Journal articles: 'Global superpower'

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Lindsay-Poland, John. "Understanding Police Militarization in the Global Superpower." Peace Review 28, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2016.1166720.

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Moravcsik, Andrew. "Europe, the Second Superpower." Current History 109, no. 725 (March 1, 2010): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.725.91.

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There are, and will remain for the foreseeable future, two global superpowers: the United States and Europe. Only these two actors are consistently able to project a full spectrum of ‘smart power’ internationally.

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JAKUBCZAK, Weronika. "GLOBALIZATION IN SECURITY STRATEGIES OF SOME COUNTRIES ASPIRING TO BE SUPERPOWERS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 165, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3450.

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Aspiring superpowers approach globalization in a special way: attempting to minimize its effects that can harm them and maximize those that they find beneficial.Nowadays, neither Germany nor India enforce policies designed to achieve a global superpower position in such an aggressive way as the United States. Germany, in particular, is focused on cooperation with the countries with which it has historically-established close trade relationships. It mainly concerns its neighboring countries, i.e. Central and Eastern European countries or Russia, not excluding the ones located as far as China. India, however, enhances its position in the region and builds relationships as an aspiring superpower from scratch. This results from the fact that for many years it has maintained its relations with other countries from the region on different terms than Germany with its partners used to.

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Soueidan, Mohamad Hasan. "Superpower Dominance: The Yum Kippur Case." Technium Social Sciences Journal 22 (August 9, 2021): 667–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v22i1.4288.

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The Yum Kippur War, or as the Egyptians call it The October War, is one of the most important wars in the history of the Middle East between the coalition of Egypt and Syria versus Israel. It occurred at a time when the two superpowers then, the Americans and the Soviet Union, were in engaging in what was called the Cold War. For that every Superpower used to support a certain party of conflict to assure the balance of global dominance isn't affected. This paper reviews American foreign policy during the war in 1973. It concentrates on how the American institutions and foreign policy activists acted and influenced the outcome of the war. The paper finally conducts a counter analysis on what could have happened if the Americans didn’t support the Israelis in the war.

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Argente, Francis. "Bivalve Superpower: The Global Invasion of Corbiculid Clams." Annual Research & Review in Biology 10, no. 3 (January 10, 2016): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/arrb/2016/26448.

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Pavlov, Oleg V., Michael Radzicki, and Khalid Saeed. "Stability in a Superpower-Dominated Global Economic System." Journal of Economic Issues 39, no. 2 (June 2005): 491–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2005.11506827.

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7

Zhang, Xiaoya. "Analysis on the Obstacles for China to Become a Financial Superpower." E3S Web of Conferences 214 (2020): 02008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021402008.

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This study draws the following conclusion through the analysis method of literature review. At present, the most important factor that hinders China becoming a financial superpower is the increase of the control of capital outflow, what will weaken the trust between the capital outflow country and foreign investors, and destroy the relationship established by the country on the international platform. In addition, China’s aging population increases the huge debt increase is also the reason why it is difficult to becomes a financial superpower. This paper puts forward some remedial measures for these challenges. One way is one belt and one road initiative to reduce state control of capital and regulate the monetary system. These actions will help China compete with other developed countries as a financial superpower. There are three reasons for this conclusion. Firstly, when compared to other global superpowers like the United States and the United Kingdom, China is still lagging behind in terms of its GDP. Moreover, the state has monopolized a lot of financial decisions in the country such as capital outflows and therefore curbing economic growth. Thirdly, the State control has spilled over to the foreign exchange market and the country has been known to limit its currency lending capacity. Therefore, the internalization of their currency has halted.

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Cooper, Richard N., and Richard Holt. "The Reluctant Superpower: A History of America's Economic Global Reach." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 6 (1995): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047394.

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Duara, Prasenjit. "The Cold War as a historical period: an interpretive essay." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000416.

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AbstractAs a historical period, the Cold War may be seen as a rivalry between two nuclear superpowers that threatened global destruction. The rivalry took place within a common frame of reference, in which a new historical relationship between imperialism and nationalism worked in remarkably parallel ways across the superpower divide. The new imperial–national relationship between superpowers and the client states also accommodated developments such as decolonization, multiculturalism, and new ideologies, thus producing a hegemonic configuration characterizing the period. The models of development, structures of clientage, unprecedented militarization of societies, designs of imperial enlightenment, and even many gender and racial/cultural relationships followed similar tracks within, and often between, the two camps. Finally, counter-hegemonic forces emerged in regions of the non-Western world, namely China and some Islamic societies. Did this portend the beginning of the end of a long period of Western hegemony?

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Pachocka, Marta. "Problem mocarstwowości Francji w ujęciu historycznym (do 1945 roku)." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 165–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.7.

