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1

Sackeyfio-Lenoch, Naaborko. "The Ghana Trades Union Congress and the Politics of International Labor Alliances, 1957–1971." International Review of Social History 62, no. 2 (2017): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859017000189.

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AbstractThis article explores the motives of Ghana’s Trades Union Congress in securing development assistance during the era of decolonization and early independence. African interests and agency in these complex processes of negotiation have not been sufficiently untangled to highlight the decisions that African trade unionists made as they aligned with, and fostered, international networks and alliances to meet particular development goals. By highlighting the perspectives and actions of Ghana’s trade union officials, the article demonstrates what Africans sought to achieve through connectio
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Taratko, Carolyn. "African Labour’s Cold War." Moving the Social 70 (December 5, 2023): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.70.2023.55-72.

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 This article examines the conflict over “free” trade unionism within the Ghana Trades Union Congress (GTUC) during the 1950s and early 1960s. It demonstrates how labour leaders sought to anchor economic rights in ambitious development planning and extend their influence across the continent in the wake of decolonization. In contrast to colonial-era concepts of free trade unions as apolitical associations, anti- colonial and postcolonial leaders recognized the transformative political potential of labour organizing. On the basis of GTUC publications and the correspondence o
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Asiedu-Darko, Emmanuel, Saffiatu Quaye, and Rita Acheampong. "THE ROLE OF TRADE UNION IN ENSURING PRODUCTIVITY IN AN ORGANIZATION: A CASE OF GENERAL AGRICULTURAL WORKERS UNION (GAWU) IN GHANA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 10, no. 1 (2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v10.i1.2022.4452.

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This work was carried out to assess the role of trade unions in ensuring productivity in an organization The General Agricultural Workers Union (GAWU) of Trade Union Congress in Ghana was considered as the target population of which one hundred members were interviewed. Questionnaires were used to solicit views from unionized employees selected for the study. Five union leaders identified under GAWU were also interviewed through face to face. The research assumed content analysis to evaluate how the union activities involving increasing co-operation and wellbeing among workers, Work for the pr
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4

Walida, DJEBAILI. "The Politicization of the Government/ Labour Relations in Ghana (1982-1992)." Langues & Cultures 1, no. 02 (2020): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.62339/jlc.v1i02.93.

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À moins d'être autoritaire et répressif, aucun gouvernement au monde ne peut prétendre réussir sans le soutien de sa main-d'œuvre. Etre aux prises avec un partenaire aussi puissant signifie un échec flagrant de toute politique. Au Ghana des années 1980, cela n’a pas fait exception. Le présent article vise à souligner le rôle central que le Congrès des syndicats a joué dans le processus de démocratisation qui a donné naissance à la Quatrième République en 1992 à la suite d'un intense affrontement syndicat-gouvernement. Initialement une organisation ouvrière dont la tâche principale était de pro
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Simms, Melanie, Jane Holgate, and Carl Roper. "The Trades Union Congress 150 years on." Employee Relations: The International Journal 41, no. 2 (2019): 331–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-09-2018-0242.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on how the UK’s Trade Union Congress, in the 150th year of its formation, has been responding to the significant changes in the labour market, working practices and union decline. The paper considers Trades Union Congress (TUC) initiatives to recruit and organise new groups of workers as it struggles to adapt to the new world of work many workers are experiencing. Although the paper reviews progress in this regard it also considers current and future challenges all of which are becoming increasingly urgent as the current cohort of union membershi
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6

Heery, Edmund. "The Relaunch of the Trades Union Congress." British Journal of Industrial Relations 36, no. 3 (1998): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8543.00097.

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7

Dorfman, Gerald A. "British Trade Unionism against the Trades Union Congress." Labour / Le Travail 19 (1987): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142833.

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8

Major, John. "The Trades Union Congress and Apartheid, 1948–1970." Journal of Southern African Studies 31, no. 3 (2005): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070500202089.

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9

Stevens, Richard. "Containing Radicalism: The Trades Union Congress Organisation Department and Trades Councils, 1928-1953." Labour History Review 62, no. 1 (1997): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.62.1.5.

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10

Zahn, Rebecca. "Walter Citrine. Forgotten Statesman of the Trades Union Congress." Industrial Law Journal 51, no. 1 (2022): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwab038.

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11

Coates, Chris. "Union History Online: Digitization Projects in the Trades Union Congress Library Collections." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790999007x.

