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Journal articles on the topic 'Ghana – Politics and government – To 1957'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Rothchild, Donald. "Colonial Bargaining as Tactics: The Ghana Experience, 1954–1957." International Negotiation 10, no. 2 (2005): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571806054740985.

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AbstractIn the pre-independence conflict between the Nkrumah regime and the Ashanti-led opposition in the Gold Coast, the departing colonial power found itself caught up in an internal confrontation. The NLM and its allies, fearing the shadow of the future, sought to establish credible guarantees against majoritarian rule after independence. The Nkrumah government insisted upon the centralization of political power and majoritarian principles. The effect was to increase minority insecurity and raise inter-group suspicions and tensions. In this situation, the colonial mediator, determined to ad

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2

Asiedu-Acquah, Emmanuel. "“We Shall Be Outspoken”: Student Political Activism in Post-Independence Ghana, c.1957–1966." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 2 (2018): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618806542.

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This paper looks at student political activism in Ghana in the late 1950s and 1960s. Using Ghanaian and British archives, it examines how students of Ghana’s universities politically engaged with the government of Kwame Nkrumah and his ruling Convention People’s Party (CPP). Student activism manifested most in the conflict between the Nkrumah government, on one hand, and university authorities and students, on the other hand, over the purpose of higher education, university autonomy, and nationalism. The conflict coalesced around the idea of educated youth as model citizens. Contrary to the de

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3

Opare-Addo, Felix Yobo. "Political instability and tourism in Ghana (1966-1981)." African Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Management 2, no. 1 (2020): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajthm.v2i1.145.

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In the 1960s most governments in West Africa, including Ghana which was under the leadership of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana began to incorporate tourism into their economic development plans. The idea was to diversify the economy in order to provide infrastructural development, economic and social prosperity for populace. Unfortunately, Nkrumah’s government was toppled in 1966. In the subsequent years, Ghana experienced a period of political instability. This paper takes a critical look at the efforts of the various governments in Ghana (from 1957 to 1981) to develop touris

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4

Owusu, Victor Lord. "The Politics of Development and Participatory Planning. From Top Down to Top Down." Journal of Sustainable Development 9, no. 1 (2016): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v9n1p202.

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This paper measures the level of participation in Ghana’s four most recent development policy and planning documents, from the Vision 2020 to the Ghana Shared Growth and Development Agenda. Using Systematic Review and a developed modified version of Arnstein’s Ladder of Citizen Participation, the paper concludes that development planning in Ghana is top down and non participatory. The paper further uncovered that civilian and military governments before and after independence in 1957 adopted the top down approach and planned from the centre with no traces of citizens’ participation in the plan

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BOAKYE, Peter, and Kwame Osei KWARTENG. "Education for Nation Building: The Vision of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah for University Education in the Early Stages of Self-Government and Independence in Ghana." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 7 (December 5, 2018): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v7i0.38.

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The Gold Coast was renamed Ghana by the political leadership on the attainment of Independence. But before 1957, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah had become Prime Minister of the Gold Coast in 1952, and by this arrangement ruled alongside the British Colonial Governor. Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah set out to rebuild the new nation, and by doing so, Education, especially University Education, became a significant tool for the realization of such an objective. He, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) Government saw education as “the keystone of people’s life and happiness.’’1 Thus, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame

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6

Hilson, Gavin, Richard Amankwah, and Grace Ofori-Sarpong. "Going for gold: transitional livelihoods in Northern Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 1 (2013): 109–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000560.

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ABSTRACTThis article critically reflects on what impact a supported and formalized artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector could have in Northern Ghana, where poverty is deeply rooted, the outcome of decades of government neglect. Since independence in 1957, numerous attempts have been made to improve the living standards of the populations in the country's North but deteriorated human resource bases and shortages of infrastructure have limited their effectiveness. A recent upsurge in ASM activity, however, has catapulted the region on to another – previously unimaginable – growth trajec

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7

Fenny, Ama P. "Ghana’s Path to an Industrial–Led Growth: The Role of Decentralisation Policies." International Journal of Economics and Finance 9, no. 11 (2017): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v9n11p22.

