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1
Weston, Delys E. "The political economy of global warming." Thesis, Curtin University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/1952.
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The science is unequivocal: the Earth’s biosphere is approaching global warming tipping points which, if passed, will become irreversible, taking the planet on a trajectory to a new geological era, unsuitable for human life. The scale and timing of irreversible tipping points being passed is not definitively known. Unless however, an urgent and radical change in the direction of human activities occurs, certainly within less than a decade, wide scale catastrophe is certain. How can we stop this?There has been an absence of critically informed debate about whether the current solutions proposed by international institutions (market, technical or biofuels) will work. The thesis begins by critically examining these, arguing that the dominant political economy framework in which they are embedded, precludes real and effective alternatives.Through the prism of the South African coal and electricity sectors, the thesis is able to demonstrate some key issues relevant to global warming, such as class, power, accumulation and the metabolic rift. South Africa was chosen as it represents a microcosm of the global capitalist economy. It also reveals the contradictions of being on the front line, both in facing the consequences of global warming and in exacerbating its causes. The coal and electricity sectors provide a snapshot of conflicting class interests, of the power and pervasiveness of the capitalist system and the relevance of these to global warming.In light of the South African analysis, the thesis argues for the importance of explicit and critical theory as a framework for understanding the world and providing a basis for social change. Critical theory is the dominant framework for political economy. It enables an ecological critique of capitalism, drawing on the historical materialism of Marxism, arguing that the imperatives of capitalism’s unrestrained exploitation of the ecology and society are based in the particular social relations of production. These in turn give rise to the metabolic rift, global warming and a myriad of other symptoms of the crises of capitalism.It is argued that the problems of global warming cannot be solved through capitalism. This means different economic structures will need to be established. The thesis concludes by setting out the principles upon which to build future societies. These are based within the constraints of first, humans’ physical needs for survival; second, the biosphere’s capabilities; and third, the harmonious and restorative relations between humans and nature. While the purpose is not to provide a comprehensive blueprint for the future, the thesis also provides examples of where some of these principles are found currently and of where transformative changes have taken place.
2
Ozcelik, Emre. "Institutional Political Economy Of Economic Development And Global Governance." Phd thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607360/index.pdf.
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There are two inter-related themes of this thesis: Economic development and global governance. We develop a perspective of &ndashwhat we call &ndash
&lsquo
Institutional International Political Economy&rsquo
(IIPE) in order to: i) assess the likelihood of developmental success on the part of the Third World countries in the twenty-first century, and ii) analyze the developmental and world-systemic implications of the so-called &lsquo
global governance model&rsquo
, which we conceptualize as an ultra-liberal capitalist project on the part of the &lsquo
commanding heights&rsquo
of the contemporary &lsquo
world-economy&rsquo
. Our IIPE-perspective relies on an &lsquo
institutionalist&rsquo
synthesis of the classic works of Karl Polanyi, Joseph Schumpeter and Fernand Braudel. In the light of this perspective, &lsquo
state-led development&rsquo
seems to be inconceivable in the face of &lsquo
governance&rsquo
, which is an attempt to disintegrate the &lsquo
institutional substance&rsquo
of the state-as-we-know-it into &lsquo
market-like processes&rsquo
. Nevertheless, &lsquo
governance&rsquo
is bound to become the victim of its own success insofar as it destroys the indispensable political institutions upon which capitalism has survived as a historical world-system in the past.
3
Gole, Thomas Russell. "Essays in Global Games and Political Economy." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11144.
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4
Nunn, A. "The political economy of crisis and global governance." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2005. http://eprints.leedsbeckett.ac.uk/1222/.
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5
Parker, Paul Kenneth. "Global coal trade : an international political economy approach." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1097/.
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This thesis argues that to better understand global coal trade, the conventional economic model of trade needs to be replaced with a more comprehensive international political economy model of trade. The rapid growth of global coal trade during the 1970s and 1980s is disaggregated by coal type, source and destination. The extent and adequacy of various data sets are assessed and contract data are selected as the source of greatest information. The limitations of the conventional least cost trade model are then evaluated using detailed Japanese and European trade data. The global coal trade is found not to conform with a uniform commodity market model, but to be fragmented. A new international political economy model is then developed to explain and evaluate the structures which create a fragmented coal trade. The importance of security, production, financial and information structures are each examined in turn. The security structure identifies the policies and decisions of the state and their importance in shaping trade. Important state initiatives include the protection of domestic industry and the promotion of diverse supply sources. Governments also enter bilateral trade and investment agreements and form international entities like the International Energy Agency which affect coal trade. Most studies of the coal trade concentrate on the production structure where investment in mines creates the productive capacity of the industry. Particular attention is paid to investment where mines are integrated either horizontally or vertically into large productive units which may effect bargaining power in the trade. The financial structure grew in importance in the 1970s and 1980s. Coal mines are increasingly financed on an independent project basis. However, loan finance is not necessarily independent of traditional investors. Linkages among loans to established joint venture partners or parent corporations and long term contracts are shown to be strong. The information structure is rarely studied, but essential to the trade process. Specialised information institutions have evolved to facilitate the reliable and coordinated control over trade flows. Japanese trading houses, sogo shosha, are shown to have an especially strong role in global coal trade. This pattern is contrasted with the declining and specialised role of European coal traders. The comparison of Japanese and European trade patterns and the attitudes of regional consumers offers a better understanding of global trade patterns than that offered by simple competitive models. The result is not only more detailed insight into trade patterns, but a better understanding of the resource trade process.
6
Ellis, Emily Melissa. "Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
7
Brandauer, Stefan. "Sovereign Debt and Economic Policies in Global Markets: A Political Economy Approach." Diss., lmu, 2006. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-50823.
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8
Weber, Heloise. "The global political economy of microcredit and poverty reduction." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326793.
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9
Balarezo, Christine A. "Selling Humans: the Political Economy of Contemporary Global Slavery." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2013. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc407818/.
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Human trafficking is a growing illegal crime, both in terms of numbers and profits. Thus, important to consider, as it is a human rights, political, criminal justice, national security, and economic issue. Previous studies have these examined these human trafficking factors independently, yet none have really taken into account how they work simultaneously. This study examines why human trafficker continues to occur, particularly at the domestic and transnational level, and also why some countries are better able to effectively deal with this problem in terms of criminalizing human traffickers. It is argued that at the domestic level, traffickers first must take into account the operating costs, illegal risks, bribery, and profits of the business. After considering these basic elements, they then need to consider the world, including economic, political, geographic, and cultural factors that may help facilitate human trafficking. However, human trafficking can occur across large geographic distances, though rare. This is more likely to happen based on the type of human trafficking group, available expatriate or immigrant networks, the origin-transit-destination country connection, or strength of the bilateral economic relationship between origin and destination countries. Finally, looking at why some countries are better able to criminalize traffickers helps us to better understand how human trafficking can be discouraged. In short, conformity of a country’s domestic anti-human trafficking law, as well as the degree of enforcement, should increase the probability of criminalizing a human trafficker. These three theoretical arguments help to better understand the nature of the business, and more importantly, why human trafficking continues.
