Journal articles: 'Ghana. National Reconciliation Commission'

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Ameh, Robert Kwame. "Doing Justice After Conflict : The Case for Ghana's National Reconciliation Commission." Canadian journal of law and society 21, no. 1 (April 2006): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jls.2006.0030.

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RésuméLe Ghana a rejoint le groupe des démocraties en transition en créant la Commission de réconciliation nationale (CRN), qui débuta ses travaux en 2002. Elle reçut le mandat d'enquêter sur les atrocités et violations des droits humains passées, de recommander des compensations adéquates pour les victimes et de réconcilier la nation. Or, les attentes et la confiance des Ghanéens en la capacité de la CRN de guérir les blessures du passé, mettre un terme au cycle de vengeance et de vendettas et de réconcilier la nation furent partagées depuis que la Commission termina ses travaux et remit son rapport, en octobre 2004. Cet article prend position pour la Commission de réconciliation nationale au Ghana, soutenant qu'elle est la meilleure parmi les solutions possibles pour traiter des violations passées des droits humains au Ghana.

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Attafuah, Ken Agyemang. "An Overview of Ghana?s National Reconciliation Commission and its Relationship with the Courts." Criminal Law Forum 15, no. 1-2 (2004): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10609-004-3564-1.

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Felix, Odartey Wellington, and Alhassan Amin. "Disseminating the national reconciliation commission report: A critical step in Ghanas democratic consolidation." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 10, no. 4 (April 30, 2016): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2015.0859.

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Idrus, Soleh, Serlika Aprita, Bima Sena Putra Asmara, and M. Aidil Putra. "Legal Analysis of the Disparity Between Indonesia's Legal Basis and Its Implementation in Protecting Human Rights." Jurnal Kepastian Hukum dan Keadilan 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.32502/khk.v4i2.5555.

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The power that is held by human rights might be described as fundamental or basic in nature. People are able to more readily violate the rights of others since many people still do not understand how violation cases work. As a result, there are cases of violations that occur at the present time. A qualitative research method that takes an approach based on statutory regulation is the one that was used for this study. According to the findings presented in the conclusion, the protection and maintenance of human rights within the national institutional framework are established in institutions such as the National Women's Commission (Komnas Perempuan), the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), and the Commission on Truth and Reconciliation. These institutions include the Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI), the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), and the Commission on Truth and Reconciliation (TRC). Despite this, the KKR was dissolved because it was seen to be incapable of performing its duties in an adequate manner.

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MacGregor, Gwen. "The Theatre of Regret: Literature, Art, and the Politics of Reconciliation in Canada." Public 32, no. 64 (December 1, 2021): 250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/public_00086_5.

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This article reviews David Gaertner’s The Theatre of Regret: Literature, Art, and the Politics of Reconciliation in Canada, positioning it a much needed addition to the national discussion and debate about the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

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Maxwell, Kenneth. "Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 4 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046790.

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Weissbrodt, David, and Paul W. Fraser. "Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation." Human Rights Quarterly 14, no. 4 (November 1992): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/762329.

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Asare, Abena Ampofoa. "The Ghanaian National Reconciliation Commission: Reparation in a Global Age." Global South 2, no. 2 (October 2008): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/gso.2008.2.2.31.

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Walker, Melanie, and Elaine Unterhalter. "Knowledge, Narrative and National Reconciliation: Storied reflections on the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education 25, no. 2 (June 2004): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01596300410001692184.

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Carranza Ko, Ñusta. "South Korea’s collective memory of past human rights abuses." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (October 23, 2018): 1113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018806938.

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Embedded in transitional justice processes is an implicit reference to the production of collective memory and history. This article aims to study how memory initiatives become a crucial component of truth-seeking and reparations processes. The article examines South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the creation of collective memory through symbolic reparations of history revision in education. The South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended a set of symbolic reparations to the state, including history rectification reflective of the truth on human rights violations. Using political discourse analysis, this study compares the South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Final Report to the 2016 national history textbook. The article finds that the language of human rights in state sponsored history revisions contests the findings of the truth commission. And in doing so, this analysis argues for the need to reevaluate the government-initiated memory politics even in a democratic state that instituted numerous truth commissions and prosecuted former heads of state.

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Smit, Alexia. "Forgiving and forgetting: South African reality television, fatherhood and nation." European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416640534.

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This article examines the presentation of mediated reconciliation on the South African reality television show Forgive and Forget (e.tv, 2007–2012). The show features a representation of Black South African masculinity that is located in the domestic realm and associated with care and emotion. This differs from the prominent figuring of Black masculinity in terms of the gangster trope in South African media. The national discourse on reconciliation and nation-building associated with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission foregrounds certain political figures as fathers to the nation. On Forgive and Forget, this narrative is relocated in the domestic sphere with regard to representations of fathers and their children. While on its surface the programme retells a familiar narrative of national reconciliation through family stories, there is an evident tension between a somewhat contrived reconciliation and the many contextual, economic and social complexities of each forgiveness story. These tensions themselves provide a productive space for reflecting on reconciliation through the lens of the family.

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McCargo, Duncan. "Thailand's National Reconciliation Commission: a flawed response to the Southern Conflict." Global Change, Peace & Security 22, no. 1 (February 2010): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781150903487998.

