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1

Cao, Huhua, and Jeremy Paltiel, eds. Facing China as a New Global Superpower. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-823-6.

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Namita, Bhandare, ed. India, the next global superpower?: Hindustan Time Leadership Summit. New Delhi: Lotus Collection, Roli Books, 2007.

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3

Holt, Richard P. F. The reluctant superpower: A history of America's global economic reach. New York: Kodansha International, 1995.

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4

The European Union and global development: Enlightened superpower in the making? Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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5

Mandelbaum, Michael. The frugal superpower: America's global leadership in a cash-strapped era. Mew York: PublicAffairs, 2010.

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6

Tank, IIPM Think. Indian power brands: The global superpower edition chosen by the Indian consumer. New Delhi: IIPM Think Tank, 2011.

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7

Rockett, Mel. Global superpowers. Oxford: Heinemann, 1992.

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8

Decline of the superpowers: Winners and losers in today's global economy. New York: Paragon House, 1989.

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9

Mandelbaum, Michael. Frugal Superpower: America's Global Leadership in a Cash-Strapped Era. PublicAffairs, 2011.

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10

Finley, Mark. The Next Superpower: Ancient Prophecies, Global Events, and Your Future. Review & Herald Publishing, 2005.

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11

(Editor), Morton H. Halperin, Jeffrey Laurenti (Editor), Peter Rundlet (Editor), and Spencer P. Boyer (Editor), eds. Power and Superpower: Global Leadership and Exceptionalism in the 21st Century. Century Foundation Press, 2007.

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12

Power and superpower: Global leadership and exceptionalism in the 21st century. New York: Century Foundation, 2007.

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13

H, Halperin Morton, Century Foundation, and Center for American Progress, eds. Power and superpower: Global leadership and exceptionalism in the 21st century. New York: Century Foundation, 2007.

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14

The conflicted superpower: America's collaboration with China and India in global innovation. Columbia University Press, 2018.

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15

Grimm, S., S. Gänzle, and D. Makhan. The European Union and Global Development: An 'Enlightened Superpower' in the Making? Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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16

Brazil as an Economic Superpower?: Understanding Brazil's Changing Role in the Global Economy. Brookings Institution Press, 2009.

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17

Lael, Brainard, and Martinez-Diaz Leonardo, eds. Brazil as an economic superpower?: Understanding Brazil's changing role in the global economy. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 2009.

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18

Zeihan, Peter. Accidental Superpower: The Next Generation of American Preeminence and the Coming Global Disorder. Grand Central Publishing, 2015.

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19

Zeihan, Peter. The accidental superpower: The next generation of American preeminence and the coming global disorder. Twelve, 2014.

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20

Strittmatter, Kai. China a to Z: A User's Guide to the Next Global Superpower (Armchair Traveler). Haus Publishers Ltd., 2008.

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21

Pillsbury, Michael. The hundred-year marathon: China's secret strategy to replace America as the global superpower. 2015.

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22

Pillsbury, Michael. The Hundred-Year Marathon: China's Secret Strategy to Replace America as the Global Superpower. St. Martin's Griffin, 2016.

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23

Paltiel, Jeremy, and Huhua Cao. Facing China as a New Global Superpower: Domestic and International Dynamics from a Multidisciplinary Angle. Springer, 2015.

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24

Engelhardt, Tom. Shadow government: Surveillance, secret wars, and a global security state in a single-superpower world. 2014.

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25

Paltiel, Jeremy, and Huhua Cao. Facing China as a New Global Superpower: Domestic and International Dynamics from a Multidisciplinary Angle. Springer, 2016.

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26

Paltiel, Jeremy, and Huhua Cao. Facing China as a New Global Superpower: Domestic and International Dynamics from a Multidisciplinary Angle. Springer, 2016.

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27

Flaherty, Martin S. Restoring the Global Judiciary. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691179124.001.0001.