10
Shaw, David. "Positioning Singapore in the global economy : a study of political and economic processes." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4227.
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This study seeks to understand the significance of political decision-making and economic processes in the establishment of Singapore as an Asian 'economic miracle'. Throughout the study, illustrative passages drawn from three case studies conducted in different sectors of the economy - the port, banking and the biomedical sciences — are used to throw light on matters such as the contribution of statutory boards and government-linked companies, privatisation, the role of foreign MNCs and direct investment, and the challenges facing local start-up companies. Singapore's linkages with the outside world are put in context through exploration of a theoretical framework comprising globalisation, regionalism and the world city concept. The treatment of these is questioning as well as descriptive, and also includes a substantial literature review. The main body of the thesis investigates five main factors that, in the author's view, influence the nature of Singapore's integration in the global economy. The first, often glossed over, is the enduring vulnerability of the city-state, both in economic and security terms. Second are the various means of state control of and intervention in, the economy. Third is the actual interface of Singapore and the global economy, and the approaches taken to the opportunities and dangers involved. The fourth and fifth factors — the growth of a knowledge-based economy and a refreshed and more urgent programme of regionalisation - represent the latest efforts to re-make the economy in order that Singapore remains competitive in a changing world. Following the conclusions to be drawn from the research project, the final chapter is given over to discussion about the future, highlighting the need for changes of mindset on the part of both government and governed, and closing with a proposal regarding the future direction of world-city research.
11
Ayers, Alison Judith. "The constitution of African democracy through the global political economy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404772.
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12
Benkenstein, Alex. "The Global Political Economy of Mining in Selected African States." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1934.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies)()--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.Many African countries present the observer with a paradox: though richly endowed with mineral wealth, these countries are among the least-developed in the world. Mineral resources have historically been an important source of revenue for the state and one finds great diversity in the strategies that states have employed to access this wealth. These strategies range from direct participation in mining activity by means of state-owned companies to more indirect methods such as taxes levied on mining activity, with approaches varying not only among states, but also over time as historically certain strategies with regard to state involvement in mining have come to predominate. This study develops a typology of public/private sector configurations in the mining sector. The typology consists of three models, a direct participation, market-led and sustainability model. This typology serves as an analytical tool to investigate the impact of mining codes on sustainable development. The study concludes that in many cases the investment-oriented mining code reform undertaken by African states in the 1980s and 1990s has had a negative impact through the social and environmental costs associated with mining. Increasing recognition of these costs has resulted in the emergence of a sustainability model.
13
Kirkup, Alexander Robert. "Exclusion in the global political economy : a critique of orthodoxy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2009. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/72301/.
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This work is a critique of orthodox conceptions of social exclusion in the global political economy. Following Foucault’s methodology, our argument is that orthodox political-economic discourses, from 18th and 19th century classical political economy to late 20th century neoliberalism, provide only partial and limited accounts of social exclusion, and as such obscure its production and reproduction within the global political economy. We uncover this problem by first examining the contemporary period of globalization, which reveals a discrepancy between orthodox discourse taken at face value and the actuality of social exclusion. Marx’s critique of classical political economy exposes the fundamental basis of this discrepancy as the way in which the false assumptions of orthodox discourse make the market appear ‘natural’ to human social relations. Exclusion is thus conceived as the state of being on the outside of the market and associated structures and institutions. This obscures how both the historical construction and political governance of the market produce patterns of social exclusion. To move beyond this failing we employ Marx’s historical materialism as an alternative perspective which brings to light the production of exclusion within and as a product of social structures and institutions. We combine this with Foucault’s notion of power to establish a framework to investigate the production of social exclusion in terms of land, labour, capital, rights, gender and truth. Initially we develop this as a general mode of inquiry, leading to brief studies of feudal Europe, classical Islam and T’ang China. Then we apply this framework to the historical construction and political governance of the market within the capitalist global political economy, drawing upon the work of Marx along with Stephen Gill, Antonio Gramsci and David Harvey. We study three historical periods to show the production of social exclusion at work. First, agrarian capitalism and the Industrial Revolution in England and their impact upon world trade. Second, the post-1945 ‘Golden Age’ of capitalism. And third, the post-1970s era of globalization. This work makes a contribution to knowledge by being the first attempt to understand the global political economy as a whole in terms of inclusion / exclusion, and the first systematic application of the concept of social exclusion on a global scale.
14
Derghoukassian, Khatchik. "Illicit Associations in the Global Political Economy: Courtesan Politics, Arms Trafficking and International Security." Scholarly Repository, 2010. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/467.
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The accelerated trend of globalization has transformed the traditional role of the state. According to James Mittelman and Robert Johnston, the state is engaged in a courtesan role, which consists in shifting from serving citizens to acting as tacit partners in market relations, including with globally organized criminal groups. Building on the concept of the courtesan role of the state, this study addresses: (a) the general question of direct and indirect connections of states with illicit transactions in the post-Cold War, with a special attention to arms trafficking; (b) the reaction of the United States, as the remaining unique superpower, to the behavior of states associated with global illicit transactions, especially when involving security-sensitive cases such as arms transfer; (c) the security implications of this particular feature of the global illicit economy, particularly how threats are defined in international politics in the post-Cold War unipolar world. Focusing on the Argentina venta de armas case of illicit arms transfer to the Balkans and Ecuador in the 1990s, the research explores (a) the structural conditions and the domestic roots of a state engaged in illegal transactions in the post-Cold War; (b) the superpower's reaction to policies involving illicit transactions; (c) the security consequences. Through these venues, the dissertation aims at refining the debate in IR Theory to provide a better understanding of the international security dynamics in the post-Cold War.
15
Beeson, Mark. "Neoliberalism and Australia's Economic Relationship with Japan: Policy Paradigms in a Global Political Economy." Thesis, Beeson, Mark (1996) Neoliberalism and Australia's Economic Relationship with Japan: Policy Paradigms in a Global Political Economy. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1996. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/22952/.
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The increasing internationalisation and integration of global economic activity has meant that the way nations seek to manage and accommodate such external imperatives is a critical determinant of national economic welfare. There has, however, been a notable variety of responses to these ubiquitous forces. In Australia, neoliberal ideas came to exert a powerful ideational influence over policy-makers during the 1980s as they attempted to reposition 'Australia' in response to the exigencies of external competition.
This thesis will argue that Australian policy makers' commitment to neoliberal ideas meant that policy was constructed within a limited set of theoretical parameters, which were unable to take account of the specific corporate and governmental practices of major trading partners. The thesis analyses the utility and effect of neoliberal ideas on the conduct of Australia's international economic relations, with particular reference to Japan. Japan is Australia's principal trading partner, an important potential source of investment capital, and the dominant economic actor in a region with which Australian policymakers seek greater 'integration'. This important economic relationship provides an appropriate case study with which to test the efficacy of the neoliberal model and the assumptions that inform it.
