Dissertations / Theses: 'Globalization – Political aspects – Zimbabwe'

1

Munyanyi, Rachael Mationesa. "The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8972_1182748616.

Full text

Abstract:

The food security crisis which gripped the sub Sahara Africa after the drought in 1999/2000 threatened development initiatives in these countries. Zimbabwe&rsquo
s situation has since worsened and the country has failed to recuperate from the food problems, even after an improvement in the climatic conditions. International and local food aid activities then became a priority in the fight to sustain the right to food for the affected regions. It is argued in this research that if food aid is distributed on the basis of need it will enable the vulnerable populations recuperate form food insecurity problems. It is also postulated that if well implemented, food aid programmes are also able to play the dual role of averting starvation and leading to long term development. This thesis departs from the allegations of food aid politicisation in Zimbabwe.

Using the rational choice and neopatrimonial theories of individual behaviour, this research endeavored to ascertain whether political decisions influenced the government food aid distributions which were conducted through the Grain Marketing Board. In line with these theories, it is argued in this study that politicians behave in a manner that maximizes the fulfillment of their individual needs rather than the needs of the people who vote them in positions of power.

A qualitative approach was adopted in this study and data was gathered through household interviews in the Seke and Goromonzi districts of the Mashonaland East province in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, interviews were conducted with food aid experts from the governmental and non governmental organisations dealing with food security issues in Zimbabwe.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.

Full text

Abstract:

The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.
KMBT_363
Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Casanova-Jimenez, Richard P. "Trade and investment disputes : whose business is it anyway ?" Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78207.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis is a discussion on whether every sector of human activity really is or needs to be 'global'. It discusses the impact that economic globalization has on the role of the nation-state and on the concept of democracy, at both local and international levels. Particular emphasis is put on some of the democratic challenges associated with dispute settlement at the WTO and also under foreign investment international instruments. It is argued that increased participation by non-state actors, particularly NGOs, in state-to-state and in investor-state arbitration threatens to weaken the arbitration process and does little to remedy alleged democratic deficiencies. The author concludes that many democratic concerns regarding these types of dispute settlement processes may be better addressed by strengthening national democracies. Increased public information, consultation, and participation in the shaping of foreign policy could reduce much of the criticism concerning both, international dispute settlement and decision-making.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Slaughter, Steven 1970. "Public power in a global age : a critical analysis of liberal governance." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8712.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Gandari, Jonathan. "An examination of how organisational policy and news professionalism are negotiated in a newsroom: a case study of Zimbabwe's Financial gazette." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002884.

Full text

Abstract:

The construction of journalistic professionalism in Zimbabwe has stirred debate among scholars. Critics have argued that professionalism has been compromised by the stifling media laws in Zimbabwe as well as the extra legal measures the state has enforced to control the press. Some have also argued that a new kind of journalism must be emerging in the Zimbabwean newsroom as journalism try to cope with the political and economic pressures bedeviling the country. Much of this criticism however, has not been based on close interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of the journalists in any particular newsroom. It is against this background that this study examines the constructions of professionalism at the Financial Gazette. In particular it explores the meaning of professionalism through interrogating the journalistic practices the journalists consider during the process of news production in the context of overwhelming state power. In undertaking this examination, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly observation and multi-layered individual in-depth interviews. As the study demonstrates, the interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of newsroom practices uncovers the complex manner in which professionalism is negotiated in the Gazette’s newsroom located in a country undergoing transition in Democracy. The study establishes that when measured against normative canons of journalistic professionalism the Gazette is deviating from such tenets as public service and watchdog journalism. As the study indicates, perhaps unbeknown to the respondents, the ruling ZANU PF party hegemony is reproduced at the Gazette through choice of news values such as sovereignty and patriotism all euphemisms for ruling party‘s slogans.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Haigh, Stephen Paul, and n/a. "Globalization and the state : towards a neo-medieval political order?" University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2008. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080514.111752.