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In the past several decades, there has been a growing chorus of voices contending that the Supreme Court and federal judiciary should stay out of foreign affairs and leave the field to Congress and the president. Challenging this idea, this book argues instead for a robust judicial role in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. The book demonstrates that the Supreme Court and federal judiciary have the power and duty to apply the law without deference to the other branches. Turning first to the founding of the nation, the book shows that the Constitution's original commitment to separation of powers was as strong in foreign as domestic matters, not least because the document shifted enormous authority to the new federal government. This initial conception eroded as the nation rose from fledgling state to superpower, fueling the growth of a dangerously formidable executive that today asserts near-plenary foreign affairs authority. The book explores how modern international relations makes the commitment to balance among the branches of government all the more critical and considers implications for modern controversies that the judiciary will continue to confront. At a time when executive and legislative actions in the name of U.S. foreign policy are only increasing, the book makes the case for a zealous judicial defense of fundamental rights involving global affairs.
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28

A, Kolodziej Edward, and Kanet Roger E. 1936-, eds. From superpower to besieged global power: Restoring world order after the failure of the Bush doctrine. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2008.

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29

Ayson, Robert. The Anarchical Society and the Control of Global Violence. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779605.003.0007.

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In The Anarchical Society Bull treats violent conflict as a feature of international politics that cannot be abolished, but must be managed. With appropriate rules, which are often informal, managed violence can approximate an institution of international society. Bull’s treatment of violence reflects his earlier study of strategy and arms control, displayed in his classic The Control of the Arms Race. His arguments about the control of global violence still have purchase in a world where the superpower nuclear arms competition is no longer the central international security challenge. As America’s difficult experience in the Middle East indicates, states need to observe rules of restraint on violence even when dealing with violent non-state actors. Today’s Asia, strained by the competition between China and the United States, can only have peace and prosperity if there are rules which restrain violence. An accidental and unmanaged equilibrium of power will not do.
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30

Omelicheva, Mariya Y. Russian Security and Nuclear Policies: Successor to the Superpower Arsenal? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.293.

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The Cold War was a period of hostilities between the United States and the Soviet Union as the two superpowers engaged in a nuclear arms race. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, some scholars perceived that Russia’s military-industrial complex has deteriorated considerably, and that the country has fallen behind the United States and Europe in the area of information technologies and other strategically important sectors of national economy. Others insist that the image of Russia’s political irrelevancy and demotion of the country to a status of a “small” or even “medium” power is mistaken. The new Russia, they argue, has never surrendered its claims as a great power. Discussions about Russia’s global role have been fueled by its continuing nuclear standoff with the United States, along with growing concerns about its plans to develop more robust nuclear deterrents and modernize its nuclear arsenals. There is substantial scholarly literature dealing with Russia’s foreign, security, military, and nuclear policy, as well as the role of nuclear weapons in the Russian security framework. What the studies reveal is that the nuclear option remains an attractive alternative to Russia’s weakened conventional defense. Today, as before, Russia continues to place a high premium on the avoidance of a surprise attack and relies on its nuclear capabilities for strategic deterrence. There are a host of issues that deserve further investigation, such as the safety of Russia’s nuclear sites and the regional dimension of its nuclear policy.
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31

How To Be A Superpower The Public Intellectual Debate On The Global Role Of The United States After September 11. Barbara Budrich, 2012.

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32

Ruizhuang, Zhang. Despite the “New Assertiveness,” China Is Not Up for Challenging the Global Order. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190675387.003.0012.

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History shows that the rise and fall of great powers are conducive to conflict and war, while realist international theories try to prove there is an irresistible logic to this historical lesson. If China has indeed risen to a full-fledged great power, the rest of the world does have reason to worry about its intentions and strategy toward the current global order. But does that premise hold up? Despite China’s phenomenal economic growth and the widespread “second place” bubble, China’s economy is not as strong as it appears. The chapter argues that China still has a long way to go to catch up to the current superpower, the United States, but its growth is more unsustainable than analysts tend to assume. China has neither the capability nor the intention to destabilize the current world order, and this defines China as not a revisionist but rather as a status quo state.
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33

Symonds, Craig L. American Naval History: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199394760.001.0001.

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American Naval History: A Very Short Introduction charts the history of the United States Navy from its birth during the American Revolution, through its emergence as a global power amid the world wars of the twentieth century, and to its current role as a superpower in the twenty-first century. It highlights iconic moments of great drama pivotal to the nation’s fortunes: John Paul Jones’ attacks on the British during the Revolution, the Barbary Wars, and the arduous conquest of Iwo Jima. It also illuminates the technological, institutional, and functional changes of the U.S. Navy and captures its evolving culture and the debates between policymakers about what role the institution should play in world affairs.
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34

Wasserstrom, Jeffrey N., and Maura Elizabeth Cunningham. China in the 21st Century. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190659073.001.0001.

