Journal articles on the topic 'Global Partnership to Roll Back Malaria'

In May 2015 the 62th World Health Assembly formulated a global malaria strategy for 2016-2030 aiming to “reduce the global disease burden by 40% by 2020, and by at least 90% by 2030. It also aims to eliminate malaria in at least 35 new countries by 2030”.(1) As a reminder, it was 60 years ago that the Eighth World Health Assembly decided in 1955 to shift from malaria control to malaria eradication, with the aim to make many areas of free of malaria “within 10 to 15 years”.(2) This has yet to be accomplished in many malaria endemic countries such as Indonesia, where the earliest program was the malaria eradication program of 1959, evolving into the malaria control program, the roll-back malaria program, and finally in 2012 into the malaria elimination program.(3) In view of the ever-present insecticideresistance

While anthropological studies of intervention typically argue that interveners usually misunderstand local priorities, rarely do accounts illustrate clearly what this looks like on the ground. Based on my ethnographic observation in Nsukka, a locality in southeastern Nigeria, I narrate how local targets engaged malaria intervention with aims different from those of the interveners. I show that malaria is locally viewed as a routine issue unworthy of special intervention, with targets instead constructing the intervention as a chance to cultivate connections with government, NGOs and global actors in order to fulfill aspirations of benefiting from globalization more generally. How kinship relationships mediated this engagement in Nsukka is an interesting perspective the study uncovered. The narrative offers a lens onto the visions local targets hold about how their society is globalizing in the current neoliberal context, and shows how these visions conflate the state, elite NGOs, and relevant transnational actors.

Approximately one-third of the world's population that is at risk to malaria lives in India. Plasmodium falciparum, a deadly form of malaria, accounts for about 50% of the cases there. Since 1940s, India has used a number of programs to combat the disease with variable success. Since 1998, the total numbers of malaria cases, and in particular P. falciparum cases, have been steadily declining, making India one of the success stories among the countries supported by the Roll Back Malaria (RBM) Partnership. This article considers India's P. falciparum control methods from the perspective of a Ross-MacDonald type model. The model is fitted to the P. falciparum cases in India over the period 1983–2009. We focus on the disease reproduction number as being a measure of success of programs. Before the start of RBM measures, the disease reproduction number was [Formula: see text], meaning that the incidence of disease was increasing among the population. With the new control measures [Formula: see text], suggesting that P.falciparum cases may be declining to zero but extremely slowly. The model here projects 0.734 million cases of P. falciparum malaria for 2010, down from 1.14 million cases in 2000. This impressive 36% decrease falls somewhat short of the RBM's goal of 50% reduction. However, a sensitivity analysis of the disease reproduction number done here suggests that India's control programs do apply controls at the most critical points in the disease cycle; namely, mosquito biting rates, mosquito mortality, and treatment of infected humans. This suggests that as more resources become available, they should be applied to strengthen these controls. The novelty here is in fitting recent data on malaria from India to derive current values of the disease reproduction number.

Malaria has been treated for over 350 years with quinine and quinine-derived drugs. However, in several areas of the world, some strains of the malarial parasitePlasmodium falciparumhave developed resistance against these drugs. Recently, the World Health Organization (WHO) recommended the use of artemisinin-combination treatments (ACT) as the first-line treatment for multidrug-resistant falciparum malaria. The WHO estimates that current supplies of artemisinin are sufficient for only 30 million ACT, and is foreseeing the need for 130–220 million ACT in 2005 (WHO, 2004). Current research on the production of synthetic artemisinin-like compounds by the Roll Back Malaria project, pharmaceutical companies and academia resulted in a promising synthetic artemisinin-like compound (OZ277) which is currently undergoing phase I clinical trials. In about 5 years this drug is expected to be approved and made available to the public, however, meeting current global demands for ACT depends on the immediate availability of affordable artemisinin-derived drugs. This will involve expansion of the area under cultivation ofArtemisia annuaand improved methods of cultivation and processing of raw material, associated with more efficient methods for extraction and purification of artemisinin from plant material. This review addresses the agricultural, environmental and genetic aspects that may be useful in the successful large-scale cultivation ofA. annuaand for producing the antimalarial artemisinin in areas where it is urgently needed today. It also includes geographic aspects (latitude and altitude), which will help make decisions about crop establishment in tropical countries, and includes a list of Good Agricultural and Collection Practices forA. annua.