Full text

Abstract:

The system of states that now covers the planet did not arise out of thin air; rather it was the product of historical forces that gradually coalesced around the state form. But the dynamics of that process no longer obtain. In their place, a new, highly complex amalgam of material and ideational forces is now in the ascendant -- and its arrival has serious implications for traditionally configured, "Westphalian" states. Understood as ("thick") globalization, this interlocking array of political, economic, social and cultural forces challenges the old order at two key points. First, traditional states had "hard shells," by means of which they were capable of consolidating differences between �inside� and �outside� to the point where the latter could more easily be quarantined. Second, for closely related reasons they were largely able to "absorb" domestic society, such that the individual was less a citizen than (s)he was a subject. But these (dubious) capabilities have been severely exposed and eroded, which leads us to ask, "Whither the state under globalization?" My thesis constitutes a sustained attempt to answer this question. The theme is a large one - and I believe that to be adequately treated, large themes require a varied approach. First, in terms of theory this means that I borrow from a significant diversity of recognized �Schools� within the discipline of International Relations. Second, in terms of method I follow a similarly pluralist line. Broadly speaking, the work is interpretive as opposed to explanatory, which is to concede that one cannot be �purely� scientific while standing inside the phenomena one wishes to examine. On the other hand, this forecloses neither the scientific method nor its guiding spirit. With respect to states and the international system, we can still be "scientific realists:" states are real structures whose nature can legitimately be approximated through sciences. In sum, I cleave to a sort of methodological middle ground between science and interpretation, taking from each in the measure that they advance the discussion. Third, in terms of normative intent my chief concern is with the way things are; but as it turns out, the way things are increasingly includes the way they ought to be. In other words, the ontology of our globalizing world is increasingly deontological in texture. This may sound contradictory. Nevertheless, the spread of universal norms - and of equally universal ordering principles, or patterns of global organization - has undeniable repercussions for the relationship between is and ought. In turn, the implications for states are profound. The answer to my central question, "Wither the state under globalization?" is this: we are now on the threshold of a neo-medieval era of segmented political authority. Centrally nested within this new order is the embedded cosmopolitan state, wherein universal and particular aspects of being can now be fully reconciled.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Matiza, Tafadzwa. "The influence of non-financial nation brand image dimensions on foreign direct investment inflows in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/8902.

Full text

Abstract:

How a country is perceived by foreign investors is becoming increasingly significant to the ability of individual countries to attract foreign direct investment into their economies. In Africa, existing negative perceptions of the continent as an investment destination have been considered as an obstacle for foreign direct investment inflows to the continent in general. Although Zimbabwe offers foreign investors multiple lucrative investment opportunities, attracting foreign direct investment to the country presents a unique challenge due to the image of the country post the 1998-2008 economic crisis. Despite the vast research on the determinants of foreign direct inflows to particular countries, little is known about whether non-financial image-related factors influence the inflow of foreign direct investment to a particular country, especially a country with a unfavourable global image like Zimbabwe. The primary objective of this study was therefore to determine the perceived non-financial nation brand image factors considered to be influential for attracting specific foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe. A comprehensive literature review resulted in the identification of nine independent variables (tourism, governance, people, culture and heritage, exports, investment and immigration, factor endowments, infrastructure, and legal and regulation frameworks), as well as four dependent variables (market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe). A hypothesised model was developed in order to examine whether the independent variables have an influence on the dependent variables, and as a result nine hypotheses were formulated to test the relationships between the nine independent variables and each of the four dependent variables. A cross-sectional, quantitative deductive approach to research was employed in order to generate the data required for hypothesis testing. Purposive sampling techniques were employed to draw the sample frame for the study. A self-administered online survey was conducted, and generated empirical data from a final sample comprised of 305 investors who had applied to invest in Zimbabwe through the Zimbabwe Investment Authority between January 2009 and April 2015. Data was analysed using STATISTICA 12 software. Exploratory factor analysis was utilised to extract the constructs and validate the measuring instrument. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were calculated in order to test the reliability and internal consistency of the measuring instrument. As a result, a total of six valid and reliable independent variables, and four dependent variables were retained for further analysis. The results of the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients revealed mostly moderate correlations. The Multi-Collinearity diagnostics test confirmed the absence of collinearity between the independent variables and dependent variables respectively. Subsequently, the results of the four sets of multiple regression analyses, disclosed thirteen statistically significant relationships between the six independent variables and the four categorical dependent variables. Tourism had significant relationships with market-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Government actions had significant relationships with resource- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. People had significant relationships with resource- and efficiency- seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Export had significant relationships with market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Regulatory framework had significant relationships with market- and resource-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. The results of the Analysis of Variance revealed that investor status can be used to predict which non-financial nation brand image determinants played a role in the ultimate decision for taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe. Further analysis of the role that the demographic profiles of the investors played in predicting which non-financial nation brand image determinants are considered influential in taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe was confirmed in the Multivariate Analysis of Variance with thirty-four statically significant relationships identified. Further analysis by means of post-hoc Scheffé testing and Cohen’s d-values calculations confirm that thirty-nine practically significant mean differences were evident. This study makes a novel contribution to the empirical body of nation branding, foreign direct investment and investment promotion research by developing and testing a hypothetical model that synthesises facets of the three fields of study. This study represents a new discourse in the identification of the determinants of FDI (that being non-financial determinants) and provides an explanatory framework for the non-financial nation brand image determinants influencing each type of FDI inflow opportunity sought in Zimbabwe. It is within this framework that recommendations, based on empirical evidence, are made for the Government of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Investment Authority. Some of these recommendations could be implemented within the short-term, while others may be more strategic in the long term. Recommendations made include that the Government of Zimbabwe undertakes significant policy reviews, continues its engagement with key external stakeholders such as other governments, supra-national financial institutions, and foreign investors, as well as adhering to existing favourable FDI policies. It is also recommended that the Zimbabwe Investment Authority adopt an intermediary role, by linking the Government of Zimbabwe with potential foreign investors through investor targeting, as well as promoting Zimbabwe as an investment destination by engaging in image-building activities such as public diplomacy, investor relations, specialised advertising and hosting investor forums with multiple, distinct investor segments. These image-building activities should be centered on the non-financial nation brand image determinants that foreign investors consider to be influential to foreign direct investment in Zimbabwe, and should be geared towards improving and managing the perceived image of Zimbabwe as an investment destination.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Muzvidziwa, Itai. "Gender equality in decision-making processes: the case of the Zimbabwean cabinet." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018649.