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Gadoua, Marie-Pierre. "The Inuit presence at the first Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission national event." Études/Inuit/Studies 34, no. 2 (June 16, 2011): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1004096ar.

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This paper addresses various forms of healing and reconciliation among Canadian Inuit and First Nations, in regards to the Indian residential school system and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Stemming from fieldwork at the TRC’s first national event in Winnipeg (June 2010), I present observations that are supplemented by previous studies on Aboriginal healing methods in Canada. Although Inuit and First Nations healing and reconciliation strategies are based on common themes—tradition and community—in practice they diverge notably, both in their principles and in their applications. First Nations seek healing by activating a sense of community that often transcends their specific cultural group or nation, using pan-Indian spiritual traditions and ceremonies. In contrast, the Inuit most commonly seek to preserve and promote specific Inuit traditions and identity as tools in their healing practices. This divergence could be seen in Inuit and First Nations’ participation in the TRC. The creation of the Inuit sub-commission within the TRC in March 2010, resulting from intense lobbying by Inuit leaders, was a first sign of the group’s distinctive approach to healing. But the unfolding of the TRC’s first national event in Winnipeg showed again how these differences materialise in practice and contribute to a better understanding of Inuit responses to the repercussions of their colonial past and strategies for healing from the legacy of residential schooling.

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Burton, Mary. "Custodians of Memory: South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission." International Journal of Legal Information 32, no. 2 (2004): 417–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500004236.

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South Africa is widely admired for its peaceful transition from a period of discrimination and oppression to a legitimate functioning democracy in which human rights are recognized and protected by the Constitution and the courts. Nevertheless, it is still a country traumatized by its recent past. There is a great need for building and strengthening processes of development, reparation, reconciliation and the healing of painful memories. The country has just celebrated National Heritage Day, and these memorial occasions are important in reminding us all of how far we have come, and the people and events which brought us to this point.

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Snyder, Emily. "Reconciliation and Conflict: A Review of Practice." Alberta Law Review 48, no. 4 (May 1, 2011): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr136.

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In this article I provide a review of two connected events. The first is the conference "Prairie Perspectives on Indian Residential Schools, Truth and Reconciliation," which was held in June 2010 in Winnipeg, Manitoba. This conference was just one of many concurrent events taking place at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's first national event. Specific themes and aspects of the conference are covered here. Secondly, I parallel my discussion of the conference to my experiences with the national event - experiences can be complex and do not happen in isolation from the broader context around them. Overall, I argue that while the conference and the national event made some meaningful contributions to ongoing dialogue about reconciliation in Canada, it is clear that understanding how to deal with and discuss the conflict that arises from discussions of residential school, "race relations," and reconciliation more broadly is an ongoing learning experience. I offer some recommendations concerning how conflict could be better dealt with at future conferences and national events. Reconciliation processes can be more effective if there is not only space for dissent but, most importantly, that mechanisms are in place for encouraging productive discussions about the conflict that arises and that will continue to arise.

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Ameh, Robert Kwame. "Uncovering Truth: Ghana’s National Reconciliation Commission Excavation of Past Human Rights Abuses1." Contemporary Justice Review 9, no. 4 (December 2006): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10282580601014284.

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Rojas, Hugo, Salvador Millaleo, and Miriam Shaftoe. "Transitional Justice in Established Democracies: Analysis of the Canadian, South African, and Chilean experiences." Latin American Legal Studies 10, no. 2 (2022): 470–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.15691/0719-9112vol10n2a9.

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In the last four decades, theories and mechanisms of transitional justice have been formulated and implemented in numerous countries, forming an interdisciplinary theoretical and practical corpus. This paper proposes to expand the scope of transitional justice so that it can be applied in stable democracies. The proposed reformulation could be useful to address structural injustices affecting indigenous peoples, that are a legacy of colonialism and assimilationist policies, and to address acts of state repression that constitute serious human rights violations. These reflections are formulated on the basis of three recent case studies: 1) from the Canadian experience, the Royal Commission on Indigenous Peoples, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls are analyzed; 2) from South Africa, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Constituent Process and the Land Reform are discussed; and 3) from the Chilean case, the link between social unrest and transitional justice, as well as the Constituent Process, are explained.

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Kallinen, Timo. "Truth Commissions and the End of History." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 35, no. 2 (March 3, 2023): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.127477.

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Transitional justice refers to a set of judicial initiatives that have been used in so-called post-conflict societies in transition from war to peace or from authoritarian rule to democracy. By the turn of the millennium, transitional justice had become a dominant global model and the list of countries that have undertaken some form of transitional justice is large and constantly growing. Truth commissions are a popular form of transitional justice. They are defined as investigative bodies that have been mandated by their sponsor governments to clarify controversial historical events and contribute to criminal justice efforts, reparations for victims, development of stable public institutions, and national reconciliation (Freeman 2006: 40–87). What is known to the general publicas a paradigmatic case of the truth commission is, of course, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa set up in 1995. It was only after the South African experience that the idea of a truth commission holding public, victim-centred hearings became the norm (ibid.: 24–25).