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In the early twenty-first century, France has the necessary geographic, geopolitical, demographic, economic, military (nuclear), political and cultural potential to be one of the most powerful states within the international system. Its position and capabilities are, however, questioned, while stressing only its desire to be a superpower. This article analyzes the international position of France in historical perspective (from the seventeenth century to 1945), assuming that this state is an example of the evolution from a global superpower to a regional power. In the first part of the article, the theoretical framework for the further analysis has been included, the attempts to define the concepts of the great power and superpower have been taken, the classifications of great powers have been presented and the factors determining the power of states have been identified. In the second part, the author shows the evolution of a great power status of France on a few examples from its history, referring to the reign of Louis XIV, the times of Napoleon Bonaparte and the rule of Napoleon III. In the third part of the article, the international position of the Third French Republic is discussed, with particular emphasis on its foreign policy, including colonial one, since the 1870s to the German invasion in June 1940. The effects of World War II for its position in the international system are also described. The author concludes that France was a global superpower in two historical moments (the absolute monarchy of Louis XIV and the French Empire of Napoleon I), and is now a regional power with global interests.

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Brooks, Stephen G., and William C. Wohlforth. "The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers in the Twenty-first Century: China's Rise and the Fate of America's Global Position." International Security 40, no. 3 (January 2016): 7–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00225.

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Unipolarity is arguably the most popular concept used to analyze the U.S. global position that emerged in 1991, but the concept is totally inadequate for assessing how that position has changed in the years since. A new framework that avoids unipolarity's conceptual pitfalls and provides a systematic approach to measuring how the distribution of capabilities is changing in twenty-first-century global politics demonstrates that the United States will long remain the only state with the capability to be a superpower. In addition, China is in a class by itself, one that the unipolarity concept cannot explain. To assess the speed with which China's rise might transform this into something other than a one-superpower system, analogies from past power transitions are misleading. Unlike past rising powers, China is at a much lower technological level than the leading state, and the gap separating Chinese and U.S. military capabilities is much larger than it was in the past. In addition, the very nature of power has changed: the greatly enhanced difficulty of converting economic capacity into military capacity makes the transition from a great power to a superpower much harder now than it was in the past. Still, China's rise is real and change is afoot.

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12

Takeda, Yu. "Economic Superpower in an Age of Limits." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 3 (September 11, 2014): 278–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02103003.

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This paper examines macroeconomic policy coordination between Japan and the United States under the locomotive strategy from 1977 to 1979. Previous studies have described the strategy as a fiasco because of its negative economic impact. In fact, the Japanese government, after two years of stimulus packages, quit trying to be a locomotive bringing other developed countries out of their economic difficulties and the u.s. government admitted it in 1979. On the other hand, as this article shows, bilateral cooperation with the United States under this strategy expanded the roles and burdens of Japan, an emerging economic superpower, in international economic policy coordination. Japan’s efforts to implement the strategy made the u.s. government believe that Tokyo would continue to respond to its request to bear larger international responsibilities, while it also increased awareness of Japan’s global role in Tokyo. These bilateral perceptual changes paved the way for subsequent policy coordination and Japan’s assumption of greater burdens, notably the adoption of large-scale stimulus packages under belt-tightening budgets.

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Klare, Michael T. "The Empire's New Frontiers." Current History 102, no. 667 (November 1, 2003): 383–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.667.383.

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The United States … wants to enhance its own strategic position in south-central Eurasia, much as Great Britain attempted in the late nineteenth century. This effort encompasses anti-terrorism and the pursuit of oil, but many in Washington also see it as an end in itself—as the natural behavior of a global superpower engaged in global dominance.

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Gosain, Ashish. "The Conflicted Superpower: America’s Collaboration with China and India in Global Innovation." Journal of Scientometric Research 7, no. 3 (January 4, 2019): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5530/jscires.7.3.35.

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Ziauddin, Silvia Berger. "Superpower Underground: Switzerland's Rise to Global Bunker Expertise in the Atomic Age." Technology and Culture 58, no. 4 (2017): 921–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2017.0109.

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Bankóová, Valéria. "The demographic determinants of Africa’s changing global position." Human Affairs 28, no. 4 (October 25, 2018): 367–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2018-0030.

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Abstract Demographic growth has in recent years been one of the determining characteristics of African development, and if projections are correct, the continent is set to become a population superpower. Its proportion of the world population, especially relative to the “old continent”, is increasing in a historically unprecedented manner, and its inhabitants are younger than ever. Although it is still difficult to assess whether this trend should be regarded as an opportunity or as a potential risk factor, it is already possible to discern the first definitive signs of how this evolving new distribution of demographic power is shifting Africa’s geopolitical and economic position in today’s polycentric world.

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17

Maher, Peter R. "The Frugal Superpower: America's Global Leadership in a Cash-Strapped Eraby Michael Mandelbaum." Strategic Analysis 35, no. 2 (February 8, 2011): 334–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2011.542936.