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Ghana’s industrial sector has evolved with the various stages of political and economic reforms since independence in 1957. Efforts to decentralize its key institutions to enhance economic growth has seen very little success especially in the area of linking industries to local institutions. Recently, the economy has been dampened by worsening macroeconomic environment, huge regional disparities and power crises. A number of policy and programme initiatives by the government have been undertaken especially in the area of revamping the local economies through the existing decentralized systems.

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8

Quainoo, Aba Amissah. "RESPONSE." Philosophia Reformata 66, no. 1 (2001): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000217.

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In the introduction the following section stand out in my mind: “”¦.. ..that world-integration is impelled by the divine order even when led by greedy trans-nationals trying to dominate the world ”¦.. be prepared to accept world integration as a normal tendency that must eventually end up in the full political and economic integration of the planet. This does not mean that everything is fine with the integration process: As with any other process involving human actions, world-integration is tainted with sin and evil.” I share the writer’s sentiments and would add that since world-integration

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9

Blaylock, Jennifer. "The persistent instructor: 45 years of Kofi the Good Farmer in Ghana." Journal of African Cinemas 12, no. 1 (2020): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00028_1.

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In 1950, the Gold Coast colonial government published the 52-page pamphlet titled Kofi the Good Farmer. In 1953, it was adapted into a thirteen-minute instructional film of the same name. The film, like the booklet, follows a farmer named Kofi as he demonstrates proper cocoa-farming methods. Depicted as a remote, rural farmer who becomes successful because of his implementation of foreign farming techniques and his acceptance of the colonial government’s authority to determine and control the cocoa grading scale, Kofi provides evidence of paternalism and racialist colonial rhetoric in British

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10

Agbevade, Akpeko, and Desmond Tweneboah Koduah. "The Search for a Result-Oriented Public Sector Reform in Ghana: A Myth or Reality?" Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 3 (2020): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i3.17628.

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The Article Examined Whether Public Sector Reform In Ghana Is A Myth Or Reality. It Emerged That Since Independence In 1957, Successive Governments Implemented Both Socialist And Market-Oriented Public Sector Reforms; However, None Of These Reforms Yielded The Expected Outcome. Hence, The New Patriotic Party On Winning Political Power Initiated The National Public Sector Reform Strategy. This Reform Aimed At Using The Public Sector As The Catalyst To Stimulate The Private Sector For Job Creation And National Development. The Study Found That The Reform Made Some Gains. However, Excessive Parti

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11

Tangri, Roger. "The Politics of Government–Business Relations in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (1992): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007746.

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The emergence of a consensus that the performance of the public sector in Ghana had been poor, and that there were limits as to what it could achieve in terms of economic growth, led the Provisional National Defence Council (P.N.D.C.) to implement various policy reforms. As the Governor of the Bank of Ghana argued in 1984: ‘Given the dismal performance of the public sector, there is need for greater reliance on private investment in the Government's efforts to resuscitate the economy’. At the same time, the P.N.D.C. began to reassess the economic role of the public sector. According to a recen

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GRISCHOW, JEFF D. "KWAME NKRUMAH, DISABILITY, AND REHABILITATION IN GHANA, 1957–66." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (2011): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000260.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines a rehabilitation program for disabled Ghanaians developed by Kwame Nkrumah's government between 1961 and 1966. Arising at a time when Nkrumah was moving away from welfarism in favor of a ‘big push’ for industrialization, rehabilitation sought to integrate disabled citizens into the national economy as productive workers. Nkrumah's program was preceded by a colonial rehabilitation project during the 1940s for disabled African soldiers. The colonial initiative drew heavily on the British model of social orthopaedics, which equated citizenship with work. This philoso

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Gyimah-Boadi, Emmanuel. "Politics in Ghana Since 1957: The Quest for Freedom, National Unity, and Prosperity." Ghana Studies 10, no. 1 (2007): 107–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ghs.2007.0004.

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14

Abdul-Rahaman, Nurudeen, Zhou Rongting, Ming Wan, Issah Iddrisu, Abdul Basit Abdul Rahaman, and Latif Amadu. "The impact of government funding on senior high enrolment in Ghana." South African Journal of Education 40, no. 4 (2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15700/saje.v40n4a1648.