Full text

Abstract:

Although Zimbabwe is a signatory to various regional and international conventions, treatises, declarations and protocols that seek to promote and create an environment conducive the attainment of gender equality, despite all these commitments, the Zimbabwean Government still lags behind in the area of political participation of women. This study was done to investigate gender equality and the level of participation in governmental decision making processes with specific reference to the cabinet of Zimbabwe. The subject for discussion was traced back to 1980 when Zimbabwe gained its independence and the researcher aimed to ascertain whether there was any significant improvement in terms of women’s participation in governmental decision-making processes and structures. The study also unravelled reasons why women have been at the peripherals of decision- making in cabinet. The study also brought out and evaluated the strategies used by the government of Zimbabwe in managing a gender-sensitive working environment and the legislation that has been put in place to guide the process. At the same time an evaluation was done among the respondents to ascertain the strengths and weaknesses of the strategies identified. Political parties were also included in the process since women who find their way into parliament do so using the tickets of their respective political parties. The political parties have a role to play since they have their respective constitutions in gender sensitive issues and it remains to be seen if they are implementing this which would result in identifying the numbers of women who are in the cabinet. The study is of significance to the Zimbabwean situation at the moment as the country is in the process of drafting a new constitution. The current Constitution in its Section 23 which provides for “protection from discrimination on the grounds of race, tribe, political opinion or physical disability of the persons concerned it is not clear as to what form of representation or position women should occupy in politics and decision-making positions. Given the above research analysis it is possible to conclude that indeed women have an impact on decision making in cabinet. The findings show the impact of considering the value of women in decision-making bodies as they spearheading development in their respective wards and the nation at large. Women were also viewed as decision makers who would contribute in the development of the nation just as much as men are assumed to do. The empowerment of women legislators and the aspiring candidates is a process that has a long way to go to ensure gender equality in governmental decision making processes but it is a necessary process.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Nyaungwa, Mathew. "Newspapers' institutional voices in Zimbabwe : speaking to power through editorials between 1 June and 31 December 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017786.