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BUCKEL, SONJA, and ANDREAS FISCHER-LESCANO. "Gramsci Reconsidered: Hegemony in Global Law." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 2009): 437–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990033.

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AbstractThis article focuses on Antonio Gramsci's hegemony theory. Hegemony, for Gramsci, is a particular way of living and thinking, a Weltanschauung (world-view), on which the preferences, taste, morality, ethics, and philosophical principles of the majority are based. Social struggles are transformed into legal ones in the course of processes in which juridical intellectuals are organizing hegemony under the special conditions of the legal system. We try to use this concept to contrast it with the prevailing readings of hegemony in international relations and in international law. ‘Hegemonic law’, we argue, is not the law of any superpower, but an asymmetric consensus which relies on a climate of world-society-wide recognition. The concrete form of hegemonic law under particular social conditions depends on the ‘historical bloc’, in which it is coupled with other social praxes. In the post-Westphalian system the historical bloc is fragmented into transnational and colliding legal regimes and law-generating processes in civil society.

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Adu Amoah, Lloyd G. "Chinweizu, Asia’s Rise and Disentangling Africa’s Strategic Incoherence for Africa’s Future." African and Asian Studies 20, no. 1-2 (April 27, 2021): 154–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341487.

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Abstract Chinweizu’s wide-ranging and copious intellectual output persistently brings into sharp focus penetrating analysis of Asia’s contemporary rise (read in Chinweizuan terms as autonomous modernization and industrialization) in juxtaposition to Africa’s de-industrialization and with it her firm rootedness at the periphery of global power. “Africa’s Staticity-Asia’s Rise” is a binary that bothers Chinweizu to no end. In two key works presented in Accra and Abuja respectively (Chinweizu, 2010a; 2010b) he tries to find answers. The two papers throw up in my view, a few strategic questions : i. how should Africa relate to a rising Asia in contemporary times? ii. What will it take in real terms for Chinweizu’s Black Superpower to emerge if the Asian example is a compelling one? iii. Is industrialization an existential necessity for Africa? iv. What kind of political, economic and social structures are required for a Black Superpower to emerge to command the respect of the world like Japan, Korea or China? This article will critically engage with these two works in order to attempt to respond to these strategic questions in the hope that it will aid in sharpening the theoretical underpinnings and practical processes for building the Chinweizuan Black Superpower.

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Vorobiev, V. Ya. "Sino-Russian cooperation potential within the BRICS framework." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2016): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-2-37-40.

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The article describes history of the BRICS group and its activities as a phenomenon of new multipolar world order. It studies Sino-Russian interactions in the BRICS against the background of Beijing’s foreign policy. The aim of China in international affairs, in the author’s opinion, is to avoid spoiling relations with any country and to secure the status of the second global superpower. The global balance of power is being increasingly determined not by West vs. Non-West opposition, but by new rivalry-conjugation: USA vs. China.

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Chen, Kai. "The hundred-year marathon: China’s secret strategy to replace America as the global superpower." Journal of Strategic Studies 41, no. 7 (September 24, 2018): 1071–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2018.1520793.

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Smirnov, V. V. "Analyzing the financial and economic momentum as a result of changes in the interest rate." National Interests: Priorities and Security 16, no. 9 (September 15, 2020): 1656–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.9.1656.

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Subject. The article discusses financial and economic momenta. Objectives. I determine financial and economic momenta as the interest rate changes in Russia. Methods. The study is based on a systems approach and the method of statistical analysis. Results. The Russian economy was found to strongly depend on prices for crude oil and natural gas, thus throwing Russia to the outskirts of the global capitalism, though keeping the status of an energy superpower, which ensures a sustainable growth in the global economy by increasing the external consumption and decreasing the domestic one. The devaluation of the national currency, a drop in tax revenue, etc. result from the decreased interest rate. They all require to increase M2 and the devalued retail loan in RUB, thus rising the GDP deflator. As for positive effects, the Central Bank operates sustainably, replenishes gold reserves and keeps the trade balance (positive balance), thus strengthening its resilience during a global drop in crude oil prices and the COVID-19 pandemic. The positive effects were discovered to result from a decreased in the interest rate, rather than keeping it low all the time. Conclusions and Relevance. As the interest rate may be, the financial and economic momentum in Russia depends on the volatility of the price for crude oil and natural gas. Lowering the interest rate and devaluing the national currency, the Central Bank preserves the resource structure of the Russian economy, strengthens its positions within the global capitalism and keeps its status of an energy superpower, thus reinforcing its resilience against a global drop in oil prices.

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Bayne, Nicholas. "The G7 Summit and the Reform of Global Institutions." Government and Opposition 30, no. 4 (October 1, 1995): 492–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00140.x.