It will be demonstrated that some of the central concepts and assumptions of neo-classical theory, which are central to the discourse of neoliberalism, bear little resemblance to commercial practices in the region of which Australia is a part. In the course of this study, it will be argued that the dominance of neoliberal ideas may be best understood by considering their discursive influence, particularly as this was reinforced by an influential group of academics and government officials. The theoretical assumptions of these ideas will be examined, and the preconditions that rendered them attractive at a specific historical juncture detailed. It will be suggested that neoliberal ideas informed a specific political rationality which had discernible effects on a range of policy issues in Australia, but which was especially evident in the area of external economic policy.
16
Morton, Adam David. "Mexico in the global political economy : contesting the construction of hegemony." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396120.
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May, Christopher. "Knowing, owning, enclosing : a global political economy of intellectual property rights." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298902.
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Mansfield, Becky K. "Globalizing nature : political and cultural economy of a global seafood industry /." view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018380.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2001.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-163). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
19
Graham, John (Sean). "The Perfect Storm: How Australia Managed to Weather the Global Financial Crisis." Thesis, Department of Political Economy, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17725.
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Du, Toit Roscar. "Regulation of competition in a global economy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0022/MQ50929.pdf.
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Williams, Owain David. "TRIPS, biotechnology and the global knowledge structure." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364453.
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Hesketh, Chris. "Spaces of capital/spaces of resistance : Mexico and the global political economy." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2011. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12971/.
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Since 1994, Mexico has seen a proliferation of largely indigenous social movements asserting their right to land and territory, most notably within the southern part of the country. This thesis seeks to analyse why this has been the case by placing these movements within a theory of the production of space, and examining its role within the global political economy. It is submitted that events in southern Mexico can be explained as a clash between two distinct spatial projects; the spaces of capital on the one hand, and the spaces of resistance on the other. In order to make this argument, the inherent expansionary logic of capitalism as a mode of production is rendered, and it is detailed how the search for profit leads to constant alteration in socio-spatial relations. Using this framework, changes within the realm of production since the 1970s are investigated to reveal new socio-economic geographies, and the central role of class struggle in this process is asserted. The insertion of Latin America into global circuits of accumulation is then examined in relation to these arguments before the specific example of Mexico is turned to. Gramsci's concepts of passive revolution and hegemony are then deployed in order to analyse how spatial developments have been accomplished in Mexico though processes of state and class formation. Lastly, two regional case studies of the southern Mexican states of Oaxaca and Chiapas are explored in light of these theoretical contentions. These states serve to highlight not only the means by which capital is currently seeking to expand accumulation, but also underline the conflicts that arise from this process as new spaces of resistance have emerged that seeks to contest and remake space in radically new ways.
23
Gorn, Jason A. "German Banks in the Global Economy: Global Pressures and Public Sector Banking." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2008. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/9.
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German banking is distinguished from neighboring European banking systems by the influence of its public sector banks. Nearly 50 percent of German banking is carried out by government owned state banks (ländesbanken) and regional savings banks (sparkassen) whose roots date from the 18 th century. German banks play a particularly important role in the economy and exert more control over firms and corporations than do their American counterparts. German banks tend to be less profitable than foreign counterparts. German public banks were originally founded to foster local and regional business. However, the operations of German public sector banks now extend into all forms of international investment. German public banks are currently seeking new business models to increase profits as they are being forced to compete in the global financial market under liberal market practices dictated by the European Union. Turbulence in the global financial market precipitated by the U.S. sub‐prime mortgage meltdown has severely impacted German public sector banks, precipitating a banking crisis that leaves German taxpayers exposed to staggering losses. These global financial pressures dictate the restructuring of the German financial system. This restructuring has forced a breaking point in the traditional German corporatist banking model and is associated with significant risks to the stability of the German banking system.
24
Zeidler, Andreas. "The state as a facilitator in the illicit global political economy : Guinea-Bissau and the global cocaine trade." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6856.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study aims to approach illicit market activity, particularly transnational organ-ised crime, from a political-economy point of view. The study of illicit market activity is characterised by various and often ambiguous concepts and approaches. The benefits of a political-economy approach include the provision of an alternative view of the illicit, combin-ing aspects from these various approaches. The study of the Global Political Economy (GPE) examines the relationship between authority, mostly in the form of states, and markets. This thesis looks at the relationship between the state and illicit markets. It does so by using the concept Illicit Global Political Economy (IGPE), which is defined as concerning the social, political and economic arrangements affecting the global systems of illicit production, ex-change and distribution, and the mix of values reflected therein. States, illicit markets and criminal actors are considered here as interdependent and interrelated parts of the IGPE spe-cifically, and the overall GPE. Within this relationship several „roles‟ of the state are identi-fied: the state as a creator and regulator of the illicit, through its legislative and executive au-thorities; the state as a locale of the illicit, as home, host, transhipment or service state for transnational criminal activities; the state as a victim of the illicit, for example, through the inherent nature of crime denying the state´s jurisdiction over its territory and also through the use of violence or corruption by criminals; and the state as a facilitator for illicit activity, meaning that certain characteristics of states can enable illicit activity. This thesis is primarily concerned with the last role of the state. It is argued that certain characteristics of states, par-ticularly weak and transitional states, enable the state´s exploitation by criminal actors. In the framework provided by Phil Williams (2002) seven of these characteristics are referred to as capacity gaps, which can result in functional holes, possibly enabling illicit activity. The pri-mary research question of this thesis is, consequently: Is the role of the state as a facilitator in the IGPE enabled by the existence of capacity gaps and functional holes? The West African state of Guinea-Bissau has been chosen as a case study for its role as a transhipment state in the global cocaine trade. In the first part of the analytical process of this thesis, the global cocaine trade and its historical development are described and analysed for the social, political and economic arrangements affecting it. This highlights the im-portance of taking into account these arrangements for a full understanding of the illicit. Addi-tionally, an analysis of the political-economy of Guinea-Bissau provides the necessary back-ground for understanding the second part of this thesis´ approach. Here, the state of Guinea-Bissau is examined firstly for the existence of capacity gaps and functional holes. If they are found to exist, whether and how they are being used by cocaine traffickers is examined. It was found that six out of seven capacity gaps exist in Guinea-Bissau, most of which are being used by the cocaine traffickers. The involvement of the military in the drug trade in combina-tion with its apparent extra-judicial standing is found to be of particular importance for the cocaine traffickers. This analysis allows for the research question to be answered positively. Moreover, the thesis can be considered to generally affirm the usefulness of a political-economy approach to analysing the illicit and affirms specifically the usefulness of the con-cept of the IGPE.