Malaria accounts for 14% of child deaths in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and one of the key interventions used to prevent malaria is to distribute insecticide-treated bednets (ITNs), especially long-lasting insecticidal nets (LLINs). The global health community and the Roll Back Malaria initiative have been struggling to achieve universal health coverage using ITNs, and recent studies have reported mixed results about the effects of door-to-door visits and mass distribution campaigns. We aimed to compare LLIN use for those provided by door-to-door hang-up visits and by conventional fixed distribution from distribution centers accompanied by a mass distribution campaign. A cluster randomized control trial was conducted in rural areas of Maniema Province, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo). Cross-sectional surveys were conducted on 2120 and 2156 households, respectively, with at least one child aged less than five in 76 villages. We assessed the effectiveness of door-to-door hang-up visits on the use of LLINs by exploring the interaction between the “intervention group” and “time” using generalized estimating equation models. Increased LLINs use was observed in all age groups in both arms, but usage differences were not significantly different (relative risk (RR) of LLINs use among children < 5 in the intervention group versus the control group after adjusted for clustering: 1.06, 95% CI: 0.85–1.33). We conclude that the door-to-door hang-up visits are not sufficient to persuade individuals (pregnant woman, children < 5, or all study participants) to use LLINs, although it did appear to be effective for the youngest children in the household.

Abstract We estimate the effects of a large-scale anti-malaria campaign on a rich set of human capital outcomes in 27 Sub-Saharan African countries. Using pre-campaign malaria risk as treatment probability, we exploit quasi-experimental variation in period and cohort exposure to anti-malaria campaigns. A conservative interpretation of our results shows a globally positive impact malaria aid: campaigns reduced the probability of infant mortality (1 percentage point) and birth (0.4 p.p.) and increased educational attainment (0.4 years) and the likelihood of adult paid employment (6 p.p.). These findings demonstrate how the effects of sweeping disease reduction efforts extend beyond health outcomes.

Abstract Background Malaria is endemic to Pakistan with high prevalence among pregnant women and linked with maternal anaemia, intrauterine growth retardation, preterm birth, and low birth weight. The use of long-lasting insecticidal nets (LLINs) is a proven and cost-effective intervention preventing malaria among pregnant women. The present study aimed to explore predictors of knowledge and use of LLINs among pregnant women in Pakistan. Methods This was part of a quasi-experimental study of 200 pregnant women conducted in a rural district of Sindh province in Pakistan. Data were collected using Malaria Indicator Survey questionnaires developed by Roll Back Malaria Partnership to end Malaria Monitoring and Evaluation Reference Group. Pregnant women and mothers with newborns of six months of age were interviewed in their homes. Results The age of the women was from 18 to 45, two thirds of the respondents (72.5%) were uneducated and married (77%). Majority (92%) of the women had received antenatal care during pregnancy, and 29.5% women had received counseling on malaria during their antenatal care visits. Multiple linear regression showed that the type of latrine was the most significant (β = 0.285, p < 0.001) determinant of knowledge about malaria among pregnant women followed by the death of a newborn (β = 0.271, p < 0.001). The use of mobile phone was the most significant (β = 0.247, p < 0.001) predictor of usage of LLINs among pregnant women followed by the death of a newborn (β = 0.232, p < 0.05). Conclusions Maternal education, type of latrine, use of mobile phone, malaria during previous pregnancy and newborn death were strong predictors of knowledge and use of LLINs in pregnant women in Pakistan. There is a need to scale-up programmes that aim to create awareness regarding malaria among pregnant women. Mobile phone technology can be used to implement awareness programmes focusing on malaria prevention among women.

Background: Prevention of malaria is a major priority for the roll back malaria partnership which recommends three-pronged approach for reducing the burden of malaria among pregnant women. The WHO framework for malaria prevention during pregnancy in areas of stable malaria transmission recommends IPT, use of ITN, and case management of malaria illness. Objective: This study sought to determine the knowledge of malaria and its preventive measures among pregnant women, assess their utilization of malaria preventive measures and attitude to treatment. To ascertain whether there exists any relationship between their knowledge and practice of prevention. Methodology: An institutional based, cross-sectional study was carried out. 385 consenting participants, between 18-48 years, were interviewed using a structured questionnaire. Information on socio-demographic characteristics, knowledge of malaria and its preventive measures, use of IPT and ownership/use of ITN, and attitude to treatment were recorded. Data were entered into Excel spreadsheet and analyzed with SPSS version 20. Associations between different variables were determined using Fisher’s exact test or Chi-square test, as appropriate, and logistic regression used to test statistical significance at P<0.05. Results: Of the 385 women, 307 (79.7%) had excellent (18.7%) and good (61%) knowledge, while 78 (20.3%) had average (16.6%) and poor (3.6%) knowledge. There was no difference in association of Knowledge with age, marital status, education, occupation, and parity. Of the 385 women, 61.3% were using IPT for chemoprophylaxis, 66.2% were using insecticide spray or repellants and 71.4% owned mosquito net; of these, 84% owned insecticide treated nets, but only 65.8% were using it in this current pregnancy. Reasons for not using nets ranged from unavailable 49.0%, discomfort due to heat 32.9%, fear of suffocation 6.9%, Spouse’s disapproval 3.9% and 1.0% ineffective. There was statistically significant difference between knowledge and use of IPT, ITN and insecticide sprays. Conclusion: There was adequate knowledge of malaria in pregnancy and its preventive measures, but utilization of these measures needs improvement. Efforts should be made to address barriers to utilization.