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Since its foundation as a central body for British trade unions in 1868, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) has been involved in the creation of the welfare state and public health, education and social services. It has helped to ensure legal rights in employment and an end to discrimination. The Labour Party was established by the TUC so that working people could have their own representatives in Parliament. The TUC has played an important role in international affairs, and union representatives have sat on public bodies and government advisory boards at national and international level.
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12

Babcock, Robert. "Sam Gompers and the Expansion of the A.F. of L. Into Canada, 1882-1898." Relations industrielles 27, no. 3 (2005): 403–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/028309ar.

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In the 1890's Gompers began dreaming of an international federation of labor, and became increasingly anxious to assert hegemony over organized labor in Canada. At the same time, some Canadians hoped to transform the Trades Congress into a Canadian federation of labor which would doubtless absorb, in time, the international union locals in Canada. Largely because Trades Congress leaders felt compelled to rely upon the Federation for funds and organizers, aC. F. of L. never came to pass, and Gompers was free to pursue his continentalist designs. The famous Berlin decisions of 1902 were rather c
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13

O'Connor, Emmet. "Problems of Reform in the Irish Trades Union Congress, 1894-1914." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, no. 23-24 (April 2007): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2007.23-24.3.

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14

Griggs, Clive. "The Trades Union Congress and secondary education for all 1926‐39." Journal of Educational Administration and History 33, no. 1 (2001): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0022062010330103.

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15

Williamson, Janet. "Tackling private equity – the role of the Trades Union Congress (UK)." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 15, no. 2 (2009): 297–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890901500210.

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16

Farnhill, Thomas. "Environmental Policy-making at the British Trades Union Congress 1967–2011." Capitalism Nature Socialism 25, no. 1 (2014): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2013.879196.

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17

Parker, Jane. "The Trades Union Congress and civil alliance building: towards social movement unionism?" Employee Relations 30, no. 5 (2008): 562–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425450810888312.

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18

Pike, Andy, Peter O'Brien, and John Tomaney. "Devolution and the Trades Union Congress in North East England and Wales." Regional & Federal Studies 16, no. 2 (2006): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560600652049.

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19

Haughton, Lesley. "Supporting learners through trade unions." Journal of the National Institute for Career Education and Counselling 20, no. 1 (2008): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20856/jnicec.2005.

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This article examines the role of voluntary trade union activists in delivering information advice and guidance aboutlearning, work and careers to members of their unions. The context for this work is the learning and skills system in England, not for the United Kingdom as a whole. It presents a case study of the way in which we in unionlearn, the learning and skills organisation established by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), have developed a model and strategy for supporting learners in unions. Unions in other European Union (EU) countries may wish to consider how this model could be context
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20

Boampong, Owusu. "Stretching to informal workers: The Ghana Trades Union Congress’s hand and social protection." Oguaa Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 1 (2013): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/joss.v7i1.590.

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Trade unions have adopted various ingenious strategies to reach out to groups of informal workers who were once considered beyond organisation. The unions claim this move is meant to offer protection to the unregulated workers. Drawing largely on secondary data (i.e. through the review of relevant documents) this paper shows that organisational coverage of unions to date lacks the substance of meaningful and genuine representation of their fluid affiliated informal workers. The voices and interests of affiliated informal workers are excluded from the mainstream activities of the formal traditi
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채준호 and 박명준. "Trades Union Congress(TUC) and Policy-Competence : Focusing on Policy-Formation and Implementation." Korean Journal of Labor Studies 20, no. 3 (2014): 297–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.17005/kals.2014.20.3.297.

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22

McIlroy, John. "Storm and Stress: The Trades Union Congress and University Adult Education 1964–1974." Studies in the Education of Adults 20, no. 1 (1988): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02660830.1988.11730505.

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23

Mitchell, Neil J. "Changing Pressure-Group Politics: The Case of the Trades Union Congress, 1976–84." British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 4 (1987): 509–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004907.

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This Note presents a variety of new evidence on the paths and channels that one pressure group, the Trades Union Congress (TUC), has used to influence or obstruct public policy in Britain over the last decade. Where is pressure applied? At what level? Which departments are most important? What is the role of tripartite organizations? How are policy positions communicated? In addition to these and similar questions the evidence permits a systematic examination of the impact made by a change in the party of government upon the structure of group-government interaction. Two contrasting patterns o
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Wintle, Christopher. "LETTERS TO THE EDITOR." Tempo 58, no. 229 (2004): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298204210257.