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie poog om onwettige markaktiwiteite, spesifiek transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad, uit 'n politiek-ekonomiese standpunt te benader. Die studie van die onwettige word gekarakteriseer deur verskeie en dikwels dubbelsinnige konsepte en benaderings. Die voordele van 'n politiek-ekonomiese benadering sluit die voorsiening van 'n alternatiewe beskouing van die onwettige dus 'n kombinasie van aspekte van die verskillende benaderings. Die studie van Globale Politieke Ekonomie (GPE) fokus op die verhouding tussen gesag, meestal in die vorm van die state en markte. Hierdie tesis fokus op die verhouding tussen die staat en onwettige markte. Dit word gedoen deur gebruik te maak van die konsep Onwettige Globale Politieke Ekonomie (OGPE), wat gedefinieer kan word as die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese reëlings wat die globale sisteem van onwettige produksie, wisseling en dustribusie affekteer, en die vermenging van waardes wat daardeur gereflekteer word. State, markte en kriminele akteurs word hier beskou as afhanklike en onderliggende dele van die OGPE, spesifiek, en die algehele GPE. Binne hierdie verhouding kan daar verskeie „rolle‟ van die staat geïdentifiseer word: die staat as skepper en reguleerder van die onwettige deur die wetgewende en uitvoerende gesag; die staat as lokaliteit van die onwettige, as tuiste, gasheer, oorskeping of diens staat vir transnasionale georganiseerde misdaadaktiwiteite; die staat as slagoffer van die onwettige, byvoorbeeld deur die inherente natuur van misdaad wat die staat se jurisdiksie oor sy grense ontneem asook deur die gebruik van geweld of korrupsie deur kriminele; en die staat as fasiliteerder vir onwettige aktiwiteite, wat beteken dat sekere eienskappe van die staat onwettige aktiwiteite moontlik maak. Hierdie tesis fokus spesifiek op laasgenoemde rol van die staat. Daar word geargumenteer dat sekere eienskappe van state, meer spesifiek swak en oorgangstate, dit makliker maak vir kriminele akteurs om die staat uit te buit. In die raamwerk wat voorgestel word deur Phil Williams (2002) word daar sewe van hierdie eienskappe geïdentifiseer en verwys na as kapasiteitsopeninge wat funksionele gapings kan veroorsaak, en so onwettinge aktiwiteite moontlik maak. Die primêre navorsingsvraag van hierdie tesis is gevolglik: Word die rol van die staat as fasiliteerder in die OGPE moontlik gemaak deur die teenwoordigheid van kapasiteitsopeninge en funksionele gapings? Die Wes-Afrika staat Guinee-Bissau dien as gevallestudie vir sy rol as oorskeep staat in globale handel in kokaïen. In die eerste gedeelte van die analitiese proses van hierdie tesis, word globale handel in kokaïen en die historiese ontwikkeling daarvan beskryf en geanaliseer vir die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese reëlings wat ‟n impak daarop het. Dit bring die belangrikheid van die inagneming van hierdie reëlings, indien die onwettige verstaan wil word, na vore. 'n Addisonele analiese van die politieke ekonomie van Guinee-Bissau verskaf die nodige agtergrond- informasie om die tweede gedeelte van hierdie tesis se benadering te verstaan. Hier die staat Guinee-Bissau word eerstens ondersoek vir die teenwoordigheid van kapasiteitsopeninge en funksionele gapings, en tweedens hoe dit gebruik word deur kokaïen smokkelaars. Die studie vind dat ses vanuit die sewe kapasiteitsopeninge wel in Guinee-Bissau voorkom en gebruik word deur smokkelaars. Die wederregtelike rol van die landmag, wat gewoonlik die smokkelaars ondersteun, is vir die smokkelaars baie belangrik. Hierdie analiese laat dit toe dat die navorsingsvraag positief beantwoord word. Verder, in hierdie tesis word die bruikbaarheid van 'n politiek-ekonomiese aanslag tot die onwettige en die spesifieke teoretiese fondasies daarvan bevestig.
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Wigan, Duncan. "A global political economy of derivatives risk, property and the artifice of indifference." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488564.
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This analysis examines the phenomenon of a globe-spanning lattice of financial derivatives. Derivatives have instrumentalised risk in such a way as to promote financialised accumulation, which abstracts from any linear relationship to underlying processes of real wealth creation.
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Waesche, Niko Marcel. "Global opportunity and national political economy : the development of internet ventures in Germany." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1645/.
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In the late 1990s, the internet was heralded as a global opportunity for new ventures. One aspect of this opportunity was the innovation of including small firms and consumers in seamless 'business webs.' The second aspect was the distance insensitivity and internationality of the internet. New ventures appeared in different countries responding to this seemingly global opportunity. In Germany, this response appeared especially strong against the background of years of slow development of the domestic information technology (IT) sector. This thesis examines the role of national government policy in a world being transformed by technology. 'Network thinkers,' following Schumpeter's concept of 'creative destruction,' believed the internet represented a global innovation opportunity. They emphasised the independence and self-governance of globally networked market players, arguing that the territorial basis of national government policy has eroded. The problematique guiding this research effort has emerged from this thinking. Can the concepts associated with network thinking account for the apparently strong entrepreneurial response to the internet in Germany. A detailed study of the development of internet ventures in Germany was carried out to examine this guiding question. The study was supported by quantitative data supplied through a 123-firm survey conducted in the Spring of 1998. This research revealed that the entrepreneurial response in Germany was much weaker than it appeared to contemporary observers. New ventures had to adopt a 'mixed-play' approach which placed them on a less innovative and less international, slower growth trajectory. Two key policy arenas were identified which constrained the development of German internet ventures: (I) The course of telecommunications liberalisation and (2) the initial lack of venture capital. Practitioners have long been aware of the importance of these two determinants for internet development. The main contribution of this thesis has been to add to the understanding of how these two factors have operated in a national environment conditioned by distinctive institutions.
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Martelli, Angelo. "Essays on the political economy of employment polarisation : global forces and domestic institutions." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3719/.
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This thesis investigates the political economy of employment polarization focusing on the implications of this phenomenon along three main research fronts. The first paper follows a methodology which resembles closely the one adopted by Goos, Manning and Salomons (2014), however it further extends this framework by testing the joint effect of routinization and labour market institutions on employment structures. The evidence provided suggests that the claim of a pervasive technology-induced polarization should be revised in order to comprise a role for the institutional component. The second paper explores whether job polarization has a feedback effect on labour market institutions and policies, so that different degrees of polarization lead to different articulations of institutions at the domestic level, thus reinforcing or altering differences in national models across the European space. The analysis finds that the job polarization experienced by a particular country in the 5 years before a reform instance is consistently among the strongest predictors of reform activity, as significant as other drivers such as GDP growth and government net debt. Moreover, a higher degree of polarization tends to be associated with more deregulation and a decrease in the generosity of the policy measure. The empirical framework is also tested against more conventional taxonomies of welfare capitalism revealing that LMEs tend to harness job polarization dynamics whereas CMEs are incompatible with job polarization which destabilizes the system leading to an increased need for reforms. The final paper asks whether the U-shaped impact on the wage distribution predicted by the job polarization literature has actually materialized in Europe. The findings show that job polarization increased upper-tail inequality (90/50) and decreased lower-tail (50/10) inequality but that employment protection legislation restrained the wage effects.
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El, Kahal Sonia. "The global political economy, politicization and consensus in international organization : the case of UNESCO." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294417.
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Via, Sandra Elizabeth. "Celebrity Diplomacy in the Current Global Economy: A Feminist Perspective." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77138.