Lincolnshire, England. The crowd cheer when the ball breaks loose. From one end of the field to the other, the players chase, their snouts hovering just above the grass. It’s not a case of four legs being better, rather a novel way to attract customers to the Woodside Wildlife and Falconry Park. During the matches, volunteers are drawn from the crowd to hold goal posts at either end of the run the pigs usually race on. With five pigs playing, two teams of two and a referee, and a ball designed to leak feed as it rolls (Stevenson) the ten-minute competition is fraught with tension. While the pig’s contributions to “the beautiful game” (Fish and Pele 7) have not always been so obvious, it could be argued that specific parts of the animal have had a significant impact on a sport which, despite calls to fall into line with much of the rest of the world, people in Australia (and the US) are more likely to call soccer. The Football Precursors to the modern football were constructed around an inflated pig’s bladder (Price, Jones and Harland). Animal hide, usually from a cow, was stitched around the bladder to offer some degree of stability, but the bladder’s irregular and uneven form made for unpredictable movement in flight. This added some excitement and affected how ball games such as the often violent, calico matches in Florence, were played. In the early 1970s, the world’s oldest ball was discovered during a renovation in Stirling Castle, Scotland. The ball has a pig’s bladder inside its hand-stitched, deer-hide outer. It was found in the ceiling above the bed in, what was then Mary Queens of Scots’ bedroom. It has since been dated to the 1540s (McGinnes). Neglected and left in storage until the late 1990s, the ball found pride of place in an exhibition in the Smiths Art Gallery and Museum, Stirling, and only gained worldwide recognition (as we will see later) in 2006. Despite confirmed interest in a number of sports, there is no evidence to support Mary’s involvement with football (Springer). The deer-hide ball may have been placed to gather and trap untoward spirits attempting to enter the monarch’s sleep, or simply left by accident and forgotten (McGinnes in Springer). Mary, though, was not so fortunate. She was confined and forgotten, but only until she was put to death in 1587. The Executioner having gripped her hair to hold his prize aloft, realised too late it was a wig and Mary’s head bounced and rolled across the floor. Football Development The pig’s bladder was the central component in the construction of the football for the next three hundred years. However, the issue of the ball’s movement (the bounce and roll), the bladder’s propensity to burst when kicked, and an unfortunate wife’s end, conspired to push the pig from the ball before the close of the nineteenth-century. The game of football began to take its shape in 1848, when JC Thring and a few colleagues devised the Cambridge Rules. This compromised set of guidelines was developed from those used across the different ‘ball’ games played at England’s elite schools. The game involved far more kicking, and the pig’s bladders, prone to bursting under such conditions, soon became impractical. Charles Goodyear’s invention of vulcanisation in 1836 and the death of prestigious rugby and football maker Richard Lindon’s wife in 1870 facilitated the replacement of the animal bladder with a rubber-based alternative. Tragically, Mr Lindon’s chief inflator died as a result of blowing up too many infected pig’s bladders (Hawkesley). Before it closed earlier this year (Rhoads), the US Soccer Hall of Fame displayed a rubber football made in 1863 under the misleading claim that it was the oldest known football. By the late 1800s, professional, predominantly Scottish play-makers had transformed the game from its ‘kick-and-run’ origins into what is now called ‘the passing game’ (Sanders). Football, thanks in no small part to Scottish factory workers (Kay), quickly spread through Europe and consequently the rest of the world. National competitions emerged through the growing need for organisation, and the pig-free mass production of balls began in earnest. Mitre and Thomlinson’s of Glasgow were two of the first to make and sell their much rounder balls. With heavy leather panels sewn together and wrapped around a thick rubber inner, these balls were more likely to retain shape—a claim the pig’s bladder equivalent could not legitimately make. The rubber-bladdered balls bounced more too. Their weight and external stitching made them more painful to header, but also more than useful for kicking and particularly for passing from one player to another. The ball’s relatively quick advancement can thereafter be linked to the growth and success of the World Cup Finals tournament. Before the pig re-enters the fray, it is important to glance, however briefly, at the ball’s development through the international game. World Cup Footballs Pre-tournament favourites, Spain, won the 2010 FIFA World Cup, playing with “an undistorted, perfectly spherical ball” (Ghosh par. 7), the “roundest” ever designed (FIFA par.1). Their victory may speak to notions of predictability in the ball, the tournament and the most lucrative levels of professional endeavour, but this notion is not a new one to football. The ball’s