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My admiration for Michael Graubart's probing review of Hans Keller's Music and Psychology (Tempo Volume 58, No.227) is, I have to say, a little qualified by some of his censures over my editing. However, I agree that there are real issues at stake, and that some of these go beyond his own demonstrable errors: HK's piece on capital punishment on p. 31, for instance, is not appended ‘without explanation’, for the provenance is explained barely an inch above the text; the translators (Irene Auerbach and myself) are not ‘not named’, but are acknowledged on p. xix; and the New Oxford Dictionary of
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25

Tay, Patrick. "Can We Do More to Help PMEs Overcome Disruption and Discrimination in the Next Normal?" Singapore Labour Journal 01, no. 01 (2022): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2811031523000098.

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This paper examines the key concerns and needs of professionals, managers and executives (PMEs) in Singapore. The top concerns of PMEs are lack of job security and the need for greater support in employment and training opportunities. Drawing on the findings from the joint National Trades Union Congress-Singapore National Employers Federation PME Taskforce report, this paper highlights key insights from the taskforce’s engagements and follows with a condensed discussion of recommendations to enhance the employment and employability of PMEs.
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26

Horwood, Thomas. "Public Opinion and the 1908 Eucharistic Congress." Recusant History 25, no. 1 (2000): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200032039.

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The summer of 1908 was a summer of congresses in London. The decennial Pan-Anglican Congress assembled in July, the History of Religions Congress met in September, the Trades Union Congress held its annual meeting shortly thereafter, and the International Congress on Moral Education took place in October. None of these received as much newspaper attention as the Roman Catholic International Eucharistic Congress, which convened in England for the first time, from Wednesday 9 to Sunday 13, September. Many column inches were devoted to the preparations and proceedings; photographs were printed; a
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Stage, Kirstie. "‘Do your duty; get together, work together and take action together, with confidence and pride’." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 11, no. 4 (2024): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v11i4.1570.

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Drawing on sources from the Trades Union Congress (TUC) collection at the Modern Records Centre (MRC), this critical reflection draws on some of the seminal works from the National Union of the Deaf. In addition, MRC sources showed the dialogue between the NUD and TUC, including private correspondence, draft notes and sent letters amongst Deaf members of the NUD and TUC Executive members. Furthermore, these discussions and foundation works provide insight into Deaf people’s political organising in Britain throughout the mid-1970s, as well as the labour movement and broader political landscape
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Bingham, LCJ, and J. Morison. "R v SECRETARY OF STATE FOR TRADE AND INDUSTRY EX P. TRADES UNION CONGRESS." European Law Reports 4, no. 6 (2000): 698–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/elr.v4n6.698.

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29

McIlroy, John. "The new politics of pressure – the Trades Union Congress and new Labour in government." Industrial Relations Journal 31, no. 1 (2000): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2338.00143.

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30

Foden, David. "Conference Report: the 126th annual Trades Union Congress, Blackpool, September 5 to 9, 1994." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 1, no. 1 (1995): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899500100126.

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31

Ng, Chee Meng. "National Trades Union Congress (NTUC)’s Changing Role in Shaping Singapore’s Evolving Work Compact." Singapore Labour Journal 01, no. 01 (2022): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2811031523000062.

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This paper provides insights on the key challenges tripartism will face as Singapore’s developmental context and social compact around work evolve. Specifically, it examines how NTUC’s role has evolved to address key challenges, especially during the pandemic. In doing so, it seeks to outline NTUC’s forward response of social dialogue towards longer term socioeconomic, demographic and other disruptive trends Singapore faces, including rapid technological change, skills obsolescence, workforce fragmentation and an ageing population, inviting individual stakeholders and partners to partake in co
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Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such
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Tan, Vivienne Pei Liang, and Dawn Seow Yuen Liw. "Supporting Workforce and Company Transformation Through the Labour Movement: Company Training Committees and Training and Placement Ecosystem." Singapore Labour Journal 01, no. 01 (2022): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2811031523000086.

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The Labour Movement has always been an anchoring force in Singapore, where the government, employers and unions work for a common cause. This tripartite partnership has enabled the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) to be progressive in its efforts to support workers’ skills upgrading to stay relevant. Amidst the dynamic economic landscape, this article explores how NTUC, through the Company Training Committee (CTC) partnerships and the NTUC Training and Placement (T&P) ecosystem, continues to achieve its core purpose of advancing workers’ interests while helping companies to meet their
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Nowak, Paul, and Andy Hodder. "150 years of the Trades Union Congress – reflections on the past and challenges for the future." Employee Relations: The International Journal 41, no. 2 (2019): 270–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-12-2018-0323.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to look back on 150 years of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and reflect on the recent challenges to organised labour. Design/methodology/approach Places unions in their current context and discusses how they have responded to the challenge of declining membership. Findings With declining membership levels and the lack of a “silver bullet” solution, unions continue to face many challenges, although there is some light at the end of the organising tunnel. Originality/value This paper introduces the special issue which reflects on 150 years of the TUC.
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Gregory, Denis. "The promise of partnership." Concepts and Transformation 6, no. 3 (2001): 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cat.6.3.03gre.