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Using gender lenses, this dissertation examines the emergence of celebrity diplomats as viable political actors, providing diplomatic services focused on negotiation and humanitarian aid, in current international politics and the global economy. More specifically, this dissertation uses feminist political economy literature to examine how neoliberal globalization has contributed to the growing role of celebrity diplomats in international politics. I argue that the increased presence and involvement of celebrity diplomats in the post-9/11 era is the result of neoliberal globalization and the neoliberal state's shift toward privatization of the public sector, increased militarization, and increased emphasis on commodification and consumption. In order to examine this phenomenon, this dissertation examines the diplomatic endeavors of two celebrity diplomats, Angelina Jolie and George Clooney. More specifically, this study provides an in-depth analysis of Jolie and Clooney's roles and involvement in international politics. Moreover, this dissertation examines the gender roles of celebrity diplomats. Therefore, this dissertation provides a gender analysis of Jolie and Clooney's diplomatic endeavors. I argue that Jolie's diplomacy reflects her role as mother, while Clooney takes a masculine approach to his diplomatic agenda. Finally, the dissertation concludes with an analysis of the ways in which celebrity diplomacy can further promote a neoliberal agenda.Ph. D.
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van, Vliet Lisette. "Debt-for-Nature Swaps : transnational environmental politics in a changing global political economy or NGOs, LDCs and IOUs." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128737.
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Debt-for-nature swaps are a new phenomenon in world politics. Initiated as a response
to third world debt problems and the urgent need for environmental protection, debt-for-nature
swaps represent a very interesting development in the areas of international finance,
international negotiation and international roles for non-state actors. To date, at least nineteen
swaps have taken place, and according to some observers, they fit a niche that will exist for
some time to come.
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Williams, Matthew S. "Strategizing Against Sweatshops: The Anti-Sweatshop Movement and the Global Economy." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1416.
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Thesis advisor: William A. GamsonIn this dissertation, I examine the strategic evolution of the US anti-sweatshop movement, particularly United Students Against Sweatshops (USAS) and the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC). While scholars of social movements have analyzed individual tactics used by movements, they have only recently begun to look at the larger question of strategy--how movements make choices about which tactics to use when and how they link these tactics together into a larger plan to alter macro-level power relations in society. This dissertation is one of the first empirical examinations of the processes by which particular groups have developed their strategy. I look at how ideology and values, a sophisticated analysis of the structure of the apparel industry, strategic models for action handed down from past movements, and the movement's decision-making structures interacted in the deliberations of anti-sweatshop activists to produce innovative strategies. I also focus on how the larger social environment, especially the structure of the apparel industry, has shaped the actions of the movement. In seeking to bring about change, the anti-sweatshop movement had to alter the policies of major apparel corporations, decision-making arenas typically closed to outside, grassroots influence. They did so by finding various points of leverage--structural vulnerabilities--that they could use against apparel companies. One of the most important was USAS's successful campaign to get a number of colleges and universities to implement pro-labor codes of conduct for the apparel companies who had lucrative licensing contracts with these schools. In USAS's campaigns to support workers at particular sweatshops fighting for their rights, they could then use the threat of a suspension or revocations of these contracts--and therefore a loss of substantial profits--as a means to pressure apparel companies to protect the workers' rights. This combination of strategic innovation and access to points of leverage has allowed the US anti-sweatshop movement to win some victories against much more powerful foes
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Dodd, John Alan. "Social movement unionism? : an analysis of labour organisations strategies in the global political economy." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1664.
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This thesis examines the extent to which the modern labour movement is utilising social movement unionism as a form of organisation in the modern political economy. A multi-level analytical approach utilises a Gramscian inspired theoretical framework to look at developments at the national, regional, and global levels of the labour movement in the modern global political economy. Issues at stake are i) understanding the issues affecting the labour movement in the age of globalisation; ii) the degree to which social movement unionism presents the labour movement a framework for renewal; iii) the extent to which key themes of social movement unionism are being implemented by those within the labour movement at all levels; and iv) whether there exists at present a form of labour organisation that presents a true test for social movement unionism. This thesis adds to contemporary literature by combining analysis of existing academic debates with original primary material (a series of interviews with several key figures within the labour movement), in order that the relevancy of contemporary academic arguments for tangible developments surrounding the labour movement is determined. The insights gained from these interviews are incorporated into the body of this thesis. After an outline of initial points of contextualisation in chapter one, chapter two moves to provide the theoretical framework for this research. Chapter three discusses issues of globalisation that affect the labour movement. The thesis then moves to analyse tangible issues surrounding the labour movement, with chapter four outlining the British labour movement's experiences and responses to challenges faced. Chapter five analyses the degree to which the European level presents a viable framework for the internationalisation of the labour movement, whilst chapter six shifts focus to the global level. At this point it will be argued that non-traditional labour organisations and social forums provide potential catalysts for the widespread adoption of social movement unionism. The final chapter provides concluding arguments and a revisiting of the researches main points.
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Whittam, Jennifer, and na. "An Enquiry into the Political Economy of International Heroin Trafficking, with Particular Reference to Southwest Asia." Griffith University. School of Arts, 2007. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20100729.112710.
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This thesis locates the global heroin trade within a world-systems theoretical framework. While the thesis identifies some of the factors responsible for the success of the international heroin trade, the primary aim is to focus on one facilitating aspect global financial flows of illegal or hot money. Central to the argument is that international production and trade in illegal heroin are buttressed by cycles of economic contractions within the world economy and by a global financial system that provides the means for the heroin trades profits to be easily laundered and invested in the legal economy. To illustrate the utility of these approaches in terms of a world-systems context, the thesis employs a global commodity chain perspective and elaborates the case study of Hüseyin Baybasin, a highly prominent convicted Kurdish businessman who has sometimes been identified as the worlds leading international heroin trafficker. This particular case study permits us to examine not only the complex web of historical, cultural, social, economic and political interactions within the international heroin trade, but also how the global heroin commodity chain is relevant to the broader debate about secessionist ethnic nationalism and development in the Third World. Focusing on Turkey, the thesis outlines the early historical periods in which different traditional patterns have prevailed for the majority of Kurdish people, and explains the disappearance of these patterns through the process of modernisation and globalisation, and how this relates to the global heroin trade. The argument thus provides an alternative, world-systems perspective to the more familiar accounts of international heroin trafficking that tend to focus on conventional interpretations of supply and demand and the activities of law enforcement agencies in physical interdiction.
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Bastos, Remo Moreira Brito. "No profit left behind: the effects of the global political economy on public basic education." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2017. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=20189.
