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35

Fyfe, Christopher. "Ghana: coping with uncertainty and Liberia: the quest for democracy." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 701–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619735.

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36

Gadzekpo, Audrey. "Fifty Years of the Media’s Struggle for Democracy in Ghana." Ghana Studies 10, no. 1 (2007): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/gs.10.1.89.

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37

Crawford, Gordon. "‘Making democracy a reality’? The politics of decentralisation and the limits to local democracy in Ghana." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 27, no. 1 (2009): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589000802576699.

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38

Appiah-Thompson, Christopher. "Electoral politics and democracy in Africa: A critical review of Lindberg’s thesis." International Area Studies Review 21, no. 1 (2017): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865917745416.

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This article critically reviews, assesses and refines Lindberg’s theoretical proposition that African states will become more democratic if they simply keep holding elections, irrespective of the degree of ‘freeness and fairness of the elections’, by using new empirical evidence from Ghana. Specifically, it highlights three fundamental challenges to Lindberg’s thesis on theoretical, methodological and empirical grounds. To achieve the objectives of this article, first, a systematic and logical approach will be employed to assess the theoretical and methodological justifications underpinning Li

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39

Darkwa, Ernest, Hrishikesh Inguva, Constance Osafo-Adjei, and Bridget Acquah. "The public sphere on a digital plane: The influence of the new digital media on Ghana’s democracy and the Public Sphere." Inverge Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (2024): 46–62. https://doi.org/10.63544/ijss.v3i2.82.

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This paper examines how social media is providing a new digital public sphere and shaping the democratic process in Ghana. It draws on Habermas's public sphere theory to explore how social media has occupied a digital public sphere that creates spaces for democratic participation and public discourse. The paper reviews relevant literature on social media use as a tool of political communication, the new digital public sphere, and the democratic process in Ghana and globally. Since Ghana's return to democratic rule in 1992, the media landscape was initially dominated by traditional state and pr

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Darkwa, Linda, and Philip Attuquayefio. "Democracy, Oil and Political Stability in West Africa: Pathways to Managing Contested Spaces." African Review 46, no. 2 (2020): 292–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-12340002.

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Abstract The discovery of oil in commercial quantities in Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Niger has generated optimism of a better life for the people living within the respective countries. This notwithstanding, the narrative surrounding African countries such as Nigeria and Angola as examples of the resource curse syndrome is well documented. Consequently, the conversation on the prospects from the discovery of oil is often measured. Within this context, this article explores the relationship between oil, democracy and political stability in West Africa. While conceding that countries whic

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Tangri, Roger. "The Politics of Government–Business Relations in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (1992): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007746.

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The emergence of a consensus that the performance of the public sector in Ghana had been poor, and that there were limits as to what it could achieve in terms of economic growth, led the Provisional National Defence Council (P.N.D.C.) to implement various policy reforms. As the Governor of the Bank of Ghana argued in 1984: ‘Given the dismal performance of the public sector, there is need for greater reliance on private investment in the Government's efforts to resuscitate the economy’. At the same time, the P.N.D.C. began to reassess the economic role of the public sector. According to a recen

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Smith, Daniel A. "Consolidating democracy? The structural underpinnings of Ghana's 2000 elections." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 4 (2002): 621–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004044.

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In 2000, Ghana's landmark elections ushered in a new era of democracy. Scholars, however, have yet to scrutinise the structural underpinnings of the country's electoral system. This article offers a detailed assessment of Ghana's bloated voters' register, patterns of voter turnout and the lingering accusation of electoral irregularities in the Volta and Ashanti Regions in the 2000 elections. Most significantly, it critically analyses the severe malapportionment of the country's 200 parliamentary seats. While the 2000 elections helped to consolidate the democratic process in Ghana, structural i

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Emiljanowicz, Paul, and Bonny Ibhawoh. "Democracy in postcolonial Ghana: tropes, state power and the defence committees." Third World Quarterly 42, no. 6 (2021): 1213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1878020.

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44

Demuyakor, John, and Vivian Adjeikaa Doe. "Social media, democracy, and freedom of expression: Some evidence from Ghana." International Journal of Political Science and Governance 4, no. 1 (2022): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33545/26646021.2022.v4.i1b.140.

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45

Hasty, J. "Sympathetic Magic/Contagious Corruption: Sociality, Democracy, and the Press in Ghana." Public Culture 17, no. 3 (2005): 339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-17-3-339.

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46

Chazan, Naomi. "Planning democracy in Africa: A comparative perspective on Nigeria and Ghana." Policy Sciences 22, no. 3-4 (1989): 325–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00136323.

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47

Jennische, Ulrik. "Divisive Democracy, Urban Trade, and Small-Small Politics in Northern Ghana." kritisk etnografi: Swedish Journal of Anthropology 2, no. 1-2 (2019): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33063/diva-409767.

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48

Faanu, Pamphilious, and Emmanuel Graham. "The Politics of Ethnocentrism: A Viability Test of Ghana’s Democracy?" Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (2017): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817715534.

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The article assesses the use of ethnocentrism as a political strategy in Ghana’s electoral politics and the threat it poses to Ghana’s democracy. It focuses on the strategic ethno-political communication employed by politicians to wield voter support and how voters behave at polls. It reveals that prior to independence Ghana’s political parties were predominantly formed along ethnic and regional dimensions. This transcends into the current dispensation, as the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party are tagged as Ewe-Northerners party and Akans party, respectively. These ethni

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49

Fallon, Kathleen. "Getting Out The Vote: Women'S Democratic Political Mobilization In Ghana." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 3 (2003): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.1h361h315l806060.

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Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifica

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50

Kludze, A. Kodzo Paaku. "Constitutional Rights and their Relationship with International Human Rights in Ghana." Israel Law Review 41, no. 3 (2008): 677–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000406.

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Particularly in developing nations, the movement has been toward the articulation of elaborate provisions in constitutions which guarantee the basic human and peoples' rights of the citizenry. In many cases these are reflections of the immediate past history of the young nations which were strewn with ugly spectacles of dictatorships on their path to democracy. The history of Ghana is unfortunately an illustrative example. The Ghana Independence Constitution of 1957—a very brief document—was brief to a fault and bereft of any provision for human rights. It is clear that the experience of years

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