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In this fully revised and updated third edition of China in the 21st Century: What Everyone Needs to Know® , Jeffrey Wasserstrom and Maura Elizabeth Cunningham provide cogent answers to the most urgent questions regarding the newest superpower, and offer a framework for understanding China’s meteoric rise from developing country to superpower. Focusing their answers through the historical legacies--Confucian thought, Western and Japanese imperialism, the Mao era, and the massacre near Tiananmen Square--that largely define China’s present-day trajectory, Wasserstrom and Cunningham introduce readers to the Chinese Communist Party, the building boom in Shanghai, and the environmental fall-out of rapid Chinese industrialization. They also explain unique aspects of Chinese culture such as the one-child policy, and provide insight into Chinese-American relations, a subject that has become increasingly fraught during the Trump era. As Wasserstrom and Cunningham draw parallels between China and other industrialized nations during their periods of development, in particular the United States during its rapid industrialization in the 19th century, they also provide guidance on the ways we might expect China to act in the future vis-à-vis the United States, Russia, India, and its East Asian neighbors. Updated to include perspectives on Hong Kong’s shifting political status, as well as expanding on President Xi Jinping’s time in office, China in the 21st Century provides a concise and insightful introduction to this significant global power.
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35

Martin, Peter. China's Civilian Army. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197513705.001.0001.

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China’s Civilian Army tells the story of China’s transformation from an isolated and impoverished communist state to a global superpower from the perspective of its diplomats. In the early days of the People’s Republic, diplomats were highly disciplined, committed communists who feared revealing any weakness to the threatening capitalist world. Remarkably, the model that revolutionary leader Zhou Enlai established continues to this day despite the massive changes the country has undergone in recent decades. Even today, Chinese diplomats work in pairs so that one can always watch the other for signs of ideological impurity. China’s Civilian Army charts the history of China’s diplomatic corps from its earliest days through to the present, drawing on the memoirs of more than a hundred retired diplomats and dozens of interviews.
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36

Bradford, Anu. The Brussels Effect. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190088583.001.0001.

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The Brussels Effect challenges the prevalent view that the European Union (EU) is a declining world power. It argues that notwithstanding its many obvious challenges, the EU remains an influential superpower that shapes the world in its image through a phenomenon called the “Brussels Effect.” The Brussels Effect refers to the EU’s unilateral power to regulate global markets. Without the need to resort to international institutions or seek other nations’ cooperation, the EU has the unique ability among nations today to promulgate regulations that shape the global business environment, elevating standards worldwide and leading to a notable Europeanization of many important aspects of global commerce. Different from many other forms of global influence, the Brussels Effect entails that the EU does not need to impose its standards coercively on anyone—market forces alone are often sufficient to convert the EU standard into the global standard as multinational companies voluntarily extend the EU rule to govern their global operations. In this way, the EU wields significant, unique, and highly penetrating power to unilaterally transform global markets, including through its ability to set the standards in diverse areas such as competition regulation, data protection, online hate speech, consumer health and safety, or environmental protection.
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37

Brewitt-Taylor, Sam. Christian Radicalism and the Hope of Christian Unity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827009.003.0004.

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This chapter explores the sudden outbreak of ecumenical enthusiasm that swept over the early-1960s Church of England against the backdrop of superpower confrontation. Radical readings of Christian eschatology suggested that global church reunion would provide the key to world peace. These Christian longings for world unity formed part of a wider Sixties assault on British moral exceptionalism, whose problematization at the dawn of the 1960s paved the way for more radical criticisms of existing British culture in the early- and mid-1960s. The ecumenical movement’s eschatological critique of the existing Christian churches was also a crucial ingredient in the making of Anglican radicalism. By the early 1970s, however, the ecumenical agenda seemed to have failed. This disappointed the initial hopes of many Anglican radicals, prompting them to seek alternative methods of transforming society.
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38

Global Economic Disparity: A Dynamic Force in Geoeconomic Competition of Superpowers. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2015.

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39

Decline of the Superpowers: Winners and Losers in Today's Global Economy. Lorimer, 1987.

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40

Superpoder: O Raio X da Rede Globo, O. Ibrasa, 2001.

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41

Amar, Paul. Global South to the Rescue: Emerging Humanitarian Superpowers and Globalizing Rescue Industries. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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42

Patey, Luke. How China Loses. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190061081.001.0001.