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Successive governments, both military and civilian regimes, funded senior high school education in Ghana to increase access and improve quality since the nation attained independence on 6 March 1957. In the study reported on here we adopted a quantitative research method using secondary data from five public senior high schools in the Wa Municipality, as these schools are beneficiaries of government funding in Ghana. We used the generalised linear model to test the impact of government funding on student enrolment. The study reveals that government funding has a significant impact on increasin

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15

Sackeyfio-Lenoch, Naaborko. "The Ghana Trades Union Congress and the Politics of International Labor Alliances, 1957–1971." International Review of Social History 62, no. 2 (2017): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859017000189.

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AbstractThis article explores the motives of Ghana’s Trades Union Congress in securing development assistance during the era of decolonization and early independence. African interests and agency in these complex processes of negotiation have not been sufficiently untangled to highlight the decisions that African trade unionists made as they aligned with, and fostered, international networks and alliances to meet particular development goals. By highlighting the perspectives and actions of Ghana’s trade union officials, the article demonstrates what Africans sought to achieve through connectio

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Musah-Surugu, Issah Justice, Albert Ahenkan, and Justice Nyigmah Bawole. "Local Government Financing of Climate Change in Ghana: Politics of Aid and Central Government Dependency Syndrome." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 5 (2018): 619–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618812911.

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Uncertainties about the amount of resources needed to combat climate change, dwindling local resources, limited local autonomy and limited expertise constrain local governments (LGs) in their response to the effects of climate change. As a result, financing climate change remains a major nightmare for LG actors across diverse nested territorial containers. It certainly requires the embracing of a multifaceted approach – the use of system thinking where local governments’ resource husbandry is optimised to support external aid and central government transfer. A multifaceted approach brings onbo

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17

Oppong, Felix. "An analysis of the impact of jurisdictional fragmentation on property taxes in Ghana." Journal of Financial Management of Property and Construction 26, no. 2 (2021): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfmpc-07-2020-0048.

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Purpose Following decades of weak financial capacity of local governments in raising enough revenues to finance their budgets, this paper aims to examine the impact of jurisdictional fragmentation on property taxes in Ghana. Since independence in 1957, many local governments in Ghana are yet to build their fiscal capacity to collect enough own source revenues to support their local budgets. All local government laws in Ghana have assigned property taxes to local governments. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses quantitative econometric techniques with local level panel data from 2010 to

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18

Owusu, Maxwell. "Tradition and Transformation: Democracy and the Politics of Popular Power in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (1996): 307–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005535x.

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In April 1992, after nearly 11 years of military rule in Ghana, a draft democratic constitution of the Fourth Republic was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum.1 The ban on multi-party politics was lifted by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Government in the following month. An independent interim National Electoral Commission was established, and a hotly contested presidential election in 200 constituencies monitored by teams of international observers was held in November 1992. After multi-party parliamentary elections to the National Assembly, boycotted unfortunat

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19

LAMBERT, KERI. "‘IT'S ALL WORK AND HAPPINESS ON THE FARMS’: AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT BETWEEN THE BLOCS IN NKRUMAH'S GHANA." Journal of African History 60, no. 01 (2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000331.

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AbstractThis study assesses the agricultural sector under the government of Kwame Nkrumah as a dynamic Cold War front. After Ghana's independence in 1957, Nkrumah asserted that the new nation would guard its sovereignty from foreign influence, while recognizing that it needed foreign cooperation and investment. His government embarked upon a development program with an emphasis on diversifying Ghana's agriculture to decrease her dependence on cocoa. Meanwhile, both the United States and the Soviet Union sought to establish footholds in Ghana through agricultural aid, trade, and investments. In

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20

Adam, James Natia, Timothy Adams, and Jean-David Gerber. "The Politics of Decentralization: Competition in Land Administration and Management in Ghana." Land 10, no. 9 (2021): 948. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10090948.