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Lemarchand, René. "The Report of the National Commission to Study the Question of National Unity in Burundi: a Critical Comment." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 685–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020516.

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In May 1989 the National Commission for the Study of National Unity appointed by President Pierre Buyoya issued its eagerly awaited report, ostensibly designed to find a lasting solution to the bloody confrontations that have repeatedly pitted Hutu against Tutsi. For the first time in the history of independent Burundi an official statement has been made public which explicitly recognises the centrality of the Hutu-Tutsi problem, and sets forth specific solutions to resolve it. As such this is a document of historic significance, and the sum of its recommendations must be seen as an important breakthrough towards national reconciliation.

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Webster, David. "Truth and reconciliation in Southeast Asia and the Melanesian Pacific: Potential Canadian contributions and potential lessons for Canada." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 1 (February 24, 2017): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017695215.

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Recent experiences with truth and reconciliation processes in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific suggest that there is a role for historical research and memory in helping to build sustainable peace and stability in new nations—and conversely, that ignoring violent pasts undermines peacebuilding efforts. Two truth commissions have operated in this region, in Timor-Leste (East Timor) and Solomon Islands. There are also calls for truth and reconciliation processes in Indonesia at the national and local levels, including in (West) Papua. As the only Western developed country to have held a full truth commission, Canada could play a powerful role in promoting and supporting mutual dialogue on the implementation of truth and reconciliation outside its borders. We can derive both potential lessons and recommendations for Canadian action to promote truth and reconciliation processes from the cases of Indonesia, Solomon Islands, and Timor-Leste.

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Ndarishikanye, Barnabé. "The Question of the Protection of Minorities in Burundi." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502753.

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The definition of ethnicity and its application in Burundi represents a key stumbling block in the resolution of the country’s political crisis. Since 1990, successive power holders have elaborated fundamental documents (Charter of National Unity, Constitution, Convention of Government) and created institutions (Government of National Unity, political pluralism, National Reconciliation Commission) with the explicit goal of resolving the question of power sharing between Hutus and Tutsis. In this paper I wish to present the ethnic dilemma that confounds the democratic process, as well as the limits of initiatives undertaken to date.

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McCallum, Duncan. "The Secret Path to Reconciliation." CAML Review / Revue de l'ACBM 52, no. 1 (June 6, 2024): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1708-6701.40486.

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In 2016, Canadian musician Gord Downie released a solo concept album titled Secret Path, which dealt with the death of Chanie Wenjack, an Anishinaabe boy who passed away after escaping an Ontario residential school in the 1960s. This album came just one year after the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was published, marking a major national step in the reconciliation process. This, in combination with Downie’s terminal brain cancer diagnosis that same year, gave the album a particularly heightened prominence within Canada. This paper examines Downie’s album through the musicological framework of secondary musical witnessing, where Downie acts as a witness in defining the story of Chanie Wenjack. Through analyzing Downie’s role as a musical witness, broader questions of Indigenous allyship are explored through the colonial lens of settler witnessing. This paper aims to explore the nuances and circumstances around Secret Path to understand its historical and cultural significance in the reconciliation movement upon its release, as well as the problems with its legacy related to Indigenous allyship when judged by modern standards as a way of demonstrating how far the reconciliation movement has progressed since 2016.

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Stahn, Carsten. "Accommodating Individual Criminal Responsibility and National Reconciliation: The UN Truth Commission for East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 4 (October 2001): 952–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674655.

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The population of East Timor has been subjected to severe human rights violations, in both the near and the more distant past.1 Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony and non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter on December 7,1975, after a period of civil turmoil and political instability marked by parallel claims to independence and calls for integration into Indonesia.2 The Indonesian invasion brought with it massive violations of human rights and the laws of war.3 Military clashes between the independence movement FRETILIN (Frente Revolucionaria do Timor Leste Independente) and Indonesia continued on a large scale until 1979, though rebellion against Indonesian rule generally persisted for the whole period of Indonesian occupation. Beginning in January 1999, pro-Indonesian militia, supported by Indonesian security forces.

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Dougherty, Beth K. "Letting Nature Swallow the Past: Politics, Memory, and Abandoned Monuments in Postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 248–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.14.

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AbstractDuring the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the built physical landscape and places of cultural heritage were deliberately targeted and destroyed as part of the strategy of ethnic cleansing. The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement recognized the potential for cultural heritage to contribute to postwar reconciliation and rebuilding; Annex 8 established a commission to preserve national monuments. This paper examines the politics of cultural heritage in post-Dayton Bosnia and the ways in which it has been (ab)used to propagate a narrow, exclusivist identity. It focuses on the struggles to control the Commission to Preserve National Monuments as well as the fates of two monuments in particular—Vraca Memorial Park and the Partisans’ Memorial Cemetery—whose abandonment signifies the wider struggles over memory and identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Anthonissen, Christine. "Autobiographical Narrative of Traumatic Experience: Disruption and Resilience in South African Truth Commission Testimonies." Applied Linguistics 41, no. 3 (March 12, 2020): 370–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/applin/amaa010.