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IN MY GOVERNMENT AND OPPOSITION/LEONARD SCHAPIRO lecture in 1993 I attempted an incomplete analysis of international economic relations after the end of the cold war, in particular the unexpected tensions and difficulties. The end of superpower confrontation had not only removed one incentive for Western countries to settle their economic disputes. It had also lowered the priority given to security issues, where national governments were in control, and had exposed their dwindling ability to take economic decisions, because of the extent of the interdependence which was the price paid for their prosperity. I could not think of a single area of domestic policy immune from international influence. Professor Susan Strange has developed a more trenchant analysis of this trend in her Government and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro lecture this year.

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Citino, Nathan J. "Between Global and Regional Narratives." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000080.

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The expansion of U.S. power across the Middle East has led to a convergence between what had previously been distinct historical fields. As U.S. foreign relations scholars turn their attention toward the Middle East and as Middle East historians address the implications of American imperialism, both groups have produced new research on the Cold War era. Since 2001, Rashid Khalidi, Juan R. I. Cole, and Ussama Makdisi have reexamined American foreign policy during the Cold War to understand the antecedents of current events. With the evolution of U.S. diplomatic history into a more cosmopolitan international history, its practitioners have consulted sources in regional languages. Recent scholarship has incorporated the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) into global narratives based on the themes of superpower rivalry, decolonization, and the struggle for development. While these global narratives help to counter regional exceptionalism, historians of the Cold War would also do well to read more Middle East historiography. The growing significance of American power for the MENA region calls for greater collaboration between the two fields on common interests that they have developed, at least so far, mostly in isolation.

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Bischof, Günter. "The Making of a Cold Warrior: Karl Gruber and Austrian Foreign Policy, 1945–1953." Austrian History Yearbook 26 (January 1995): 99–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004264.

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In the years 1945 to 1953, Karl Gruber exerted an influence over Austrian foreign policy at times resembling the dominant influence of a Kaunitz or a Metternich. But as a diplomatist Gruber did not come close to the finesse and shrewd sense of power that his two great predecessors possessed. Moreover, Gruber had to maneuver in less predictable domestic and international terrain. During his tenure in the Ballhausplatz, foreign policy wassubject to domestic partisan struggle as well as parliamentary control and public opinion. Furthermore, Austria no longer figured as a great power and was locked into the monumental Cold War struggle between East and West on the frontline of the superpower tensions. Gruber operated in an extremely hostile international environment. Instead of the traditional well-balanced nineteenth-century “concert of powers,” which had profited so much from Austrian professional statesmanship, the inexperienced Gruber faced the United States and the Soviet Union, which were in almost total control of international politics. The two superpowers were engaged in a gigantic ideological struggle, each striving for a preponderance of power. A small nation such as Austria was buffeted to and fro between the conflicts in Central Europe and could hardly escape the pull of the global “empires” fashioned at the time. The United States and the Soviet Union confronted each other in spiraling arms races (nuclear and conventional) and rigid alliance systems in an uneasy truce called the Cold War. In this context of a tight bilateral international system, even England and France—the former great powers reduced to the status of middling powers after the ignominious loss of their great colonial empires—had a difficult time holding on to their traditional influence in the international arena. Small powers like Austria were largely impotent, unless they fashioned for themselves some room to maneuver between the superpower blocs.

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Bemis, Michael F. "Book Review: Imperialism and Expansionism in American History: A Social, Political, and Cultural Encyclopedia and Document Collection." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 1 (September 23, 2016): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n1.60b.

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From the genesis of the concept of manifest destiny in the 1840s, through the attainment of statehood for Alaska and Hawaii in 1959, and up to the present day as the world’s lone superpower, the locomotive that is our nation has barreled down the twin rails of physical growth and world influence. Powerful, but not omnipotent, America has also learned some hard lessons in playing the role of global policeman.

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Ivaska, Andrew. "Leveraging Alternatives." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8916925.

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Abstract This article explores the place of the USSR in the imagination, circuitry, and everyday practice of the early Mozambican nationalist movement configuring itself in exile in Dar es Salaam. Soviet plans, like those of the US, for engaging African liberation movements were ambitiously imagined, but superpower influence cohered within relatively narrow, if global, corridors. This impact (through funding, scholarships, and more) was at once significant and unfolded in unpredictable ways. The article traces these contingent forms across scales of “comrade life,” from the leadership rivalries playing out between Dar, Accra, Moscow, Washington DC, and Cairo, to the “view from the veranda”: the aspirations, grievances, and material struggles that marked the daily rhythms of life for rank-and-file cadres. What emerges is a less-familiar face of the USSR in Africa. Rather than the Cold War superpower confidently guiding its impact, it appears here as an intimate part of an African-managed infrastructure of political exile.

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Kartin, Ang Prisila. "Kerangka Pemberantasan Korupsi Di Usa Dan Dampaknya." JEMAP 1, no. 1 (July 16, 2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.24167/jemap.v1i1.1587.