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Decentralization policy forms part of a broader global ideology and effort of the international donor community in favor of subsidiarity and local participation, and represents a paradigm shift from top-down command-and-control systems. Since 2003, the formalization of property rights through titling became an integral component of decentralized land administration efforts in Ghana. The creation of new forms of local government structures and the related changes in the distribution of responsibilities between different levels of government have an impact on natural resource management, the all

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21

Fumey, Abel, and Festus O. Egwaikhide. "Redistributive politics: the case of fiscal transfers in Ghana." International Journal of Social Economics 46, no. 2 (2019): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-05-2017-0191.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political influences on fiscal transfers from the central government to district assemblies in Ghana. Design/methodology/approach It adopted a redistributive politics model and estimated the two-step system generalized method of moment using electoral outcomes, and transfers data for 167 districts which were classified into swing and aligned, from 1994 to 2014. Findings The findings reveal that Gh₵6.28m on average was transferred to each district annually, which tend to increase by 8.4 percent in election years. Further, the swing

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22

Allman, Jean Marie. "The Youngmen and the Porcupine: Class, Nationalism and Asante's Struggle for Self-determination, 1954–57." Journal of African History 31, no. 2 (1990): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025032.

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This article examines the origins, background, composition and policies of the National Liberation Movement, a mass political organization founded in Asante in September, 1954. The central aim of the NLM was to advance Asante claims for self-determination and to oppose the CPP in their advocacy of a constitutional settlement with the British colonial government–a settlement that would bring about a unitary government in an independent Gold Coast [Ghana]. The analysis developed here places the ‘youngmen’ of Asante, the nkwankwaa, at the centre of these events. It is argued that this somewhat en

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SIMMONDS, ALAN G. V. "RAISING RACHMAN: THE ORIGINS OF THE RENT ACT, 1957." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (2002): 843–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002704.

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In 1957, against a background of political turmoil and international tension the Conservative government passed the Rent Act, a highly contentious piece of legislation designed to resolve the problem of housing shortages by removing the statutory restrictions on the rents of privately let accommodation which had been operative since the Great War. The government argued that by abolishing rent controls landlords would be encouraged to maintain, improve, and invest in private rented property and thereby increase its availability. The failure to achieve these objectives prompts an assessment of t

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Bratton, Michael, Peter Lewis, and E. Gyimah-Boadi. "Constituencies for reform in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 2 (2001): 231–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003603.

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The attitudes of ordinary people in Africa towards the liberalisation of politics and economies are not well known. Are there popular constituencies for reform? Which specific reform measures do different social groups accept or reject? And does popular support for structural adjustment, if any, go together with support for democracy? In an effort to find answers, this article reports results of a national sample survey in Ghana conducted in July 1999 as part of the Afrobarometer. The survey finds that the constituency for democracy is broader than the constituency for market reform, which is

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Jobbitt, Steven. "Hungarian Martyrs, Refugees, and the Politics of Anticommunism in Salazar’s Portugal, 1956–1957." Hungarian Cultural Studies 9 (October 11, 2016): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2016.263.

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This article summarizes the findings of Jobbitt’s early research into the experiences of Hungarian migrants in Portugal after World War II, and the way in which the Hungarian Revolution and its suppression in 1956 was politicized by Prime Minister António de Oliveira Salazar’s Estado Novo [‘New State’]. Recognizing the propagandistic value of the 1956 Revolution and the refugee crisis that it created, the Salazar government celebrated Hungary’s freedom fighters as martyrs while simultaneously painting an idealized and simplistic picture of an honorable Christian nation locked in a fundamentall

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Benson, George, and Vincent Adzahlie-Mensah. "POLITICAL PARTY PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL GOVERNANCE: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE RECENT GHANAIAN PROPOSAL." International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 1 (January 30, 2021): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.47722/imrj.2001.02.

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This paper discussed public views on the effort to introduce partisan politics into local government administration in Ghana. We report findings from a cross-sectional survey research in which questionnaire-based data were collected from a convenience sample of 2270 participants, drawn from the 16 administrative regions of Ghana. From the analysis and discussions, we found out that although 63% agreed that political party participation will increase local activism and where 71% agreed that it can increase participation in district assembly elections, 58% of participants did not support politic

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Obuobi, Bright, Emmanuel Nketiah, Faustina Awuah, et al. "Impact of Currency Redenomination on an Economy: An Evidence of Ghana." International Business Research 13, no. 2 (2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v13n2p62.