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Abstract Following a suggestion by Crosthwaite (2005) that autobiographical narratives can be viewed as organizational practices, this article turns attention to events of recalling and articulating personal histories of trauma produced during and after the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) hearings of 1996–8. Witness testimonies at the TRC were institutionally framed to fit the aims of national reconciliation in ways that may have limited the kinds of contribution witnesses unfamiliar with the institutional structure could make. Discourses recorded at the human rights violations hearings of the TRC give evidence of speakers recalling traumatic events of state violence that disrupted their lives and displaced them both physically and psychologically. This article considers how traumatic experience poses challenges to the coherence of autobiographical narrative as well as how narrative structures that do not fit institutionally introduced formats can become opaque to the institutional setting. It will also reflect on how the Truth Commission narrations of trauma carry linguistic and cultural cues that signal not only disruption but also the resilience of the narrator.

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Tangri, Roger. "The Politics of Government–Business Relations in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1992): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007746.

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The emergence of a consensus that the performance of the public sector in Ghana had been poor, and that there were limits as to what it could achieve in terms of economic growth, led the Provisional National Defence Council (P.N.D.C.) to implement various policy reforms. As the Governor of the Bank of Ghana argued in 1984: ‘Given the dismal performance of the public sector, there is need for greater reliance on private investment in the Government's efforts to resuscitate the economy’. At the same time, the P.N.D.C. began to reassess the economic role of the public sector. According to a recent document prepared by the National Commission for Democracy, ‘changed national policies’ in Ghana include ‘the reduction of the state's rôle in the economic life of the nation through shifting of more responsibility to the private sector.

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Obu, Raphael Nyarkotey, and Lawrencia Aggrey Bluwey. "Comparing the herbal and naturopathic medicine curricula in Ghanaian tertiary education: A commentary." Journal of Preventive Medicine and Holistic Health 8, no. 2 (January 15, 2023): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18231/j.jpmhh.2022.018.

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About 80% of Ghanaians rely on Traditional, Complementary, and Alternative Medicines for their health needs. However, Complementary and Alternative Medicine was not factored into Act 575 in 2000. The government of Ghana has nonetheless taken some steps to provide recognition for CAM with ministerial directives. To date, no tertiary program exists in Ghana to train experts in Complementary and Alternative Medicine, unlike Herbal Medicine. In 2021, the Nyarkotey University College of Holistic Medicine provided a roadmap in this area. The first National Occupational Standard was further developed at the Higher National Diploma (HND) and Bachelor in Naturopathy and Holistic Medicine approved by the Commission for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (CTVET) for training Naturopaths. This paper compares the Herbal Medicine and Naturopathy curricula in Ghana.

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Fosu, Modestus, and Roberta E. Koah. "Communication and civic education in Ghana: an analysis of the national commission for civic education and its external communication practices." African Journal of Social Issues 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2023): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajosi.v5i1.11.

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This study investigated the communication practices of Ghana‟s National Commission for Civic Education (NCCE). It specifically analysed the policy framework guiding NCCE‟s external communication, the communication approaches and the implications of the approaches used in the Commission‟s external communication activities. The study was guided by three theories: Barnlund‟s transactional model of communication (1970), Media Richness Theory (1984) and Paulo Freire‟s dialogic model (1993/70) and a qualitative-led case study design with data from semi-structured interviews and document analysis. The study discovered that although communication is indispensable to the effective performance of NCCE‟s civic education functions, the Commission operates without a codified communication policy. Instead, the Commission‟s community and media engagement activities thrive on established conventions and ad hoc measures. The crucial implication is that the Commission could be failing in its communication-driven civic education function, requiring the need to develop a proactive communication policy to guide the Commission‟s civic education activities.

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du Plessis, Max, and Jolyon Ford. "TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE: A FUTURE TRUTH COMMISSION FOR ZIMBABWE?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 58, no. 1 (January 2009): 73–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058930800081x.

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AbstractAn eventual sustained democratic transition process in Zimbabwe may include a ‘truth and reconciliation’ commission. The need for—and possible form of—any such institution is situated in a number of discussions: the balance of principle and pragmatism that peace deals sometimes require; comparative experiences in other societies and the promise and limits of institutional modelling; the dynamic between global expectations or prescriptions and ground-level exigencies; the interface of international criminal law and institutions with national-level justice processes; the content of the State's international legal duty to afford a remedy. In considering the extent of an international normative framework limiting the justice options of transitional States, a certain margin of appreciation may be appropriate or necessary to enable a society to reconcile with its violent past on its own terms.

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Owusu, Maxwell. "Tradition and Transformation: Democracy and the Politics of Popular Power in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 307–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005535x.

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In April 1992, after nearly 11 years of military rule in Ghana, a draft democratic constitution of the Fourth Republic was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum.1 The ban on multi-party politics was lifted by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Government in the following month. An independent interim National Electoral Commission was established, and a hotly contested presidential election in 200 constituencies monitored by teams of international observers was held in November 1992. After multi-party parliamentary elections to the National Assembly, boycotted unfortunately by opposition groups, the democratically elected Government of Ghana's Fourth Republic was inaugurated in January 1993.2

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Chalmers, Jason. "Responding to Settler Colonialism in the Community Archive: Jewish Approaches to Reconciliation." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 34 (December 20, 2022): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40290.