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‘Partnership’ is a word that crops up with increasing frequency in government, trade union and management circles in the UK. For many it neatly embodies both the practice and sentiment of the so-called ‘third way’. In the workplace, a partnership approach to industrial relations has been offered as a neo-pluralist alternative to the unitarism of Human Resources Management. The Trades Union Congress (TUC) is an active proponent of partnership and the government has created a fund to support the development of partnership at the workplace. This article sketches some theoretical underpinning for
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Palmer, Tom. "“For Your Freedom and Ours”." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 83–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.83-113.

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 Across Western Europe the emergence of Poland’s Solidarność, the first independent trade union in a communist state, elicited varied responses. While the assistance pro- vided to Polish workers from continental European has been addressed, the solidar- ity effort in Britain is scarcely understood. Building on Stefan Berger and Norman LaPorte’s previous work, this article investigates the response of the British labour movement across the UK. While the British Left’s response is typically considered lukewarm, this article exposes the discrepancy between the efforts of ran
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Phillips, Jim. "George Bain and Memories of the Bullock Committee on Industrial Democracy." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 44, no. 1 (2023): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2023.44.10.

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George Bain was interviewed on 26 January 2023, using the format of a life-course interview to frame his memories of the Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy, 1975–77, chaired by Alan Bullock, which explored how industrial democracy could be advanced through proposals made by the Trades Union Congress in 1972–73 for board-level workers’ representation, which it saw as a means to locate workers’ interests more centrally within corporate strategy. Two issues emerged in the workings of the committee: the macro division of class and ideology, chiefly between union and unionsympathizing adv
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Tay, Patrick. "Addressing Employment Challenges for Ex-Offenders." Singapore Labour Journal 02, no. 01 (2023): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2811031523000189.

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This practitioner note provides an overview of the National Trades Union Congress’ (NTUC) engagement initiatives with ex-offenders, inmates, and employers interested in hiring them. These efforts aim to address the marginalised segments affected by the rapidly evolving economic and labour landscape. NTUC’s broader campaign to renew its compact with workers encompassed these engagements. In tackling the employment challenges faced by ex-offenders, NTUC remains dedicated to expanding the pool of inclusive employers, improving job retention rates, and fostering career progression. However, to fac
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England, Joe. "Formation, Legacy, and Change in the National Union of General and Municipal Workers, and the Transport and General Workers’ Union, 1889-1978." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 42, no. 1 (2021): 27–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2021.42.2.

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This article explores the paradox of the two large ‘general’ workers’ unions - the former Transport and General Workers’ Union (TGWU) and the National Union of General and Municipal Workers (NUGMW) - which from their militant origins to within a comparatively few years were seen as undemocratic, moderate in industrial tactics and right-wing in labour politics - ‘pillars of conservatism’. In due time they moved from the fringes to centre stage, acquiring one in four of all trade-unionists, and dominating with their block votes the decisions of the Trades Union Congress and the Labour Party conf
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Oude Nijhuis, Dennie. "The TUC and the Failure of Labour's Postwar Social Agenda." International Labor and Working-Class History 89 (2016): 162–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000016.

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AbstractThis article illustrates the crucial role played by the Trades Union Congress and its occupationally organized union affiliates in the failure of Labour's postwar social agenda. It has been widely recognized that Labour's inability to improve the social insurance system and construct an effective floor under wages during the first decades of the postwar period was of crucial importance to the continual underdevelopment of the British welfare state and the emergence of a dual welfare system in the United Kingdom. Yet that Labour's inability to do so was to a large extent the result of u
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Lyddon, Dave. "The Industrial Relations of In Place of Strife (1969): The Search for Sanctions through the Prism of Key Industrial Disputes." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 42, no. 1 (2021): 145–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2021.42.6.