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United States is well-known as a superpower country. Among all the countries in the world United States has the best economic strength, military power, and political power. But it is not in line with the Corruption Perceptions Index which indicates how corrupt their public sectors are seen to be. The rampant corruption in United States happened in both of government sector and the private sector. Some cases that have occurred are the Watergate Scandal, Lockheed Scandal, Enron, WorldCom, and Xerox. Various cases of corruption in the United States indicate that superpower country supported by strong economic, military and political conditions does not necessarily make the cases of corruption / frauds in the country to be disappear. United States needs to make efforts to eradicate corruption in the country to suppress possible corruption cases.Various efforts made by the United States in the form of law issuance and the establishment of corruption eradication agencies are expected to help overcome the problem of corruption in the world. The United States, as the axis of the world's economy and politics, has caused many countries to be affected by the enactment of anti-corruption laws. The global awareness in eradicating corruption is expected to bring a positive climate for the global economy to realize a prosperous world community

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Pathirana, Dilini. "Rising China and Global Investment Governance: An Overview of Prospects and Challenges." Chinese Journal of Global Governance 4, no. 2 (September 7, 2018): 122–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23525207-12340034.

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Abstract International investment is one of the fields of global governance that is likely to be affected by China’s rise as a global superpower in general, and its rise as a global investor in particular. It has become manifest by China’s leadership in forming of the G20 Guiding Principles for Global Investment Policymaking and in establishing the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, while signaling the country’s growing capacity to influence global investment governance. However, China’s aspiration to steer global investment governance is being hindered by the increased backlash against globalisation and the investment treaty regime, as well as the rapid growth of Chinese investments. At the same time that protectionist measures aimed at Chinese investments are on the rise, the Belt and Road Initiative is underway, which will increase Chinese desire to safeguard the interests of Chinese investors. Consequently, it is possible that a Beijing-based pole in global investment governance could emerge, just as reforms are underway to address the legitimacy crisis in the regime.

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Weyland, Kurt. "Limits of US Influence: The Promotion of Regime Change in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 3 (December 2018): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000305.

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Scholars often assume that as a global superpower, the United States has had great influence and impact on political regime developments in the world. This article critically examines these claims, focusing on Latin America; by investigating the region most directly dominated by the US, it employs a most-likely-case design. The experiences of countries such as Brazil, Chile, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela show that US influence has been fairly limited for many years and has diminished over time. The Northern superpower has been less involved and has had less impact on regime developments than often postulated, as the analysis of the coups in Brazil in 1964 and Chile in 1973 demonstrates. Moreover, nations to which the US has maintained close, comprehensive linkages, such as Venezuela, have slid into “competitive authoritarianism” while a country such as Haiti, over which the US holds great leverage, has failed to establish a functioning democracy. Thus, even in its direct sphere of interest, the most powerful nation in the contemporary world seems to be limited in its capacity to promote or prevent political regime change.

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Manke, Albert, Kateřina Březinová, and Laurin Blecha. "Conceptual Readings into the Cold War: Towards Transnational Approaches from the Perspective of Latin American Studies in Eastern and Western Europe." Estudos Históricos (Rio de Janeiro) 30, no. 60 (April 2017): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s2178-14942017000100011.

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Abstract This bibliographical and conceptual essay summarizes recent research in Cold War Studies in Europe and the Americas, especially on smaller states in historiographical studies. Against the background of an increasing connectedness and globalization of research about the Cold War, the authors highlight the importance of the full-scale integration of countries and regions of the 'Global South' into Cold War Studies. Critical readings of the newly available resources reveal the existence of important decentralizing perspectives resulting from Cold War entanglements of the 'Global South' with the 'Global North.' As a result, the idea that these state actors from the former 'periphery' of the Cold War should be considered as passive recipients of superpower politics seems rather troubled. The evidence shows (at least partially) autonomous and active multiple actors.

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Garlick, Jeremy. "Michael Pillsbury. The Hundred-Year Marathon: China's Secret Strategy to Replace America as the Global Superpower." Asian Affairs 46, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2015.1082318.

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Frey, James W. "The Indian Saltpeter Trade, the Military Revolution, and the Rise of Britain as a Global Superpower." Historian 71, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 507–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2009.00244.x.

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Lerner, Natan. "Ethnic Rights in a Changing World." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 1 (February 1992): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000203x.

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Few periods in world history have been so crucial regarding the organization of international life as the last year (August 1990 - September 1991). The President of the now only leading superpower may have been too hasty and may have used too loose language when referring to a ‘new world order’, at the initial stages of the Iraq crisis. But the changes that took place since, in global politics and distribution of power are profound and far-reaching and may affect the legal structure of mankind.

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Zhang, Jun. "Commodifying art, Chinese style: The making of China’s visual art market." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 9 (June 12, 2017): 2025–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x17713993.