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This article explores how Canadian Jewish community archives are responding to and engaging with reconciliation. Reconciliation, which entered national public discourse largely through the activities of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC), is a process that restores or repairs relationships between settler society and Indigenous peoples. Based on a survey of nine archives, I identify how Jewish organizations are responding to the TRC, critically engaging with Canada’s ongoing history of settler colonialism, and building relationships with Indigenous nations. Canadian Jewish archives do this in various ways: Formal statements of reconciliation; presenting history in a way that includes Indigenous peoples and illuminates settler colonialism; acknowledging Indigenous peoples, lands, and treaties; programming that builds relationships or facilitates dialogue; and decolonizing or Indigenizing projects related to archival collections. I demonstrate that Canadian Jewish archives have begun to engage with reconciliation in substantial ways, although many of these responses are still nascent. Furthermore, the majority of these practices focus on educating Jewish audiences rather than building relationships with Indigenous communities, thus signalling the need for more collaborative approaches. Approaching reconciliation in a way that is rooted in the history and experiences of a particular settler group, rather than the premise of state supremacy, may be a productive way to avoid the colonial politics of recognition and facilitate social change in the place now called Canada.

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Nelaeva, G., and N. Sidorova. "Transitional Justice in South Africa and Brazil: Introducing a Gendered Approach to Reconciliation." BRICS Law Journal 6, no. 2 (June 13, 2019): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2412-2343-2019-6-2-82-107.

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The concept of transitional justice has been associated with the periods of political change when a country emerges from a war or turmoil and attempts to address the wrongdoings of the past. Among various instruments of transitional justice, truth commissions stand out as an example of a non-judicial form of addressing the crimes of the past. While their setup and operation can be criticized on different grounds, including excessive politization of hearings and the virtual impossibility of meaningfully assessing their impact, it has been widely acknowledged in the literature that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa can be regarded as a success story due to its relatively strong mandate and widespread coverage and resonance it had in South African society. We would like to compare this commission from the 1990s with a more recent example, the Brazilian National Truth Commission, so as to be able to address the question of incorporation of gendered aspects in transitional justice (including examination of sexual violence cases, representation of women in truth-telling bodies, etc.), since gender often remains an overlooked and silenced aspect in such initiatives. Gendered narratives of transitional justice often do not fit into the wider narratives of post-war reconciliation. A more general question addressed in this research is whether the lack of formal procedure in truth commissions facilitates or hinders examination of sexual crimes in transitional settings.

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Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.

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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results compiled by the Electoral Commission of Ghana to ascertain the determinants of participation. The analysis is based on the concept of the “Average District Voter” which is analyzed using district-level census data combined with national election results. Statistical analysis was used to complementarily assess the determinants of voter participation in the Ghanaian 2012 presidential elections. The results of the analysis thus established two major points; that ethnic identification with regard to the two major ethnic groups in Ghana (i.e., the Asantes and the Ewes) has clearly influenced voter turnout, and second, that worsening socio-economic conditions played a role in voter turnout in the 2012 presidential elections and these issues will ultimately determine the winner of the 2020 national elections.

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Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.

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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results compiled by the Electoral Commission of Ghana to ascertain the determinants of participation. The analysis is based on the concept of the “Average District Voter” which is analyzed using district-level census data combined with national election results. Statistical analysis was used to complementarily assess the determinants of voter participation in the Ghanaian 2012 presidential elections. The results of the analysis thus established two major points; that ethnic identification with regard to the two major ethnic groups in Ghana (i.e., the Asantes and the Ewes) has clearly influenced voter turnout, and second, that worsening socio-economic conditions played a role in voter turnout in the 2012 presidential elections and these issues will ultimately determine the winner of the 2020 national elections.

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Takase, Mohammed, and Rogers Kipkoech. "An Overview of Scientific Production of Renewable Energies in Ghana." Journal of Energy 2023 (January 18, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2023/7414771.

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Ghana is experiencing an increase in energy demand as a result of increased industrialization activities. Nonrenewable energy sources, such as combustible fuels like petroleum, are the primary source of energy. Nonrenewable energy resources are associated with a number of issues, including environmental pollution. Renewable energy is a sustainable source of energy that is critical to the energy sector and the economy’s progress. Hydropower, biomass, solar energy, and wind energy are among the renewable energy resources available in Ghana. In Ghana, key institutions are responsible for the management and development of energy sources in the renewable energy sector. Among these institutions is the Ministry of Energy, which is responsible for the formulation and implementation of laws and policies, for instance, the Renewable Energy Act of 2011. Volta River Authority (VRA), Ghana Grid Company (GGC), and Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) are among the institutions under the Ministry of Energy. There are also regulatory agencies established by parliamentary act to ensure that all actors in the sector are working properly. Among these are the Energy Commission, the Public Utilities Regulatory Commission (PUR), and the National Petroleum Authority. Active nongovernmental organisations (NGOs), research institutes and universities, and industry are also involved in renewable energy activities.

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Swarray-Deen, A. "Need For A Surgical Plan In Ghana." Postgraduate Medical Journal of Ghana 9, no. 1 (July 12, 2022): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.60014/pmjg.v9i1.223.