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China wants to replace the United States as the world’s leading superpower. But what does the world want from China? In a new era of strategic competition between China and the United States, Luke Patey explores how the rest of the world is responding to China’s rise. Many fear that China’s economic power, tech innovations, and growing military might will allow it to remake the world in its own authoritarian image. But despite all its strengths, a future with China in charge is far from certain. China will rule the twenty-first century only if the world lets it. How China Loses tells the story of China’s struggles to overcome new risks and endure the global backlash against its assertive reach. Combining on-the-ground reportage with incisive analysis, Patey argues that China’s predatory economic agenda, headstrong diplomacy, and military expansion undermine its global ambitions. In travels to Africa, Latin America, East Asia, and Europe, his encounters with activists, business managers, diplomats, and thinkers show the challenges threatening China’s rising power. China’s relations with the outside world are reaching a critical juncture. Political differences and security tensions have risen, and many countries are now recognizing that economic engagement produces new strategic vulnerabilities to their competitiveness and autonomy. At a time when views from Washington and Beijing dominate the discussion, Patey’s work shows how perspectives from around the world will shape the global economy and world affairs.
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43

Doshi, Rush. The Long Game. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197527917.001.0001.

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For more than a century, no US adversary or coalition of adversaries—not Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, or even the Soviet Union—has ever reached 60 percent of US GDP. China is the sole exception, and it is fast emerging into a global superpower that could rival, if not eclipse, the United States. What does China want, does it have a grand strategy to achieve it, and what should the United States do about it? The Long Game draws from a rich base of Chinese primary sources, including decades’ worth of party documents, leaked materials, memoirs by party leaders, as well as careful analysis of China's conduct, to provide a history of China’s grand strategy since the end of the Cold War. Taking readers behind the Party’s closed doors, this book uncovers Beijing’s long, methodical game to displace America from the regional and global order through three sequential “strategies of displacement.” The book shows how China’s strategy is profoundly shaped by key events that change its perception of American power—the end of the Cold War, the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, the populist elections of 2016, and the coronavirus pandemic of 2020. Finally, the book offers a comprehensive yet “asymmetric” plan for an effective US response to the China challenge. Ironically, the proposed approach takes a page from Beijing’s own strategic playbook to undermine China’s ambitions and strengthen American order without competing dollar-for-dollar, ship-for-ship, or loan-for-loan.
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44

Rood, Steven. The Philippines. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190920609.001.0001.

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Since the colonization of the Philippines by Spain in the sixteenth century, the island chain has been at the center of global trade flows, imperial rivalries, and the globalization process. From its role as the main base of Spain’s Pacific Galleon trade to its conquest centuries later by the United States and Japan, the Philippines has been a focal point of economic and military rivalry. Decolonized in 1946, the Philippines is growing economically after years of stagnation, is ruled today by a modern populist, President Rodrigo Duterte, and is embroiled in disputes with the East Asia region’s rising superpower, China. In The Philippines: What Everyone Needs to Know®, Steven Rood draws from more than 30 years of residence in and study of the Philippines in order to provide a concise overview of the nation. Arranged in a question-and-answer format, this guide shares concise, nuanced analysis and helps readers find exactly what they seek to learn about Filipino geography and geology, history, culture, economy, politics through the ages, and prospects for the future. This book is an ideal primer on an enormously diverse country that has been and will likely remain a key site in world affairs.
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45

Weiss, Thomas G. The Suffering Grass: Superpowers and Regional Conflict in Southern Africa and the Caribbean (Emerging Global Issues). L. Rienner Publishers, 1992.

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46

Kroenig, Matthew. The Return of Great Power Rivalry. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190080242.001.0001.

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The United States of America has been the most powerful country in the world for the past seventy years, but will Washington’s reign as the world’s leading superpower continue? The U.S. National Security Strategy declares that the return of great power competition with Russia and China is the greatest threat to U.S. national security and economic well-being. Perhaps surprisingly, international relations scholarship does not have much to say about who wins great power rivalries, and many contemporary analysts argue that America’s autocratic rivals will succeed in disrupting or displacing U.S. global leadership. In sharp contrast, this book makes the novel argument that democracies enjoy built-in advantages in international geopolitics. Drawing on the writings of political philosophers—such as Herodotus, Machiavelli, and Montesquieu—and cutting-edge social science research, this book explains the unique economic, diplomatic, and military advantages that democracies bring to the international arena. It then carefully considers the advantages and disadvantages possessed by autocratic great powers. These ideas are then examined in a series of seven case studies of democratic-versus-autocratic rivalries throughout history, from ancient Greece to the Cold War. The book then unpacks the implications of this analysis for the United States, Russia, and China today. It concludes that, despite its many problems, America’s fundamentals are still much better than Russia’s and China’s. By making the “hard-power” argument for democracy, this book provides an innovative way of thinking about power in international politics and provides an optimistic assessment about the future of American global leadership.
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47

Edelman, Robert, and Christopher Young, eds. The Whole World Was Watching. Stanford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503610187.001.0001.