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The economic value of art to cities and regions has recently been vigorously pursued and actively studied. The rapid ascendance of China as a superpower in the global art market and associated transformation of China’s art space, however, are yet poorly understood. This paper develops a Polanyian framework to interpret the spatial and institutional evolution of China’s art market, seeing the (de)commodification of art as a cumulative process embedded in geo-historical interplays of triple logics—cultural, capital, and political, unfolding within, and reshaping in turn, historically inherited spatial structures.

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Knudsen, Ståle, Dinah Rajak, Siri Lange, and Isabelle Hugøy. "Bringing the state back in." Focaal 2020, no. 88 (December 1, 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2020.880101.

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This theme section brings the state back into anthropological studies of corporate social responsibility through the lens of Norwegian energy corporations working abroad. These transnational corporations (TNCs) are expected by the government to act responsibly when “going global.” Yet, we have observed that abroad, Norwegian corporations backed by state capital largely operate like any other TNCs. We argue that the driver for the adaptation to global capitalism is not coming from the embracing of neoliberal policies in Norway, but is rather inherent to the ways internationalization of the Norwegian economy is unfolding. To the extent that the Norwegian state has an impact on the corporations’ international endeavors, it relates primarily to the imperative of managing Norway’s reputation as a humanitarian superpower.

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Burton, Guy. "Explaining Beijing’s Shift from Active to Passive Engagement in Relation to the Arab-Israeli Conflict." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 1-2 (April 15, 2016): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00402001.

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As a ‘rising power’, China is expected to play a greater global role. But current Chinese involvement in the long-running and internationalised Arab-Israeli conflict is limited. How to explain this? What does it suggest about China’s regional and global role? Studying Beijing’s involvement since the 1950s, I note Chinese military assistance to the Palestinians during the 1960s-70s and strong criticism of Israel. But from the 1980s Beijing adopted a more diplomatic approach and endorsed the two-state solution. The change was due to China’s broader regional and international relations. During the Cold War Beijing’s ‘active’ pro-Palestinian stance was associated with being ‘outside’ the superpower-dominated international system. By the end of the Cold War Beijing was ‘inside’ the international system and increasingly integrated into the global economy. Commercial considerations trumped political ones, emphasising diplomacy. This suggests China’s exercise of global power may be more nuanced and less overt than otherwise assumed.

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Fayyaz, Shabana, and Salma Malik. "Question of US Hegemony and COVID-19 Pandemic." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).09.

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A key feature of contemporary international politics is the changing nature of American presence on the world stage. Before the COVID-19 pandemic emerged, power of the United States (U.S.) as a unipolar superpower was experiencing change, giving way to multipolarity. For the past three decades, America was the predominant global power, leading the international response to every man-made or natural crisis and calamity. This time, however, the complexity of the COVID-19 pandemic has undermined the American ability to lead the international community in managing the impact of COVID-19 pandemic. By its very nature, COVID-19 is challenging prevailing international norms of hard and soft power. This paper critically evaluates the role of American power, its central position in the international political economy and global governance to highlight how deeply it is embedded in the international order, and suited to mount a global response to an international challenge.

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Reshetnikova, Marina S. "China’s innovation race: future leader or outsider?" RUDN Journal of Economics 29, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-1-56-63.

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Today two main innovative determinants influence Chinas position in the race to global leadership in artificial intelligence. The aim of the research was to assess Chinese innovative potential according to two criteria: artificial intelligence talents and hardware base. The analysis has provided a conclusive answer to the question about the prospects of China to achieve the position of a scientific and technological superpower. The presented data shows that global competition in artificial intelligence has toughened and there is a certain lag in the competence of Chinese talents and in the development of breakthrough microelectronic technologies. However, the dynamics of the Chinese artificial intelligence sector growth and the Big Government legal actions indicate that the changes may come very soon. Due to the growing uncertainty and technological confrontation between main innovative and technology competitors, the victory in the global race for China's artificial intelligence sector may not take place.

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Kapur, Devesh. "The Quest for Global Leadership: U.S.-China Competition in Multilateral Financial Institutions." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (January 2017): 243–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500154.

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As China emerges as a global power, it has showed great willingness to remake global development finance by setting up new multilateral financial institutions. The creation of those new institutions represents a marked departure from the existing multilateral development bank (MDB) system. For the first time, the new institutions do not depend on the financial largess of the West. To understand the circumstances that have led China to create these new institutions and the likely consequences, the article first examines the Bretton Woods institutional architecture that was created by the United States when it emerged as the principal global economic superpower in the aftermath of World War II. In the second part, it analyzes the competition between China and the United States in global financial governance given Beijing’s expanding interests and Washington’s declining influence. The article further explores in the third section new opportunities and challenges that the new financial institutions could bring to China, and finally proposes how China could better leverage those new institutions to play a transformative role in promoting its global leadership.

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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.

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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.

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Czornik, Katarzyna. "Determinants of U.S. Foreign Policy foreign policy during the Cold War The Intra-American Perspective." Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis 31 (December 29, 2020): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spus.11383.