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Over the past two decades, the global health community has increasingly recognised the need to include surgery, obstetric and anaesthesia care (SOA) in its concept of universal health coverage in any national plan. Surgical conditions (including obstetric conditions) represent a leading contributor to the global burden of disease accounting for a third of all disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) incurred annually. In the study published by the Lancet Commission on Global Surgery (LCoGS), it is stated that about five billion of the world’s 7.5 billion people do not have access to safe and affordable surgical, obstetrics, trauma and anaesthesia care when needed. Among those who are fortunate to have surgery done, 33 million will face catastrophic health expenditure due to payment for surgery and anaesthesia each year. This fact is ever so true for most low-and middle income countries (LMIC) and the Lancet Commission has proposed the use of six core indicators to assess the surgical system of a country. These indicators include specialist surgical workforce per 100,000; number of surgical procedures per 100,000; risk of catastrophic expenditure for surgical care; risk of impoverishing expenditure; postoperative mortality rate and 2-hour access to Bellwether procedures. Of these six indicators, four have been published by the World Bank as World Development Indicators (WDIs).

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Shipley, Peter D. "Our Shared Future: Windows into Canada’s Reconciliation Journey — A Review." Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 5, no. 4 (November 10, 2020): 178–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.165.

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The challenges and complexity of the reconciliation process are still not well understood by a large number of non-Indigenous people in Canada. As a nation, we are attempting to grasp the intricacy of how to unravel and atone for the damage that has been done in establishing and managing the more than 130 residential schools in Canada. This not only impacted more than 150,000 First Nations, Métis, and Inuit children but destroyed generations of families that are still and will continue to be impacted for years to come. The official apology from Prime Minister Stephen Harper on June 11, 2008, to all Indigenous people in Canada for the atrocities of the Indian Residential Schools was the start of a very long and painful continuous journey. The 94 calls to action released in 2015 by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission provide a road map to a complex recovery process for Indigenous people across the country. In January 2018, Health Canada held a national panel discussion with Indigenous leaders and experts on the question “Reconciliation—What Does it Mean?” One of the main themes of reconciliation revolves around education, and, in order to stay focused, we must continue to educate Canadians, including police leaders and new recruits, as we move through the meandering path of econciliation. The book Our Shared Future provides an outstanding in-depth look through the windows into a number of individual perspectives on the reconciliation journey.

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Adusei, Charles, Abdul Karim Seidu, and Jasper Yao Dunyah. "Effects of Outsourcing on National Forest Plantation Development Programme in Ghana." Asian Business Research 2, no. 1 (March 14, 2017): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/abr.v2i1.125.

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The study aimed at management of outsourcing of National Forest Plantation Development Programme (NFPDP) and its effects in the Atebubu Forest District as a case study in Ghana. The key issues examined are the level of technical competence of the contractors, the role of the lead implementing agency and the natural resource base sustainability. Two stage sampling technique was used to sample one hundred and ten respondents for the study. A structured questionnaire was used to solicit information from the respondents. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyse the data. The results of the study indicate that the award of seedlings contracts and workers’ salaries and logistics to African Foresters Brigade and Zoil Ghana Limited respectively were transparent. However, most of the activities the participating institutions performed were behind schedule indicating poor performance. It is therefore recommended that, Forestry Commission should put in place proper modalities to ensure effective implementation if outsourcing is to be continued.

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Akpome, Aghogho. "Ominous Inevitabilities: Reflecting on South Africa's Post-Transition Aporia in Achmat Dangor's Bitter Fruit." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 2 (August 2013): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800201.

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Achmat Dangor's novel Bitter Fruit (2001), nominated for the prestigious Man Booker Prize in 2004, is one of several important works of fiction that comment on the imperfections of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), offering a polemical critique of South Africa's on-going transition. In this article, I examine two significant ways in which Dangor's novel questions the work of the TRC. First, I posit that the story represents the TRC's model of transitional justice as being too determined by a “forgive and forget” approach that is inadequate as a means of providing reconciliation and thus fundamentally flawed. Second, I argue that, overall, the novel depicts the national reconciliation project as a mission that has in a way resulted in the appropriation of justice from – instead of its delivery to – some victims of Apartheid-era crimes. The aim of this article is not to present Dangor's fictional text as a one-dimensional reflection of complex social realities, but rather to foreground the practical and imaginative means that his inspired realist narrative offers for dealing with the aftermath of the massive social injustices perpetrated in South Africa during the Apartheid era.

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Pelletier, Miria. "“‘I didn’t learn anything’”." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 8 (April 19, 2023): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v8i.4236.

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The Indian residential school system is a part of Canada’s dark and ‘hidden’ history. Despite the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement being reached in 2006, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) publishing its final report in 2015, and the further discovery of unmarked graves at former school sites in 2022, many Canadians are still unaware of the atrocities of residential schools and the continued mistreatment of Indigenous peoples throughout what is now known as Canada. This essay explores Fort Albany Residential School, also known as St. Anne’s, in Fort Albany, ON. Using Department of Indian Affairs school files, accessed through the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation (NCTR), and testimonies by survivors to the TRC, this essay will argue that St. Anne’s was an unsanitary and dangerous environment for Indigenous children because of inadequate funding, overcrowding and malnourishment, and the use of brutal discipline which caused some students to risk their lives in attempt to escape such horrors.