Full text

Abstract:

This study investigates the complex role editorials – a newspaper's institutional voice – play in highly-polarised political contexts. Employing Van Dijk's insight that editorials "are usually not only, and even not primarily, directed at the common reader: rather they tend to directly or indirectly address influential news actors" (1992: 244), the study focuses on how the editorials of two Zimbabwean daily newspapers – The Herald, a perceived pro-government newspaper, and NewsDay, a perceived pro-opposition newspaper – speak to those in power. The study looks at these two newspapers' editorials from 1 June to 31 December 2013, which covers the period prior to, during and after the 2013 national elections. The 31 July, 2013 elections took place after four years of an uneasy government of national unity (GNU), which comprised ZANU-PF and the two MDC formations (Raftopoulos, 2013:978). Given the polarisation that is pervasive in the Zimbabwean politics and media, the study draws on Hallin and Mancini (2004)'s "Polarised Pluralist Model". In this model the media are used as instruments of struggle in conflicts, sometimes by dictatorships and by movements struggling against them, but also by contending parties in periods of democratic politics (Hallin and Mancini, 2004:61). Further, the methodological approach that informs this study is primarily qualitative. A qualitative content analysis of 30 editorials seeks to identify themes covered in the editorials. The study also employs a rhetorical analysis of 12 editorials and in-depth interviews and these form the adopted three-stage research design. The findings of this research somewhat contradict the common view in Zimbabwe that the privately-owned media blindly support the opposition while the stateowned media do the same to ZANU-PF (Chari, 2009:10; Mabweazara, 2011:110). Although The Herald openly supported ZANU-PF prior to the election, it shifted after the election as it pushed the ruling party to fulfill pledges made on the campaign trail. Some ZANU-PF officials were also censured by The Herald, although this selective criticism can be linked to factionalism in the party. NewsDay editorials reminded the newly formed government to mend the economy and provide basic services. While, the daily constantly censured Mugabe and ZANU-PF prior to the election, it also occasionally berated the MDC, which can be attributed to its participation in the GNU as that took away the privilege it previously had of not being hold accountable by the press.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Gwemende, Kudakwashe G. "Impact of globalisation on parenting in Buhera district." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/209.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Van, der Merwe Justin Daniel Sean. "The 2003 Cricket World Cup : implications for identity formation and democratization prospects for Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16507.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There can be little doubt about the ability of major international sporting events to capture the aspirations and hopes of nations. These events have an uncanny ability of seemingly effortlessly doing what a hundred speeches and mass rallies by politicians could only hope to achieve. Therefore, it is no surprise that they are commonly understood to be able to bring nations and people together and provide a focus for national identity and unity. The 1995 Rugby World Cup in South Africa is an obvious proponent of such a claim, whereby South Africa was emerging from a long and arduous political transition and needed something more than going to the polling booths to unite the nation. Major international sporting events are also said to be able to provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes. The 1988 Olympics in South Korea is a landmark of such claims whereby the South Korean government was said to bow to the democratizing pressures exerted on it due to its hosting of the event. Many have argued that China’s hosting of the Olympics in 2008 will have a similar effect. However, equally potent, major international sporting events can have various unintended consequences in terms of identity formation, democratization prospects and human rights for the host nations. An analysis of South Africa and Zimbabwe’s co-hosting of the 2003 Cricket World Cup demonstrates this point. The outcomes of the study suggest that whilst it is normally the intention for the host nations to use the games to bring nations and people together, the Cricket World Cup opened up a rift between races, both within the race contours of the cricket playing Commonwealth world and within South Africa's domestic politics. It was also established that much like the 1995 Rugby World Cup had sought to reconcile blacks and whites domestically under the “Rainbow Nation” during Mandela's presidency, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, with its more regional focus and under Mbeki’s presidency, presented an excellent opportunity for transnational reconciliation between Africa and the Anglo-Saxon world. However, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, as a project in racial reconciliation, was essentially a failure. This was predominantly due to the choice by South Africa of Zimbabwe as co-host and due to the shift of South Africa's national identity from that of the “Rainbow Nation” under Mandela, to that of “Africanism” under Mbeki. President Mbeki’s drive towards “Africanism” proved divisive both transnationally and domestically. Symbolically, the Cricket World Cup, when compared with the 1995 Rugby World Cup, had served to highlight the decline of the “Rainbow Nation”. Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event had served to further entrench the authoritarian regime. Instead of the regime opening up due to its co-hosting of the event, a broad clampdown on civil and political liberties was experienced. The Zimbabwean government felt the need to tighten its grip during the lead up to the event and throughout the tournament itself. The aim was to project a sanitized view of Zimbabwe to the rest of the world. Thus, the event presented an opportunity for the government to shore up its credibility and produce political propaganda. South Africa’s stance of “quiet diplomacy” also indirectly helped to further entrench the regime through the World Cup. Zimbabwe's co-hosting also impacted negatively on the opposition, the MDC. In addition to this, the various pressures which major events are said to exert on a host nation to reform politically and which result from boycott campaigns, pressure from the media, stimulation of civil society and protests, were not very effective in enhancing democratization prospects and human rights in Zimbabwe. This study reaches the overall conclusion that the claims that major events bring nations and people together and provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian regimes, need further revision. South Africa and Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event did indeed have unintended consequences. Policy implications are also assessed. Future areas for research are also identified.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar bestaan min twyfel dat groot internasionele sportgebeurtenisse die strewes en verwagtinge van nasies aanwakker. Hierdie gebeutenisse het die vermoë om op ‘n oënskylike moeitelose wyse meer te bereik as wat ‘n honderd toesprake en massavergaderings deur politici kan hoop om te bereik. Daarom is dit geen verrassing nie dat daar vry algemeen aanvaar word dat hierdie gebeurtenisse oor die vermoë beskik om nasies en mense by mekaar te bring en ‘n fokus vir nasionale identiteit en eenheid kan verskaf. Die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker in Suid-Afrika, is ‘n ooglopende voorbeeld: Suid Afrika het uit ‘n lang en moeilike politieke oorgang gekom en het meer as ‘n blote verkiesing nodig gehad ten einde die nasie te verenig. Voorts is dit ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse ‘n katalisator of aansporing is vir demokratisering en die bevordering van mensregte in outoritêre en semi-outoritêre regerings. Die 1988 Olimpiese Spele in Suid-Korea ondersteun hierdie aanspraak. As gasheerland van hierdie spele, het die Suid-Koreaanse regering onder toenemende druk gekom om aan die vereistes van demokrasie te voldoen. Daar word verwag dat die Olimpiese Spele van 2008 dieselfde impak op China, die gasheerland, sal hê. Terselfdertyd is dit egter ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse vir die gasheerlande onverwagte negatiewe gevolge ten opsigte van identiteitsvorming, demokratiseringsvooruitsigte en bevordering van menseregte kan hê. n’ Ontleiding van Sui-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker staaf hierdie stelling. Die resultate van die studie toon aan dat alhoewel gasheerlande normaalweg groot sportgebeurtenisse gebruik om nasies en mense byeen te bring, het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker ‘n kloof tussen rasse veroorsaak – binne die krieketspelende Statebondswêreld sowel as die Suid- Afrikaanse huishoudelike politiek. Daar is ook vasgestel dat net soos die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker aan Suid-Afrika tydens die presidentskap van Mandela en onder die vaandel van die “Reënboognasie” ‘n plaaslike versoeningsgeleentheid tussen swart en wit gebied het, net so het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker, met sy regionale fokus en onder presidentskap van Mbeki, ook ‘n uitstekende geleentheid vir trans-nasionale versoening tussen Afrika en die Anglo-Saksiese wêreld gebied. As versoeningsprojek was die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker egter in wese ‘n mislukking, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van Suid-Afrika se besluit dat Zimbabwe ‘n mede-gasheer moes wees en weens die feit dat Suid-Afrika se nasionale identiteit ‘n klemverskuiwing van “Reënboognasie” onder Mandela tot “Afrikanisme” onder Mbeki, ondergaan het. President Mbeki se beklemtoning van “Afrikanisme” was ook huishoudelik en trans-nasionaal verdelend. Simbolies gesproke, het die Krieket Wêreldbeker – in teenstelling met die Rugby Wêreldbeker – die “Reënboognasie” se verkwyning beklemtoon. Daar is ook vasgestel dat Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die Krieket Wêreldbeker inderdaad hierdie outoritêre regering versterk het. In plaas daarvan die Zimbabwiese regering sy outoritêre greep as gevolg van sy mede-aanbieding verslap het, was daar inderdaad ‘n verdere breë onderdrukking van burgerlike en politieke regte. Die Zimbabwiese regering het in die aanloop tot en in die loop van die toernooi sy outoritêre greep verstewig ten einde ‘n gesaniteerde beeld van Zimbabwe aan die res van die wêreld te kon voorhou. Die Zimbabwiese regering het die geleentheid misbruik om geloofwaardigheid te probeer wen en politieke propaganda uit te stuur. Suid-Afrika se standpunt van “stille diplomasie” het ook die hand van Zimbabwiese regering versterk; en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het ‘n negatiewe impak op die opposisie, die MDC, gehad. Die dwang wat op gasheerlande deur middel van boikotte, die media en proteste uitgeoefen kan word om polities te hervorm, was in die geval van Zimbabwe nie effektief nie. In hierdie studie word tot die slotsom gekom dat die aansprake dat groot sportgebeurtenisse nasies en mense saambring en ‘n aansporing vir demokratisering van outoritêre regerings is, verdere hersiening verg. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het onbeoogde gevolge gehad – en in sommige gevalle was hierdie gevolge selfs direk die teenoorgestelde van wat verwag is. Beleidsimplikasies word ook evalueer. Voorts word toekomstige navorsingsareas ook identifiseer.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Umar, Wahedi Ayesha. "Capital Flows, Political Performance, and Development." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/217.