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The U.S. accession to the Second World War and indisputable victory initiated a new stage in the history of the United States. The country took a superpower position next to the USSR. The USA became the leading force of the democratic and capitalist world. During the Cold War, competing with the Soviet Union for influence in the global scale, the United States effectively spread its ideology, political system model, and value system. A number of determinants of an internal nature, both objective and subjective, influenced the shape of the foreign policy of the USA during the Cold War.

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Brazys, Samuel, and Alexander Dukalskis. "Canary in the coal mine? China, the UNGA, and the changing world order." Review of International Studies 43, no. 4 (February 20, 2017): 742–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000067.

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AbstractHow China assumes its position of superpower is one of the most important questions regarding global order in the twenty-first century. While considerable and sustained attention has been paid to China’s growing economic and military might, work examining how China is attempting, if at all, to influence the ecosystem of global norms is in its earlier stages. In this article we examine China’s actions in an important venue for the development of global norms, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Using a unique dataset that captures how other countries move into or out of alignment with China on UNGA resolutions that are repeated over time, we find statistical evidence that China used diplomatic and economic means in an attempt to subtly alter international norms. We further illustrate these findings by examining four states that made substantive moves toward China on resolutions concerning national sovereignty, democracy, international order, non-interference, and human rights.

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Munoz Pahuamba, Argelia, Ye Jianmu, and Abdoulaye Oury Bah. "Latin America Development under Chinese Investment Hegemony." International Journal of Management Science and Business Administration 1, no. 5 (2015): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.15.1004.

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The magnificent rise of China as a superpower in the contemporaneous international system and its increased integration with the global economy is having both direct and indirect effects on Latin American region. The aim of this paper is to identify the main features of Chinese investment in the region and give a descriptive analysis of the impacts it is having on the development of the region. The increase of China investment represents both opportunities and challenges for Latin American economies and suggests where these investments should be more concentrated, taking into consideration both continents and sectors. Lastly, the paper discusses the challenges policy makers in Latin America and China are facing.

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Relojo, Dennis. "THE ROLE OF BLOG PSYCHOLOGY IN ONLINE MENTAL HEALTH MOVEMENT: CURRENT STATUS AND IMPLICATIONS." Problems of Psychology in the 21st Century 12, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/10.33225/ppc/18.12.04.

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Mental disorders contribute significantly to the global burden of disease, as 4 out of the 10 diseases with the highest burden are psychiatric. About 25% of all develop one or more psychiatric and behavioural disorders during their lifetime. Unipolar depression ranges as the leading mental disorder with respect to disability adjusted life years. The major psychiatric disorders like schizophrenia and depression are found in all cultures and result in significant disability. As a result, the cost of mental disorders worldwide needs receiving increasing recognition (Kastrup & Ramos, 2007). Mental health is a global problem – one that needs greater worldwide attention because until now this has not been achieved. For instance, in the US, the world's sliding superpower, the prisons are the functioning mental-health-care system (Kleinman, 2009). Somewhere between a third and a half of all the homeless people in American cities suffer from mental illness.

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Zarobny, Stanisław. "CHANGES IN FRANCE’S STRATEGIC CULTURE AFTER THE COLD WAR." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 32, no. 32 (December 31, 2018): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8105.

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The author of the article attempted to examine the main conditions and characteristics of the French strategic culture, a country with huge arms traditions and the high social authority of the armed forces in society. All this means that France has made a huge contribution to the development of theory and practice in the field of military art and strategy, as well as in shaping the order of international security. The main strategic documents of France and its activity in the international arena confirm the traditional line of French security policy and strategic culture. It is a political culture of a superpower conscious of its great past which still radiates into current and global relations of France.

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Mashevskyi, Oleh, and Olga Sukhobokova. "“American Talks” – Educational and Scientific Project of the Ukrainian Association for American Studies and the Faculty of History of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.09.

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The article deals with the educational project «American Talks», implemented during 2018-2019 by the non-governmental organization Ukrainian Association for American Studies and the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of the Faculty of History, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. A series of meetings, lectures, discussions on topical issues of American history and politics, Ukrainian-American relations, the place of personality in the modern world, the formation of leaders and their role in American society are covered. Lecture-discussion «Education at American Universities» by Associate Professor Alexander Komarenko was devoted to discussing opportunities for Ukrainian youth to study at American universities, financing American university education, system of management and coordination of educational projects, correlation of local and federal educational systems. The event in the Framework event within the American Talks project, organized by the Chairman of the Board of NGOs Ukrainian Association for American Studies, Associate Professor Makar Taran, on «The USA and China in the 21st Century: Global Competition of the Superpower of the Present and the Superpower of the Future», was devoted to the most important aspects of the current relations between the two superpowers, prospects for their development and the implications of these processes for international relations. It was emphasized that the US-China relations are the most important bilateral relations of global importance and their significance for the whole world, and for Ukraine in particular, will only grow. An opportunity to become a woman in the American society as an individual, her prospects for education and professional development, and family attitudes toward women who have a successful career was addressed by an event titled «Women’s Careers in the United States: Benefits, Challenges, Opportunities» with American filmmaker, lawyer Sharon Rowven, and producer, director and screenwriter Andrea Blaugrund Nevins. In May 2019, at the Faculty of History of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, a lecture-discussion was held by a well-known American journalist, a civil servant of Ukrainian descent, ex-director of the Ukrainian Voice of America service, Adrian Karmazin. This meaningful event was attended by students, studying under the American and European Studies program, as well as alumni, teachers of History Faculty, representatives of the Ukrainian Association for American Studies, specialists in international relations and counteraction to Russian hybrid information warfare against Ukraine. Ukrainian-American Educational Dialogue – a discussion about university-based humanitarian education in Ukraine and the USA between students and teachers of the American and European Studies program at the Taras Shevchenko National University and Nazareth College (State of New York, USA), aimed at informing US colleagues about the history and current development of Ukrainian university education, sharing experience in higher education in the humanities and discussing prospects for cooperation.