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Obu, Raphael Nyarkotey, and Lawrencia Aggrey Bluwey. "Naturopathic education in Ghana; Commentary on progress made towards curriculum development." Journal of Preventive Medicine and Holistic Health 9, no. 1 (June 15, 2023): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18231/j.jpmhh.2023.008.

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The quest to improve the modern study of Naturopathy in Ghana started in 2016 with professional certifications introduced by the then Nyarkotey College of Holistic Medicine. The college received accreditation from the Traditional Medicine Practice Council (TMPC) of the Ministry of Health. Between 2020 and 2021, the college found the need to take the study of African naturopathy to the tertiary level. The college started its national accreditation arrangement under the Commission for Technical and Vocational Education and Training (CTVET) at the Higher National Diploma and Bachelor of Technology in Naturopathy and Holistic Medicine. The curriculum for Naturopathy was based on Ghana’s harmonized Competency Based Training (CBT). This paper presents a commentary on the progress made toward curriculum development and accreditation for Ghana’s first Naturopathy program at the tertiary level.

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Hughes, Jula. "Instructive Past: Lessons from the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples for the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools." Canadian journal of law and society 27, no. 1 (April 2012): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.27.1.101.

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AbstractOver time, the Canadian state has used a variety of mechanisms to address its troubled relationship with its indigenous population, the most prominent of which so far was the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). RCAP was mandated to develop both a constitutional framework and a comprehensive social-welfare policy. Staffed predominantly with constitutional lawyers, it articulated a sophisticated constitutional theory, which was not implemented, and did little to ameliorate the living conditions of Aboriginal people. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools (TRC), while arising from the settlement of a national class action, can be seen as a successor commission to RCAP. It follows in the procedural footprints of RCAP in a number of ways, including in the profile of its key appointments. This article argues that looking back at the successes and failures of RCAP can be instructive for the TRC as it carries out its mandate, allowing us to predict some areas that will be particularly challenging. In these areas, the TRC will require a departure from the RCAP blueprint if it is to achieve the ambitious goals of a TRC in a non-transitional-justice context.

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Chandra, Alex, and Supot Rattanapun. "IMPORTANCE OF IMPLEMENTATION AND ENFORCEMENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN INDONESIA NOW." Awang Long Law Review 5, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 545–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56301/awl.v5i2.756.

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There are still many human rights violations in Indonesia, starting from the lightest to the most serious in the implementation of human rights, and there is no mechanism for handling these human rights. From this research using literature review which aims to learn from existing references to understand the meaning of human rights and apply the values of Pancasila which contain the values of civilized human principles because they are the enforcement of human rights in civic life so that students can appreciate it more. the rights of everyone by not violating human rights. This human right has the power of fundamental or fundamental power. Currently, there are violation cases that have occurred because many people still do not understand the violation cases so that it is easier for people to violate the rights of others. Protection and maintenance of human rights within a national institutional framework is established in an institution such as the Indonesian Child Protection Commission (KPAI), the National Commission for Women (Komnas Perempuan), the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM), and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR), was dissolved because the KKR might not be responsible and did not carry out its function properly. Currently, human rights law enforcement is carried out specifically through the judiciary, whose Human Rights Courts target serious human rights courts, and which have the authority to test the 1945 Constitution, namely the constitutional court. These rights are largely upheld by the Constitutional Court, and many unlawful decisions have been made. This decision has strategic value, so that it can protect the human rights of citizens.

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Bazel, Coster Chinyonga, and Kurebwa Jeffrey. "Effectiveness of transitional justice processes in peacebuilding in Zimbabwe: The case of national peace and reconciliation commission." Journal of African Studies and Development 15, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/jasd2023.0677.

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Laar, Amos K., Richmond N. O. Aryeetey, Mary Mpereh, and Francis B. Zotor. "Improving nutrition-sensitivity of social protection programmes in Ghana." Proceedings of the Nutrition Society 76, no. 4 (September 25, 2017): 516–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0029665117001136.

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Social protection (SP) has been demonstrated as an effective tool against poverty and severe hunger. In Ghana, SP interventions have been employed to address vulnerability to poverty since 1965. Nevertheless, its potential for enhancing nutrition has hardly been explored. To harness the cross-sectoral benefits of scaling up nutrition-sensitive actions in Ghana, the national development planning commission requested an assessment of nutrition linkages across existing SP policies and programmes. The present paper presents gaps and opportunities for improving nutrition-sensitivity of existing SP programming in Ghana. The evidence draws heavily on desk review of available published and grey literature. The data show that SP provides an entry point for mainstreaming nutrition into other programmes. However, designing and coupling SP programmes with nutrition programmes remain a challenge in Ghana. Local SP interventions are predominantly designed as standalone services and therefore are implemented independent of each other. To increase synergy between SP and nutrition, including nutrition as an explicit objective of SP policies/strategies is recommended.