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The main objective of this study is to ascertain the impact of currency redenomination on the Ghanaian economy. Since independence in 1957, Ghana has had series of redenomination exercises but the recent one which became a debatable topic happened in 2007. As a result, the study is conducted to determine the pre and post-performance of the country using 2007 as the benchmark. This research takes into consideration the quantitative research technique based on ex-post factor design. Secondary data of the research variables (GDP, Economic growth, Balance of trade, inflation, FDI and Globalization

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Avery, Andrew J. "“Some Sanity and Love”: The Cold War, Antarctic Treaty, and Fids’ identity, 1957–1958." Polar Record 55, no. 5 (2019): 334–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003224741900055x.

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AbstractIn 1942, the British government created the Falkland Islands Dependencies Survey (FIDS) to enforce sovereignty over the Antarctic Peninsula. The small groups of men who worked for the Survey called themselves Fids. During the late 1950s when Antarctic sovereignty was being hotly debated and worked out by national governments, Fids serving at British bases criticised the British government’s use of science as a bargaining chip. Using in-house magazines written and printed at FIDS bases and oral histories, this article examines how Fids viewed Antarctic politics and how those events infl

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Osei, Philip D. "Political liberalisation and the implementation of value added tax in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 2 (2000): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00003335.

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This article examines an aspect of Ghana's political economy in the 1990s, covering its transition to democracy from military dictatorship, and how this change process impacted on its attempt to implement a value added tax (VAT). It assesses the claim that political transition from autocracy to democracy improves policy-making and policy outcomes. Ghana's experience of implementing VAT typifies an inherent problem in African governance, that of lack of adequate capacity for improved policy-making and for the institutionalisation of inclusive politics and public accountability. The VAT case ser

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MacLean, Lauren M., George M. Bob-Milliar, Elizabeth Baldwin, and Elisa Dickey. "The construction of citizenship and the public provision of electricity during the 2014 World Cup in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 4 (2016): 555–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x16000574.

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ABSTRACTWhy did the Ghanaian state go to such extraordinary lengths to facilitate the reliable broadcast of the World Cup in 2014? During a period of frequent power outages, Ghana swapped power with regional neighbours and directed major domestic industries to reduce production in order to allow Ghanaians to watch their national soccer team compete in the World Cup. This paper investigates the politics of the public service provision of electricity in Ghana. We focus on the short-term crisis during the 2014 World Cup to reveal the citizens' and politicians' expectations about electricity as a

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Harding, Robin. "Attribution And Accountability: Voting for roads in Ghana." World Politics 67, no. 4 (2015): 656–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000209.

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Do voters in Africa use elections to hold governments accountable for their performance in office? In contexts of limited information and weak state capacity, it can be difficult for citizens to attribute the provision of public goods and services to political action. As a result, voters often have little information about government performance on which to condition their electoral support. Such contexts are frequently characterized by clientelism or ethnic politics, and there is a widespread impression that African elections are little more than contests in corruption or ethnic mobilization.

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Skinner, Kate. "Local Historians and Strangers with Big Eyes: The Politics of Ewe History in Ghana and Its Global Diaspora." History in Africa 37 (2010): 125–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0022.

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In 2001 I attended a meeting at the London headquarters of the Movement for a Resurgent Togoland (MORETO). Seven people—mainly middle-aged and elderly men from the inland Ewe-speaking areas of Ghana—had gathered together to share their findings about the modern political history of the area where they were born. They vocalised their dissatisfaction with the incorporation of this area within the borders of Ghana at independence in 1957, and they discussed how this situation came about, and whether it could be rectified. In the course of this meeting, I began to realize that contests over Ewe hi

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Buskens, Léon. "RECENT DEBATES ON FAMILY LAW REFORM IN MOROCCO: ISLAMIC LAW AS POLITICS IN AN EMERGING PUBLIC SPHERE." Islamic Law and Society 10, no. 1 (2003): 70–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685190360560924.