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nÃo hÃThe object of this research is the capture of basic public education in most contemporary societies by the global macro-structure of political-economic power, composed of large multinational corporate oligopolies (finance included), supported by multilateral organizations of the international capitalist institutional system (World Bank, IMF and OECD, mainly), by powerful private foundations emanating from huge corporate empires such as Gates, Broad, Walton, among others, by think-tanks and large media outlets, both graciously funded by large global business corporations, in order to instrumentalizing that social sphere with a view to boosting and accelerating the process of accumulation of global capital in the context of the serious structural crisis that has plagued the capitalist mode of production since the mid-1960s. In this perspective, we will try to apprehend not only the connections between education and the crisis, but, above all, the systemic roots of it. Even admitting the relative autonomy of the educational complex vis-Ã-vis the economic system to which it is integrated, it is understood that, in the last instance, the structural constraints imposed by that process of accumulation determine the character and function that education plays in the total social complex in which it operates. In this sense, the general objective of this research is to investigate the influence of the global political economy on public basic education, elucidating the structural causes that contribute to the deterioration of the basic public education systems. In this direction, we articulate the specific objectives that, in general, are linked to the chapters that compose the present work. Thus, the specific objective of the first chapter is to examine the constituent elements of this global macrostructure in the context of the reproduction of capital in times of crisis. The second chapter has the specific objective of empirically and theoretically contextualizing and problematizing in national spheres the manifestations of the imposition of the educational model prescribed by the aforementioned macrostructure of power, examining in particular the US and Brazilian cases, and the third has as its specific objective to examine two national educational systems that overcome the global corporate education model, namely the Finnish and the Cuban ones. From the theoretical-methodological point of view, the present study unfolds in a bibliographical and documentary research, in which, in the light of dialectical historical materialism, it seeks to grasp the determinants of the current conjuncture of the global political economy of education. The results of the research pointed to the capture of public basic education by the oligopolistic macro-structure of global economic and political power and its exploitation with a view to boosting the trillion-dollar private education world market. It was verified that the implantation of this ultra pragmatic corporate educational model failed, wherever it was adopted, to achieve the declared objectives of recovering the level of educational performance and to eliminate the difference of performances among the students. In opposition to such model, the existence of the successful educational experiences in Finland and in Cuba has patently demonstrated the plausibility of constructing, in any social formation, a minimally just and effective educational system, thus demonstrating that the issue is political, rather than necessarily and only economic.
O objeto de estudo desta pesquisa consiste na captura da educaÃÃo bÃsica pÃblica na maioria das sociedades contemporÃneas pela macroestrutura global de poder polÃtico-econÃmico, composta pelos grandes oligopÃlios empresariais (finanÃa incluÃda) transnacionais, com o suporte das organizaÃÃes multilaterais do sistema institucional capitalista internacional (Banco Mundial, FMI e OCDE, principalmente), das poderosas fundaÃÃes privadas oriundas de imensos impÃrios empresariais, tais como Gates, Broad, Walton, dentre outras, dos think-tanks e dos grandes veÃculos de mÃdia, ambos graciosamente financiados pelas grandes corporaÃÃes empresariais globais, no sentido de instrumentalizar aquela esfera social com vistas a dinamizar e acelerar o processo de acumulaÃÃo do capital global, no contexto da grave crise estrutural que desde meados da dÃcada de 1960 assola o modo de produÃÃo capitalista. Nessa perspectiva, buscar-se-à apreender nÃo somente as conexÃes entre a educaÃÃo e referida crise, mas, sobretudo, as raÃzes sistÃmicas desta. Mesmo admitindo a autonomia relativa da qual dispÃe o complexo educacional face ao sistema econÃmico ao qual se integra, entende-se que, em Ãltima instÃncia, os constrangimentos estruturais impostos por aquele processo de acumulaÃÃo determinam o carÃter e a funÃÃo que a educaÃÃo desempenha no complexo social total no qual se insere. Nesse sentido, o objetivo geral da presente pesquisa consiste em investigar os influxos da economia polÃtica global sobre a educaÃÃo bÃsica pÃblica, elucidando as causas estruturais que contribuem para a deterioraÃÃo dos sistemas pÃblicos bÃsicos de ensino. Nessa direÃÃo, articulam-se os objetivos especÃficos que, de modo geral, vinculam-se aos capÃtulos que compÃem o presente trabalho. Dessa forma, o objetivo especÃfico do primeiro capÃtulo consiste em examinar os elementos constitutivos da referida macroestrutura global no contexto da reproduÃÃo do capital em tempos de crise. O segundo capÃtulo tem o objetivo especÃfico de, em esferas nacionais, contextualizar e problematizar empÃrica e teoricamente como se manifestam os desdobramentos da imposiÃÃo do modelo educacional prescrito pela mencionada macroestrutura de poder, examinando particularmente os casos estadunidense e brasileiro, e o terceiro tem como objetivo especÃfico examinar dois sistemas educacionais nacionais que superam o modelo corporativo global de educaÃÃo, a saber, o finlandÃs e o cubano. Do ponto de vista teÃrico-metodolÃgico, o presente estudo desdobra-se em uma pesquisa bibliogrÃfica e documental, na qual se busca, à luz do materialismo histÃrico dialÃtico, apreender os determinantes da atual conjuntura da economia polÃtica global da educaÃÃo. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram a captura da educaÃÃo bÃsica pÃblica pela macroestrutura oligopÃlica de poder econÃmico-polÃtico global, e sua exploraÃÃo com vistas ao impulso do trilionÃrio mercado mundial de educaÃÃo privada. Constatou-se que a implantaÃÃo desse modelo educacional imediatista, mercantil e adestrador fracassou, por onde foi adotado, em lograr os declarados objetivos de recuperar o nÃvel de desempenho educacional e de eliminar a diferenÃa de desempenhos entre os discentes. Em oposiÃÃo a tal modelo, a existÃncia das vitoriosas experiÃncias educacionais na FinlÃndia e em Cuba evidenciou a plausibilidade da construÃÃo, em qualquer formaÃÃo social, de um sistema educacional minimamente justo e eficaz, demonstrando, portanto, que a questÃo à polÃtica, e nÃo necessÃria e unicamente econÃmica.
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Casey, Bronagh. "Ireland's industrial policy in an integrated global economy : the case of the Celtic Tiger in the 1990s." Thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6726.
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The research of this paper focuses on Ireland's economic development in the 1990s. The central question of this paper is to demonstrate how the Irish government developed an industrial strategy that would create and attract a large amount of Foreign Direct Investment. (FDI), Two critical concepts serve as analytical focal points. Firstly I look at economic globalization and the debate surrounding the sovereignty of the nation-state. I set up as the null hypothesis the liberalist assumption that the nation-state is in demise, and have to surrender its power to global market forces. The alternative hypothesis. the mercantilist perspective. argues that the state is not in demise and is still the primary actor in the international system. In this regard, I look at Irish government policy and the degree of influence in economic development from 1987-2000. The second concept focuses around industrial policy. This includes the participation of state institutions in industrial strategy. such as the Industrial Development Authority. I also focus on the model that the Irish government followed in order to pursue FDI. The 'Closed Loop' model consists of three stages: firstly. to select industry areas offering the best economic returns; second, to find the best companies in those industry areas: and third. to persuade their target companies to invest in Ireland. Industrial policy includes the range of incentives and policy decisions the government undertook in order to attract Multinationals to Ireland. This includes policy decisions on areas such as education, tax, infrastructure. wages and spending of structural funds. Through a literature review of the two concepts regarding Ireland's growth. I conclude that the Irish government has been deeply involved in the entire process of integration. This paper supports the mercantilist hypothesis that the state still remains the primary actor in the international economy. It also supports the view that the state can manipulate and exploit globalization in order to maximize its own interests. Irish economic development in the 1990s is a prime example of this.