construction has had an influence on the way the game has been played since the days of Mary Queen of Scots. The first World Cup Final, in 1930, featured two heavy, leather, twelve-panelled footballs—not dissimilar to those being produced in Glasgow decades earlier. The players and officials of Uruguay and Argentina could not agree, so they played the first half with an Argentine ball. At half-time, Argentina led by two goals to one. In the second half, Uruguay scored three unanswered goals with their own ball (FIFA). The next Final was won by Italy, the home nation in 1934. Orsi, Italy’s adopted star, poked a wildly swerving shot beyond the outstretched Czech keeper. The next day Orsi, obligated to prove his goal was not luck or miracle, attempted to repeat the feat before an audience of gathered photographers. He failed. More than twenty times. The spin on his shot may have been due to the, not uncommon occurrence, of the ball being knocked out of shape during the match (FIFA). By 1954, the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) had sought to regulate ball size and structure and, in 1958, rigorously tested balls equal to the demands of world-class competition. The 1950s also marked the innovation of the swerving free kick. The technique, developed in the warm, dry conditions of the South American game, would not become popular elsewhere until ball technology improved. The heavy hand-stitched orb, like its early counterparts, was prone to water absorption, which increased the weight and made it less responsive, particularly for those playing during European winters (Bray). The 1970 World Cup in Mexico saw football progress even further. Pele, arguably the game’s greatest player, found his feet, and his national side, Brazil, cemented their international football prominence when they won the Jules Rimet trophy for the third time. Their innovative and stylish use of the football in curling passes and bending free kicks quickly spread to other teams. The same World Cup saw Adidas, the German sports goods manufacturer, enter into a long-standing partnership with FIFA. Following the competition, they sold an estimated six hundred thousand match and replica tournament footballs (FIFA). The ball, the ‘Telstar’, with its black and white hexagonal panels, became an icon of the modern era as the game itself gained something close to global popularity for the first time in its history. Over the next forty years, the ball became incrementally technologically superior. It became synthetic, water-resistant, and consistent in terms of rebound and flight characteristics. It was constructed to be stronger and more resistant to shape distortion. Internal layers of polyutherane and Syntactic Foam made it lighter, capable of greater velocity and more responsive to touch (FIFA). Adidas spent three years researching and developing the 2006 World Cup ball, the ‘Teamgeist’. Fourteen panels made it rounder and more precise, offering a lower bounce, and making it more difficult to curl due to its accuracy in flight. At the same time, audiences began to see less of players like Roberto Carlos (Brazil and Real Madrid CF) and David Beckham (Manchester United, LA Galaxy and England), who regularly scored goals that challenged the laws of physics (Gill). While Adidas announced the 2006 release of the world’s best performing ball in Berlin, the world’s oldest was on its way to the Museum fur Volkerkunde in Hamburg for the duration of the 2006 FIFA World Cup. The Mary Queen of Scot’s ball took centre spot in an exhibit which also featured a pie stand—though not pork pies—from Hibernian Football Club (Strang). In terms of publicity and raising awareness of the Scots’ role in the game’s historical development, the installation was an unrivalled success for the Scottish Football Museum (McBrearty). It did, however, very little for the pig. Heads, not Tails In 2002, the pig or rather the head of a pig, bounced and rolled back into football’s limelight. For five years Luis Figo, Portugal’s most capped international player, led FC Barcelona to domestic and European success. In 2000, he had been lured to bitter rivals Real Madrid CF for a then-world record fee of around £37 million (Nash). On his return to the Catalan Camp Nou, wearing the shimmering white of Real Madrid CF, he was showered with beer cans, lighters, bottles and golf balls. Among the objects thrown, a suckling pig’s head chimed a psychological nod to the spear with two sharp ends in William Golding’s story. Play was suspended for sixteen minutes while police tried to quell the commotion (Lowe). In 2009, another pig’s head made its way into football for different reasons. Tightly held in the greasy fingers of an Orlando Pirates fan, it was described as a symbol of the ‘roasting’ his team would give the Kaiser Chiefs. After the game, he and his friend planned to eat their mascot and celebrate victory over their team’s most reviled competitors (Edwards). The game ended in a nil-all draw. Prior to the 2010 FIFA World Cup, it was not uncommon for a range of objects that European fans might find bizarre, to be allowed into South African league matches. They signified luck and good feeling, and in some cases even witchcraft. Cabbages, known locally for their medicinal qualities, were very