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The master narrative of Cold War sports describes a two-sided surrogate war, measurable by falsely objective medal counts every four years at the Olympic Games. This approach is as inadequate for sports as it is for the Cold War. Rather than a bipolar, superpower conflict, the Cold War was a competition between the dueling globalization projects of capitalism and Communism composed of far-from-monolithic blocs. While a fragile, fearful peace took shape in the Northern Hemisphere, both sides waged proxy wars that killed tens of millions in the Global South. Alongside other forms of popular culture, sports were deployed to win the sympathies of the world’s citizens, many of them from nations that had emerged in the wake of European decolonization. Sport was the most conspicuous form of popular culture in the period. It offered millions around the world the opportunity to forge identities that both supported and undermined dominant ideologies—racial, gender, local, regional, national, and international. Sport crossed rather than created borders and identities—and it did so in myriad and intricate ways. This book brings together experts working on sports in the United States, USSR, German Democratic Republic, Asia, and the postcolonial world. Their work is theoretically aware and underpinned by extensive archival research. Taken together, they go beyond simple notions of bipolarity and present new insights that should invigorate the study of both international systems and of culture in the Cold War period.
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48

Stalker, Nancy K., ed. Devouring Japan. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190240400.001.0001.

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In recent years, Japan’s cuisine, or washoku, has been eclipsing that of France as the world’s most desirable food. UNESCO recognized washoku as an intangible cultural treasure in 2013, and Tokyo boasts more Michelin-starred restaurants than Paris and New York combined. Together with anime, pop music, fashion, and cute goods, cuisine is part of the “Cool Japan” brand that promotes the country as a new kind of cultural superpower. This book offers insights into many different aspects of Japanese culinary history and practice, from the evolution and characteristics of particular foodstuffs, to their representation in literature and film, to the role of foods in individual, regional, and national identity. It features contributions by both noted Japan specialists and experts in food history. The book poses the question, “What is washoku?” What culinary values are imposed or implied by this term? Which elements of Japanese cuisine are most visible in the global gourmet landscape and why? Chapters from a variety of disciplinary perspectives interrogate how foodways have come to represent aspects of a “unique” Japanese identity and are infused with official and unofficial ideologies. They reveal how Japanese culinary values and choices, past and present, reflect beliefs about gender, class, and race; how they are represented in mass media; and how they are interpreted by state and nonstate actors, at home and abroad. Chapters examine the thoughts, actions, and motives of those who produce, consume, promote, and represent Japanese foods.
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49

Fraser, Cary. Decolonization and the Cold War. Edited by Richard H. Immerman and Petra Goedde. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236961.013.0027.

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This chapter examines decolonization during the Cold War. It suggests that decolonization can be considered both as a response to the globalization of European influence and as a process of globalization which paved the way for the dismantling of the North Atlantic-centered international system. The chapter contends that decolonization during the Cold War was about the rethinking of the nature of the global order and the role of race and citizenship therein. It also argues that decolonization is the proof and constant reminder that the bipolar order pursued by the superpowers and their allies after the war was never a stable framework for the management of international relations.
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50

Pieper, Lindsay Parks. The US vs. USSR. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040221.003.0006.

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While the US–USSR rivalry dissipated somewhat in the 1970s, the two countries experienced an escalation of hostilities in the 1980s. Through athletic contests and strategic boycotts, the Olympics again served as a nonmilitary forum for the two superpowers to exert international dominance and demonstrate political views. This chapter evaluates the impact of the heightened animosities on sport and examines the International Olympic Committee's (IOC) response. In line with the increased international resentments between the two global powers, the International Association of Athletics Federation started to disagree with the IOC regarding the ethics of gender verification. The different opinions would eventually help dismantle sex/gender testing.
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