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Dilek, Oguz. "The political economy of post-cold war US global strategy in the 'greater' middle east." Thesis, Keele University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.489682.
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Samudro, Bhimo Rizky. "A political economy analysis of uneven global, regional, national and sub-national performance 1950-2010." Thesis, Curtin University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/2639.
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This PhD thesis examines the process of uneven global development during the period 1950 to 2010. The examination encompasses a multidimensional analysis, incorporating economic, social, environmental and political factors. The principles of political economy are employed to scrutinize ‘stylized facts’ at global, regional, national and sub-national level. The study’s results hint at the changes in social, environmental and political factors that accompanied the economic institutions of globalization and neoliberalism.
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Kerswell, Timothy James. "The global division of labour and the division in global labour." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2011. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/46838/1/Timothy_Kerswell_Thesis.pdf.
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Since the 1980s the locus of manufacturing and some services have moved to countries of the Global South. Liberalization of trade and investment has added two billion people to world labour supply and brought workers everywhere into intense competition with each other. Under orthodox neoliberal and neoclassical approaches free trade and open investment should benefit all countries and lead to convergence. However considerable differences in wages and working hours exist between workers of the Global North and those of the Global South. The organising question for the thesis is why workers in different countries but the same industries get different wages. Empirical evidence reviewed in the thesis shows that productivity does not explain these wage differences and that workers in some parts of the South are more productive than workers in the North. Part of the thesis examines the usefulness of explanations drawn from Marxist, institutionalist and global commodity chain approaches. There is a long established argument in Marxist and neo-Marxist writings that differences between North and South result from imperialism and the exercise of power. This is the starting point to review ways of understanding divisions between workers as the outcome of a global class structure. In turn, a fault line is postulated between productive and unproductive labour that largely replicates the division between the Global North and the Global South. Workers and their organizations need shared actions if they are to resist global competition and wage disparities. Solidarity has been the clarion of progressive movements from the Internationals of the early C19th through to the current Global Unions and International Confederation of Trade Unions (ICTU). The thesis examines how nationalism and particular interests have undermined solidarity and reviews the major implications for current efforts to establish and advance a global labour position.
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Elias, Kaitlyn. "Value Creation: The Dynamic Position of Policy Change in The Global Tea Industry." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24221.
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In this sector analysis I report on my investigation of the International Smallholder Tea Sector and its incorporation into global policy spheres. “Globally, tea smallholder sector covers 70% of the plantation area and produces 60% of the global tea production volume (UNFAO, 2017) Therefore, I argue that smallholder farmers should play a greater role in creating value through representation in dynamic policy discussions, such as the UNFAO Intergovernmental Group on Tea. I address how small landholders are economically developing and overall industry strategy. I suggest governance structures in order to address challenges and opportunities in future development and specifically look at the dynamic position of global policy making and industry trends, as they pertain to the potential for sustainability and long term-success of this important industry. My regional emphasis on South Asia provides a setting to focus on shared global trends as they pertain to social, cultural, biological production atmospheres.
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Smith, Parker T. "The Rise of China: Assessing "Revisionist" Behavior in the Global Economy." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556282376960416.
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Dercksen, Daniel Jacobus. "The Group of 20 and its contribution to the reform of the global financial architecture." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65528.
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The 2008 global financial crisis prompted an extensive re-evaluation of the effectiveness, legitimacy and relevance of the institutions that governed the global economy since the end of the Second World War. This re-evaluation resulted in various attempts to improve the formal and informal structures of global financial governance in order to avoid similar shortcomings in the future. As a result, the G20 developed from a mere suggestion at a G7 Summit in 1999 into a significant society of states ranging from highly developed states to developing states. The G20 is a deliberative forum representing 19 of the world’s leading industrialised and emerging economies and the European Union. Global financial instability resulting from the 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis triggered the establishment of the G20 and informed its mandate to promote international financial stability. Consequently, the G20 became the key agent for the reform of the international financial architecture and has been described as an international steering committee, a premier forum and a cornerstone for international financial cooperation. This study is grounded in the constructivists’ assumption that the international environment should be explained as a social structure constructed by a normative framework. This non-material framework provides both agents (actors, such as, but not limited to, states) and the material environment social identity and legitimacy. Crises in the material environment, however, can result in new identities, interests and norms, a new normative platform for the reform of the system. This study found that the G20, represented by members from the global North and the global South, focused on the reform of the IMF, overseer of global financial processes. Yet, a main finding in this study is that the urgency to reform the IMF disappeared as new global issues emerged on the global agenda. This study also asks how the G20 can become a more effective global actor, an agent of long-term change driven by shared understandings and new norms to ensure the reform of the global financial architecture to increase its stability.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2018.
Political Sciences
MA
Unrestricted
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Ferguson, Lucy. "Production, Consumption and Reproduction in Global Political Economy : The Case of Tourism Development in Central America." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508861.
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Webber, David M. "From Whitehall to the world : international development and the global reconfiguration of New Labour's political economy." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50031/.
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Since the creation of the Department for International Development (DFID) in 1997, much scholarly effort has been concentrated on describing New Labour's international development policy outputs. Within these accounts however, there has been little, if any, treatment of how its development policies actually came to be formed, or even more specifically, analysis of the linkages between this branch of foreign policy and New Labour's domestic political economy. My thesis seeks to fill this gap in the literature. My major contribution is to show that the character and orientation of a set of policies designed initially by New Labour officials for the domestic economy were subsequently 'recycled' and transmitted abroad into the field of international development. I test such a claim empirically through three case studies exploring in depth the core policy areas of debt relief, HIV and AIDS, and overseas aid, through which I am able to trace the way that ideas first developed at home were subsequently transposed into its international development policy. This provides the framework which allows me to examine how the Blair and Brown Governments managed the frequently conflicting expectations of the two sets of 'market' and 'social' constituencies in the construction of their international development policy. While 'social' constituencies were successful in influencing processes of policy change which iteratively moved policy closer to their expectations, on the whole its character still favoured the demands of the 'market' constituencies, as had been the case previously in its domestic political economy. Although New Labour's international development policies appeared to become more 'social' over time, this did not mean that they became dominated by 'social concerns'. My overall characterisation of New Labour’s often complex phasing of its international development policy, then, is that it remained market-driven albeit not exclusively market-oriented.
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Jackson, Susan Teresa. "Military Spending and the Washington Consensus: The Unrecognized Link between Militarization and the Global Political Economy." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193513.
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Military spending briefly dipped in the early 1990s only to rebound by the end of the 20th century, yet policymakers and academics alike predicted a peace dividend if the cold war should end. What happened to this peace dividend? How do some countries actualize a peace dividend in a world that seems not to encourage one? Typically military spending is analyzed through lenses focusing on international politics, bureaucratic process, or domestic political economy. I argue that these three lenses have failed to account for some of the reasons military spending remains high in the post-cold war era. Utilizing sociological institutionalism and world models, I examine how the rules of the Washington consensus via the neo-liberal economic agenda and the national security exception promote high levels of military spending that the three main theories fail to recognize. This study particularly delves into the roles of states and transnational corporations in terms of competitiveness in the global political economy and privileges allotted to the military industry. My tests rely on fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis (fsQCA) as an innovative means for looking at necessary conditions as well as sufficient conjunctural causation through which countries can achieve a peace dividend in the post-cold war era.