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AbstractIn 1957-1958 Moroccan family law was codified in the Mudawwana, a text known for its close adherence to the classical Maliki tradition. Since the early 1980s the debate about reform has become more intense and widespread. The relatively limited reform of the Mudawwana in 1993 was closely linked to the beginnings of a process of cautious democratization. Since then the discussions have become more vehement, especially since the coming to power of a new government in 1998 consisting of former opposition parties. A year later this government presented a plan for extensive family law refor

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Kumi, Emmanuel. "From donor darling to beyond aid? Public perceptions of ‘Ghana Beyond Aid’." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 1 (2020): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000570.

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AbstractIn recent years, there has been growing interest among lower-middle income countries (LMICs) to reduce their dependence on donor resources, framed normatively as ‘beyond aid’. Yet, public perceptions about beyond aid narratives remain under-studied. This article explores current public perceptions in Ghana about the ‘Ghana Beyond Aid’ (GhBA) vision aimed at promoting structural economic transformation through the use of national resources while reducing dependence on donor aid. Drawing on 67 semi-structured interviews with government officials, civil society organisations (CSOs), donor

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Gao, Yunxiang. "W. E. B. AND SHIRLEY GRAHAM DU BOIS IN MAOIST CHINA." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 10, no. 1 (2013): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x13000040.

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AbstractUsing previously untranslated Chinese sources, this article adds dimension and insight into the visits of W. E. B. and Shirley Graham Du Bois to the People's Republic of China in 1959 and 1963. After discussing Du Bois's earlier writings and visit to China in 1936, the article reveals the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) awareness of Du Bois's favorable commentary on the nation during the 1950s. Using articles from thePeople's Daily(Renmin ribao) and other Chinese sources, I argue that the CCP and the Du Boises gained mutual benefit from the visit outside of the “arranged reality” of su

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Akyeampong, Emmanuel. "What's in a Drink? Class Struggle, Popular Culture and the Politics of Akpeteshie (Local Gin) in Ghana, 1930–67." Journal of African History 37, no. 2 (1996): 215–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035209.

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This article examines the history of akpeteshie (local gin) in Ghana from its illicit origins and widespread distillation in the 1930s to about 1967, when the Convention People's Party – seen as the ‘champion’ of the akpeteshie industry – was overthrown. Akpeteshie distillation proliferated when temperance interests succeeded in pressuring the colonial government into raising tariffs on imported liquor in 1930, just before the onset of a world-wide depression. Urban and rural workers, unable to afford expensive imported gin, became the patrons of akpeteshie. For urban workers, akpeteshie came

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Quan-Baffour, Kofi Poku, and David Addae. "SUSTAINABLE RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE NORTHERN REGION OF GHANA: INNOVATIVE STRATEGIES FOR ENHANCING LEADERSHIP PARTICIPATION." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 45, no. 1 (2016): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/253.

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Successive governments in Ghana have since the attainment of independence in 1957 initiated many programmes aimed at promoting sustainable rural development. The Northern Region of the country has benefited immensely from such initiatives. Many non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and International Development Agencies (IDAs) have augmented the efforts of government by making the region a focus of their developmental agenda. In spite of the profound commitment exhibited by the government and external development partners in bringing about sustainable development to the area, the Northern Regi

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Dumbe, Yunus. "Islamic Polarisation and the Politics of Exclusion in Ghana: Tijaniyya and Salafist Struggles over Muslim Orthodoxy." Islamic Africa 10, no. 1-2 (2019): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21540993-01001006.

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This article explores how the revival of the Tijaniyya and the Salafi movement shaped public discourse about Islam in Ghana. Examining the debates which characterised the religious sphere in the 1990s re-democratisation, the article highlights the power struggle which shaped the relations between the contending Muslim groups. It argues that the recognition of the Tijaniyya movement as a representative for all Muslims during Ghana’s re-democratisation in the 1990s emboldened its sympathisers to adopt repressive measures against the Salafi minority. While the local success of Salafism was often

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Arceneaux, Kevin. "What Can Biopolitics Teach us About Democratic Representation?" Politics and the Life Sciences 39, no. 1 (2019): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2019.14.