common—common enough for both sets of fans to take them (Edwards). FIFA, an organisation which has more members than the United Nations (McGregor), impressed their values on the South African Government. The VuVuZela was fine to take to games; indeed, it became a cultural artefact. Very little else would be accepted. Armed with their economy-altering engine, the world’s most watched tournament has a tendency to get what it wants. And the crowd respond accordingly. Incidentally, the ‘Jabulani’—the ball developed for the 2010 tournament—is the most consistent football ever designed. In an exhaustive series of tests, engineers at Loughborough University, England, learned, among other things, the added golf ball-like grooves on its surface made the ball’s flight more symmetrical and more controlled. The Jabulani is more reliable or, if you will, more predictable than any predecessor (Ghosh). Spanish Ham Through support from their Governing body, the Real Federación Española de Fútbol, Spain have built a national side with experience, and an unparalleled number of talented individuals, around the core of the current FC Barcelona club side. Their strength as a team is founded on the bond between those playing on a weekly basis at the Catalan club. Their style has allowed them to create and maintain momentum on the international stage. Victorious in the 2008 UEFA European Football Championship and undefeated in their run through the qualifying stages into the World Cup Finals in South Africa, they were tournament favourites before a Jabulani was rolled into touch. As Tim Parks noted in his New York Review of Books article, “The Shame of the World Cup”, “the Spanish were superior to an extent one rarely sees in the final stages of a major competition” (2010 par. 15). They have a “remarkable ability to control, hold and hide the ball under intense pressure,” and play “a passing game of great subtlety [ ... to] patiently wear down an opposing team” (Parks par. 16). Spain won the tournament having scored fewer goals per game than any previous winner. Perhaps, as Parks suggests, they scored as often as they needed to. They found the net eight times in their seven matches (Fletcher). This was the first time that Spain had won the prestigious trophy, and the first time a European country has won the tournament on a different continent. In this, they have broken the stranglehold of superpowers like Germany, Italy and Brazil. The Spanish brand of passing football is the new benchmark. Beautiful to watch, it has grace, flow and high entertainment value, but seems to lack something of an organic nature: that is, it lacks the chance for things to go wrong. An element of robotic aptitude has crept in. This occurred on a lesser scale across the 2010 FIFA World Cup finals, but it is possible to argue that teams and players, regardless of nation, have become interchangeable, that the world’s best players and the way they play have become identikits, formulas to be followed and manipulated by master tacticians. There was a great deal of concern in early rounds about boring matches. The world’s media focused on an octopus that successfully chose the winner of each of Germany’s matches and the winner of the final. Perhaps, in shaping the ‘most’ perfect ball and the ‘most’ perfect football, the World Cup has become the most predictable of tournaments. In Conclusion The origins of the ball, Orsi’s unrepeatable winner and the swerving free kick, popular for the best part of fifty years, are worth remembering. These issues ask the powers of football to turn back before the game is smothered by the hunt for faultlessness. The unpredictability of the ball goes hand in hand with the game. Its flaws underline its beauty. Football has so much more transformative power than lucrative evolutionary accretion. While the pig’s head was an ugly statement in European football, it is a symbol of hope in its South African counterpart. Either way its removal is a reminder of Golding’s message and the threat of homogeneity; a nod to the absence of the irregular in the modern era. Removing the curve from the free kick echoes the removal of the pig’s bladder from the ball. The fun is in the imperfection. Where will the game go when it becomes indefectible? Where does it go from here? Can there really be any validity in claiming yet another ‘roundest ball ever’? Chip technology will be introduced. The ball’s future replacements will be tracked by satellite and digitally-fed, reassured referees will determine the outcome of difficult decisions. Victory for the passing game underlines the notion that despite technological advancement, the game has changed very little since those pioneering Scotsmen took to the field. Shouldn’t we leave things the way they were? Like the pigs at Woodside Wildlife and Falconry Park, the level of improvement seems determined by the level of incentive. The pigs, at least, are playing to feed themselves. Acknowledgments The author thanks editors, Donna Lee Brien and Adele Wessell, and the two blind peer reviewers, for their constructive feedback and reflective insights. The remaining mistakes are his own. References “Adidas unveils Golden Ball for 2006 FIFA World Cup Final” Adidas. 18 Apr. 2006. 23 Aug. 2010 . 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