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Graham, Sylvia Nwanduvazi. "Transformation in global governance : the BRICS and alternative emerging alliances at the crossroad of sustainability." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/65317.
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The purpose of the study is to investigate the extent to which the BRICS can exert leadership in a world in which sustainability becomes ever more crucial, especially in light of the Sustainable Development Goals presently used to track progress and performance before 2030. Moreover, the focus on sustainability is deemed important to assess the ability of the BRICS to ‘sustain’ their own efforts at transforming global governance vis-à-vis internal and external social, political, economic and environmental fragilities.
The study is based on a critical literature review and a host of secondary data of both qualitative and quantitative nature. The quantitative data, gathered from existing sources, assisted in the identification of trends and patterns within the respective BRICS countries regarding their overall sustainability. The qualitative has been used to draw deductions and conclusions regarding trends within the respective BRICS countries.
The study concludes that the BRICS struggle in terms of sustainability. This is evident in the triad sustainability analysis of the bloc. The BRICS display varying degrees of weakness across all three spheres of sustainability. By contrast, there are other countries from the Global South that perform much better and could be seen as more credible leaders of a transition in global governance that is truly inspired by new values. These are: Botswana, Chile, Costa Rica and South Korea.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2018.
Political Sciences
MA
Unrestricted
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Do, Paolo. "The global university, the political economy of knowledge in Asia and the segmentation of China's higher education." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2013. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8515.
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This research analyses the expansion and transformation of higher education in Asia, focusing in particular on Chinese universities. It shows the rising of the so-‐‑ called global university, that is, above all, an inclusive process which makes academic knowledge production something heterogeneous, complex and composite – characterised by different actors both private and public, institutional and non-‐‑institutional. The global university is a point of multiplicity that places our view in the midst of the transformation of educational policies and knowledge taken as whole. It reveals a ‘global knowledge order’ parallel to a ‘new international division of labour’, where the higher education is becoming an important device in the filtering, restriction, and return of population and skilled workers around a whole set of internal national/transnational borders based on knowledge. Developing the concepts of stratification and differentiation, I investigate how the transformation of the educational system brings out and multiplies, rather than mitigates, the differences between universities, while this same segmentation refers to an original and powerful method of management of the increasingly qualified workforce. Higher education and its internationalization nowadays is an important dispositive to segment population within globalization, reconfigures hierarchies and manages the complex displacement of the present having the same force (or even more) as those of gender and race. Moreover, the Global University represents the most interesting terrain to observe the development of an original measurement of labour in its metamorphosis and the value form in cognitive capitalism. The growing intra-‐‑regional mobility in Asia and the internationalisation of higher education characterise the innovative cartography of the present, wherein knowledge production becomes spatially dispersed and globally integrated. Knowledge, geographically embedded, defines the order of the current post-‐‑ colonial space, while the Global University describes not only this kind of order, but also how this imbalance is used by the skilled workforce to survive in the local labour market.
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Brownlee, Patrick. "Theorising Diversity, Theorising Value: an analysis of Australia’s Productive Diversity policy development in the global political economy." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/13720.
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In the mid-1980s, after decades recruiting migrant labour for industrial growth, the Australian government began to recruit highly skilled professionals and business people supporting a shift towards a global market economy. The government acted in the belief that it could gain a competitive advantage for the Australian economy by recruiting migrants with business know-how and knowledge of emergent regional and global markets. Attending this new migration program was a multicultural policy rubric epitomised in the early 1990s as Productive Diversity. Government and certain business interests construed a value for migrants largely within a human capital frame by focusing on their ethno-cultural knowledge as a form of market agency. Scholarly interpretations of the value of migrant diversity have focused on minority labour and marginalized self-employment rather than the increased non-productive professional and business migrant cohorts. In contrast, the analytical distinction of this thesis rests on re-thinking the significance of diversity in the shift in Australia’s migration program to recruit entrepreneurs and skilled professionals for a global market economy. The thesis questions whether diversity could be assigned economic value in production as some have claimed. A Marxist theory of value is used to interrogate this and the relationship between ethnicity and labour’s value. Detailed analysis of the Business Migration Scheme shows an evolving connection with Productive Diversity thinking as human capital and global market agency. Insofar as Productive Diversity shifted immigration policy priorities, the study extends research beyond migrant labour exploitation and towards the increased importance of non-productive and market expanding occupations in the global market economy. Productive Diversity viewed as a feature of Australia’s economic restructuring needs, therefore, to be considered in relation to the global circulation and accumulation of value.
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Johnson, James. "Lost in Translation: Rethinking the Politics of Sovereign Credit Rating." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Science, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/8684.
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Our current understanding of credit rating agencies’ influence on national sovereignty relies on a dichotomised and highly antagonistic view of the relationship between states and the global economy. This perspective is locked into the discursive confines of the structuralist-sceptics debate within the field of international political economy. CRAs are said to either erode state sovereignty or represent a manifestation of it. By abandoning the state-market, public-private and national-global dichotomies embedded within this debate, and the zero-sum mentality they are predicated upon, this thesis offers an alternative – “transformationalist” – perspective to view the power of CRAs and their influence on national sovereignty. Defying traditional categorization, CRAs’ power is the result of a state-market, public-private confluence of interest and therefore has no determinative influence on national sovereignty. In the course of this analysis, a second assumption embedded within the study of CRAs’ influence is criticised: the fixation on the “big three” rating agencies (Moody’s, S&P and Fitch) and the neglect of the significance of the credit rating itself. Because the rating determination process is opaque, and the credit rating itself is a highly simplified expression of an intricately complex financial, economic and political reality, the causes of a sovereign rating change are often “up for debate”. Governments, within certain degrees of interpretation, are able to embed their own domestic political interests into the “causes” of a rating change, thereby co-opting and co-constructing the power and expertise of CRAs. This can, when successful, enhance governments’ internal sovereignty over domestic social forces and their external sovereignty as they “filter” the influence of a non-state actor. New Zealand’s interaction with the CRAs throughout 2008 to 2012 illustrates how this dynamic occurs and its limitations. The thesis seeks to highlight the diversity and heterogeneity involved in the processes of globalization in general, and CRAs’ influence in particular, and in doing so open up political space to consider possible forms of resistance.
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Slusser, Suzanne R. "Gender Empowerment and Gender Inequality, the Global Economy and the State: Exploring the Relationship Between Economic Dependency, the Political Order, and Women’s Status." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1240510508.
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Slusser, Suzanne. "Gender empowerment and gender inequality, the global economy and the state exploring the relationship between economic dependency, the political order, and women's status /." Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1240510508.
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Dissertation (Ph. D.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Sociology, 2009."May, 2009." Title from electronic dissertation title page (viewed 11/25/2009) Advisor, Kathryn M. Feltey; Committee members, Joanna Dreby, Rudy Fenwick, Baffour Takyi, Peggy Stephens; Department Chair, John F. Zipp; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.