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My interest in biopolitics took a circuitous route. My guiding interest in studying politics is the study of democratic representation. Democracy is a special institution. It holds out the hope that we can resolve our differences in a peaceful way by letting the governed govern themselves. As a graduate student, I was immediately taken by Anthony Down’s (1957) theory of democracy. It just made so much sense. People hold preferences that are ordered and coherent. They derive utility from outcomes. Government policy should, therefore, reflect the distribution of policy preferences that maximizes

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Suyanto. "Indonesian media politics, on reform era from 1998 to 2010." International Journal of Law and Management 60, no. 6 (2018): 1485–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-10-2017-0256.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to determine the dynamics of the Indonesian press since the reform era in 1998 to 2010 indirectly will see the relationship between the political systems of government with a media system in Indonesia. Design/methodology/approach This study is a qualitative descriptive which was drafted using the method of qualitative investigation using descriptive approach and library research, which gives an overview of the situation to obtain data based on observations on the site of investigation. Findings Based on Downs’s theory, political theory media takes the ideol

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Whitfield, Lindsay. "Trustees of development from conditionality to governance: poverty reduction strategy papers in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (2005): 641–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001254.

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The World Bank and IMF launched the Poverty Reduction Strategy Initiative in the context of longstanding criticisms of their structural adjustment programmes. This article examines the process of formulating Ghana's Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) from two perspectives. From the perspective of reforming the Bretton Woods institutions, it assesses the extent to which the PRSP approach alters the lending practices of these institutions in Ghana. From the perspective of understanding policymaking in highly indebted, aid-dependent African countries, it reveals the multiple interfaces of po

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Osei-Opare, Nana. "‘IF YOU TROUBLE A HUNGRY SNAKE, YOU WILL FORCE IT TO BITE YOU’: RETHINKING POSTCOLONIAL AFRICAN ARCHIVAL PESSIMISM, WORKER DISCONTENT, AND PETITION WRITING IN GHANA, 1957–66." Journal of African History 62, no. 1 (2021): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853721000165.

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AbstractMy aim is twofold. Highlighting the value and importance of African archives in the construction of postcolonial African histories, I first reject what I call ‘postcolonial African archival pessimism’: the argument that postcolonial African archives are too disorganized or ill-kept to be of much, if any, value in configuring postcolonial African histories. Second, primarily through petition and complaint letters, I examine how Ghanaian workers protested racist and abusive workplace environments, government malfeasance, stagnating wages, and unfair dismissals in Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana. T

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Mensah, Justice. "Effectiveness of National Sanitation Day as a community-participatory approach for improving environmental sanitation in Edina Traditional Area, Ghana." Management of Environmental Quality: An International Journal 31, no. 1 (2020): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/meq-02-2019-0042.

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Purpose Poor environmental sanitation affects environmental quality and health. Ghana is a developing country whose sanitation profile has been one of the lowest in the world in recent years. This has prompted various views regarding effective approaches for improving sanitation in Ghana for better environmental quality and health. The purpose of this paper is to examine the effectiveness of National Sanitation Day (NSD) as a model for improving environmental sanitation in the Edina Traditional Area (ETA), Ghana. Design/methodology/approach The study used key informant interviews and focus gro

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Megarrity, Lyndon. "The 1900s: A Forgotten Turning Point in Queensland History." Queensland Review 11, no. 1 (2004): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600003561.

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Queensland politics during the first decade after Federation is a subject which has received little attention from historians and political scientists. In general, they have shown a marked lack of enthusiasm for the era, preferring to rush on to the period after 1915 — the year in which Queensland Labor formed its first viable, long-term government. In this essay, I propose to show that the 1900s was in fact an important turning point in Queensland history. I will show how the almost exclusively developmental political culture of Queensland was successfully challenged by Liberal and Labor parl

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Kosack, Stephen. "The Logic of Pro-Poor Policymaking: Political Entrepreneurship and Mass Education." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (2013): 409–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000695.