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Anaman, Kwabena Asomanin, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Political Economy Analysis of Voter Participation and Choices in National Elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republican Era." Research in World Economy 10, no. 3 (July 25, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v10n3p174.

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We analysed the determinants of voter participation (turnout), impairment of voter participation (spoiled or rejected ballots), and the outcomes (share of the total valid votes cast garnered by the victorious political party) in national presidential elections during the Fourth Republican era in Ghana. This analysis was undertaken based on meso-level statistical models, using district-level data of voters compiled from constituency-level data maintained by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, and district-level socio-economic characteristics derived from the 2010 and 2000 National Population Censuses conducted by the Ghana Statistical Service. In essence, we used data from two presidential elections in Ghana in 2000 and 2012 which could be directly aligned to data from the 2000 and 2010 national population censuses for district-level analysis using the concept of an average “district” voter. Our analysis indicated that the voter turnout was determined by a number of factors, the most important one being the population aged 15 over; the turnout decreases with increasing population. The impairment of voter participation, based on the proportion of the total votes cast attributed to spoiled ballots, was linked to the literacy rate with the spoiled ballots proportion declining with increasing literacy rate. The share of the total valid votes cast, obtained by the victorious party in a district, was influenced to a large degree by the proportion of the total number of citizens in a district belonging to the two biggest social/ethnic groups in Ghana, Asantes and Ewes, who predominantly voted in a countervailing manner for the parties that their political class elites dominate, the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress, respectively.

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Majcin, Juraj. "Social Media Challenges to Peace-making and What Can Be Done About Them." Groningen Journal of International Law 6, no. 2 (March 4, 2019): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5bf3e9c076951.

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Social media has changed the way how wars are fought, organised and ended. During peace negotiations, social media can serve as confidence-building platforms but also as a tool used to prolong the conflict by spreading disinformation and propaganda. Therefore, for a conflict to come to its end, it is necessary that the parties to peace negotiations refrain not only from physical hostilities but also from any forms of information warfare. Pursuing the objective of national reconciliation, modern peace agreements should contain rules on the regulation of social media content that may disrupt the peace. Special commissions should be established to review the content on social media and take adequate steps when a specific post, video or image spreads bellicose narrative or hate speech. We can imagine a whole range of measures that can be adopted by such commission ranging from labelling the content on its own social media channels as potentially dangerous to peace up to a removal request addressed to a concerned social media platform. Such mechanisms should be based on full respect for human rights in general and the right to freedom of opinion and expression in particular. Without such regulations, the goal of sustainable peace and successful national reconciliation seems almost unrealistic given the ever-increasing power of social media.

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Zeff, Stephen A., and Martin E. Persson. "Donald T. Nicolaisen: An Internationalist SEC Chief Accountant (1944–2019)." Accounting Horizons 34, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 185–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/acch-10727.

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ABSTRACT Donald T. Nicolaisen (1944–2019) was an internationalist, a progressive thinker, and a leader of the U.S. accounting profession. This memorial article traces Nicolaisen's early education and career in the Milwaukee office of Price Waterhouse & Co. in the 1960s, his rise to partner and eventual transfer to the firm's national office in New York City in the 1970s, and his appointment and tenure as the Chief Accountant of the Securities and Exchange Commission in the early 2000s. During his time as the Chief Accountant, Nicolaisen laid the groundwork for the lifting of the reconciliation requirement for foreign private issuers traded on American stock exchanges; the implantation of Sarbanes-Oxley's internal control reporting requirements; and the introduction of XBRL for companies' annual filings with the Commission. Through these initiatives, Nicolaisen leaves behind a legacy of improving both the quality of financial reporting and the efficiency of U.S. capital markets. JEL Classifications: M41; M42; M48.

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Amakye, Kingsford Gyasi, and Mawusi Y. Ameyibor. "Understanding the challenges and nature of land administration in the Tamale Metropolis, Northern Region, Ghana." Ghana Journal of Science, Technology and Development 8, no. 2 (December 11, 2022): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.47881/374.967x.

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Land plays an integral role in almost every economic activity. Land administration, therefore, is critical for the national development of a country. It is the hope and aspiration of many to own landed property for various reasons such as for residential, agricultural, and commercial purposes amongst others. Some African countries over the years have embarked on several land administration and land registration reforms to stimulate growth and reduce poverty amongst its people and these programmes are yielding positive results in some of these countries. This paper used semi-structured questionnaires to elicit information from fifty-one (51) participants in the Tamale Metropolitan Assembly, including traditional leaders, members of the general public who have ever registered their lands with the Lands Commission and Divisional heads at the Lands Commission, through randomly and purposefully selected sampling, respectively. This paper reveals that there are still teething challenges affecting land administration in Tamale which include the cost of land, cost of registration, corruption, weak coordination among land sector agencies, encroachment of state land, poor record-keeping on the land transaction and unidentified traditional land boundaries. This paper recommends effective coordination among land sector stakeholders including the land commission, land use and spatial planning authority and the traditional authorities for meaningful reforms on land administration.

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Southern, Neil. "Conflict Transformation and Truth-Seeking: The Impact of South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission on the National Party." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 21, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 335–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2015.1063918.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Ghana. National Reconciliation Commission'

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