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Nadya, Annissa, Elshadai Trihandayani, I. Gusti Usha, Maria Agnetha, Theofilia Soukotta, and Sepril Melani. "TIONGKOK SEBAGAI PEMIMPIN DUNIA BARU MELALUI INVESTASI DI NEGARA-NEGARA DI DUNIA." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 2, no. 2 (July 23, 2019): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v2i2.1070.

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Tulisan ini akan membahas mengenai Tiongkok sebagai negara yang saat ini dapat dikatakan sebagai negara superpower. Tiongkok melakukan investasi global besar-besaran dan hadir di negara-negara di seluruh dunia, tidak terbatas hadir di negara-negara berkembang tetapi juga di negara maju.Investasi Tiongkok yang hampir hadir di sebagia besar negara di dunia, menunjukkan Tiongkok telah berhasil memperluas pengaruhnya, sehingga semakin besar kekuatan yang dimiliki Tiongkok. Kemudian, inovasi besar yang digagas oleh Tiongkok, mendorong semakin banyak hadirnya investasi Tiongkok di dunia.Seluruh kawasan telah merasakan hadirnya Tiongkok dengan adanya investasi tersebut. Tiongkok dipandang sebagai negara yang penting saat ini.Adapun tujuan tulisan ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana investasi global yang dilakukan Tiongkok, mendorongnya hadir sebagai pemimpin dunia saat ini. Metode penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif.Penulis menggunakan teori World Leadership menurut Modelski sebagai pedoman.Tulisan ini menemukan, jika Tiongkok berpotensi untuk menjadi New World Leader berlandaskan kekuatan dan inovasi yang dimiliki Tiongkok. Kata Kunci : Tiongkok, Investasi, New World Leader, Kekuatan

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Alagappa, Muthiah. "Regionalism and conflict management: a framework for analysis." Review of International Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1995): 359–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117966.

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Regionalism, and more generally multilateralism, is commanding considerable attention in the policy and intellectual communities. In the security domain, this interest can be traced to a number of developments. One is the regionalization of international security brought about by the dramatic change in the dynamics of the international political system. In the absence of a new overarching and overriding global-level security dynamic, domestic, bilateral and regional dynamics have become more salient and have to be addressed in their own terms. It is now much more necessary and possible, for example, to discuss security in Asia, Europe, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East in regional and sub-regional contexts, quite independent of a global dynamic or developments in other regions. While the interests and linkages arising from the involvement of external powers must still be taken into account, the context is qualitatively different from the Cold War era, when the dynamics of the superpower conflict permeated and in many cases subsumed the local dynamics of conflicts.

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Sabeen Azam. "BRI: A Marvel of Economic Diplomacy for China and Pakistan." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (May 30, 2021): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v8i1.1950.

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The continent of Asia is of vital importance as overall 40 countries, with two densely populated countries India and China are been in it. In this region China and Pakistan share mutual friendly relations. The revival of the ancient silk road, reckoned to established cross-continental communication and trade infrastructure, which offer China with an unprecedented Geopolitical advantage in the future. China has utilized capitalist ambition for its emergence as the new superpower and requires further consolidation of global capital to sustain its status. The (BRI) Belt and Road Initiative of China, is estimated USD 8 trillion involving 70 countries which combined represent 60% of the world population and 40% off the global GDP, which offers tremendous prospects for global growth. The intervention of globalization has though blurred cultural, socio-economic and political norms and divides eventually reshaping their distinct peculiarities around the world. These changes have also reorganized the Geostrategic configurations through borderless transactions coupled with Economic Diplomacy. This article argues that now China’s cultural and Economic Diplomacy could play a pivotal role in mobilizing countries, especially Pakistan circumventing conspiracy theorism vis a vis protecting its assets and investments. And the economic supremacy tactics been carried by China.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Global superpower'

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