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This article argues against the scholarly consensus that governments make pro-poor policies when they are democratic. In democracies and autocracies, a government's strongest incentive is to serve citizens who are organized, and poor citizens face collective-action disadvantages. But a ‘political entrepreneur’ can help poor citizens organize and attain power with their support; to stay in power, the political entrepreneur's incentive is to maintain poor citizens’ support with pro-poor policies. Politics and education are analyzed over half-a-century in countries with little in common – Ghana,

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Agbevade, Akpeko. "Implementation dynamics of local economic development: Comparative empirical experiences from Ghana’s local governance system." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 35, no. 6 (2020): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094220972628.

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There has been an age old assertion that once public policies are formulated, the policies will automatically be implemented to achieve their stated objectives. To unravel this, the article through comparative empirical analysis discussed the dynamics that influenced local economic development implementation in Ghana. It emerged that four key dynamics: politics, leadership commitment and will, land tenure system and administrative, institutional and procedural mechanisms differently shaped local economic development implementation in the three local government units. Whereas these factors prom

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Idris, Asmady, Asri Salleh, and Mohd Rizal Mohd Yaakop. "KUPASAN ARTIKEL ‘MALAYSIA: THE 2020 PUTSCH FOR MALAY ISLAM SUPREMACY’." Jurnal Pengajian Melayu 32, no. 1 (2021): 118–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jomas.vol32no1.8.

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The 2018 General Election (PRU) marked a significant point in the history of Malaysian politics when the major opposition bloc Pakatan Harapan (PH) ended Barisan Nasional (BN) rule of 60 years since gaining independence in 1957. However, the PH government, led by ex-premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, only lasted 22 months. Accordingly, the sudden collapse of the PH government drew many to offer their respective analyses. James Chin (2020) wrote one of them titled ‘Malaysia: The 2020 Putsch for Malay Islam Supremacy’. He argued that, amongst the many reasons attributable to its sudden collapse, o

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WILLIAMS, MARTIN J. "The Political Economy of Unfinished Development Projects: Corruption, Clientelism, or Collective Choice?" American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (2017): 705–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000351.

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Development projects like schools and latrines are popular with politicians and voters alike, yet many developing countries are littered with half-finished projects that were abandoned mid-construction. Using an original database of over 14,000 small development projects in Ghana, I estimate that one-third of projects that start are never completed, consuming nearly one-fifth of all local government investment. I develop a theory of project noncompletion as the outcome of a dynamically inconsistent collective choice process among political actors facing commitment problems in contexts of limit

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Rathbone, Richard. "A Murder in the Colonial Gold Coast: Law and Politics in the 1940s." Journal of African History 30, no. 3 (1989): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024476.

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This article looks at a murder case which resulted from allegations of ‘ritual murder’ in the course of Nana Sir Ofori Atta's final funeral rites in Akyem Abuakwa, Ghana, in 1944. At the level of the Akyem state, the accusations came from an affronted section within the polity, the Amantow Mmiensa, who had been defeated by the Stool in the course of the 1932–3 disturbances arising from the Native Administration Revenue Ordinance but whose grievances against the Okyenhene were of greater antiquity. The accused were all descendants of past kings of Akyem. At the level of the Gold Coast state, th

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Ude, Nwoke, Kingsley Ude, Ugonma Ugbor, Chukwuemeka Igwe, and Esomchi Ogu. "E-GOVERNANCE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: A CASE OF NIGERIA." International Journal of Development Strategies in Humanities, Management and Social Sciences 11, no. 1 (2021): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijdshmss.v11.i1.07.

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The study examined e-governance and economic development in sub-Saharan Africa: the case of Nigeria. Secondary data were used for the study. The result indicated high internet use in South Africa (43% to 59%) followed by Senegal (34% to 46%) and then Nigeria (33% to 42%); it showed a positive impact on education, economy, personal relationships, politics and morality in the year 2017. The Internet’s contribution to GDP in Africa varies, ranging from a high of 59% in South Africa to a low of 25% in Tanzania. The West African region had the lowest regional index in the 2020 Survey scoring 0.2209

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