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The 1969 White Paper In Place of Strife was the Labour government’s response to the 1968 Donovan Report. Its most contested proposals were three penal clauses, where fines could be imposed: against unions for refusing to ballot in certain official strikes or if they struck against a ruling in inter-union recognition disputes; and against workers for refusing to return to work when a ‘conciliation pause’ was ordered in certain unconstitutional strikes (in breach of a disputes procedure). Peter Dorey’s political account Comrades in Conflict (2019) provides an opportunity to explore the industria
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Del Rossi, Maria Paola. "Il Trades Union Congress e l'Europa: dal dibattito sull'ingresso nella Cee al Trattato di Maastricht (1961-1992)." STORIA E PROBLEMI CONTEMPORANEI, no. 93 (November 2024): 15–31. https://doi.org/10.3280/spc2024-093003.

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Broad, Matthew. "Negotiating ‘outer Europe’: the Trades Union Congress (TUC), transnational trade unionism and European integration in the 1950s." History of European Ideas 46, no. 1 (2019): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2019.1703854.

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Thomas, Patricia. "The Other Side of History: Underground Literature and the 1951 Waterfront Dispute." Back Story Journal of New Zealand Art, Media & Design History, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/backstory.vi3.27.

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In February 1951, industrial discord between New Zealand watersiders and British ship-owners led to a dispute that was seen by each as a lockout and a strike respectively. Throughout the duration of the dispute, the Trades Union Congress and Wellington Waterside Workers’ Union Action Committee produced and distributed substantial amounts of printed material to stiffen the struggle among its members, vilify strike-breakers and the National Government – whose ultimate aim it was to crush the Union –and to ridicule the police – who were the instruments ofenforcement against the newly-minted Water
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McIlroy, John. "Organizing for partnership: the influence of the American Federation of Labor - Congress of Industrial Organisations on the British Trades Union Congress 1995–2005." Labor History 54, no. 2 (2013): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2013.773143.

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Pike, Andy, Peter O'Brien, and John Tomaney. "Trade Unions in Local and Regional Development and Governance: The Northern Trades Union Congress in North East England." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 19, no. 2 (2004): 102–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0269094042000203072.

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Tan, Wendy. "Supporting Youth to Realise Their Aspirations and Address Their Needs." Singapore Labour Journal 01, no. 01 (2022): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2811031523000104.

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This practitioner note examines the support Young NTUC, the youth wing of the National Trades Union Congress, offers to youth in Singapore. In such uncertain times and due to the wide variety of influences of which creates diversified new goals and values in life, youth’s motivations, needs and aspirations are constantly shifting, possibly on opposite ends of the spectrum. Most notably, mental well-being has come to the forefront of priorities amongst youth. This practitioner note will explain Young NTUC’s efforts in engaging youth to support them on their career and adulthood journey. Harness
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Porter, Laraine. "OK for Sound? The Reception of the Talkies in Britain, 1928–32." Journal of British Cinema and Television 17, no. 2 (2020): 212–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2020.0520.

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The arrival of the talkies in Britain evoked mixed responses. While popular audiences enthusiastically embraced Hollywood musicals like the Al Jolson hit The Singing Fool (1928), the literati were often scathing of ‘mechanical’ music and dialogue. Hollywood dictated the speed of change and economics and public demand soon forced the British film industry to convert to sound, but critics, intellectuals, educators, artists, literary figures and musicians were openly hostile to the new art form, opening a chasm between popular taste and intellectual response. The cacophony of dissenting voices wa
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Frank, Christopher. "Cash Wages, the Truck Acts, and the 1960 Payment of Wages Act." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (2020): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2020.41.4.

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From the mid-1950s until the early 1960s, there was an ongoing tussle between British employers and the Trades Union Congress (TUC) over whether to repeal the (1831-96) Truck Acts which established the right of manual workers to be paid in cash (‘coin of the realm’) and regulated employers’ ability to fine them or take deductions from their wages. Many employers advocated repeal, insisting that truck legislation was ill-suited to the modern economy, interfered with freedom to contract, and impeded more efficient forms of paying wages. Organized labour, through the TUC, countered that these law
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Bound, Helen. "Future-Oriented Learning in Workplaces and Company Training Committees." Singapore Labour Journal 03, no. 01 (2024): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2811031524000044.

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Abstract:
The world of work is dynamic and emergent, demanding different approaches to learning in, through, and for work. The main focus of this paper is to address the question of how we can think differently about learning in the workplace and supporting learning. Supporting learning is a pedagogical act in its broadest sense. Given the landscape of dynamic change in which individuals and firms work, pedagogies and ways of thinking about pedagogy need to be future-oriented. We need to develop people and firms that are able to thrive in constantly changing circumstances, to be able to work with emerge
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