Full text

Abstract:

This research explores the impact of various forms of capital flows on economic growth and development for a group of 120 countries from 1980-2007. Traditional growth literature as well as the textbook theory of economic growth looks at capital flows as playing a vital role in fostering economic growth and development. The textbook theories, as well as the existing approaches to study the capital flows and economic development connection, use growth and development interchangeably. This analysis, examines the consequences of different capital flows on growth and development separately because the determinants of growth may not be the same as the determinants of development. This distinction becomes even more applicable when observing the cases of countries that have experienced economic growth during certain periods but were unable to translate the increase in economic growth to development. To investigate the impact of various forms of capital flows, this dissertation utilizes life expectancy in addition to economic growth, as a measure of development. The results from using the two measures show that capital flows have dissimilar impact on life expectancy as well as economic growth. The central proposition of this dissertation is that not all forms of capital flows are created equal. Furthermore, countries at different levels of development may differ in their absorptive capacity of the capital. Thus, the ability of a country to harness capital for development depends upon its absorptive capacity, presence of domestic resources and the capabilities of national governments. This study therefore not only looks at the role played by various forms of capital flows on growth and development, but also takes into account the role of political performance of national governments that can play an important role in maximizing the efficiency of the investments. To investigate what kinds of flows are beneficial at different levels of development, this analysis further divides the dataset into three samples of developed countries, emerging markets and less developed countries. The results indicate that the impact of different capital flows varies across the three subsamples. By categorizing capital flows into categories of international capital flows, domestic capital, and remittances, this research also finds that the type of investment, as well as the source of investment (foreign vs. domestic), indeed does matter. The analysis suggests that the key to harnessing capital for development lies with capable governments and efficient use of domestic resources. In absence of capable governments, influx of foreign capital flows can manifest itself in ways that are harmful to the progress of developing societies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Ranjha, Wajid Ali. "Critical theory, modernity and the question of post-colonial identity." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phr197.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Mukundu, Rashweat. "A critical discourse analysis of the coverage of operation "Restore Order" (Operation Murambatsvina) by Zimbabwe's weekly newspapers, the state-owned The Sunday Mail and the privately owned The Standard, in the period 18 May to 30 June 2005." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002925.

Full text

Abstract:

On May 16 2006 the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a clean-up programme of urban centres, destroying informal human settlements and informal businesses. This operation, which the government called operation "Restore Order", resulted in the displacement of nearly one million people and left thousands of families homeless. This study is a discussion and an analysis of the coverage of the clean-up operation by two of Zimbabwe's leading Sunday newspapers, The Sunday Mail and The Standard. The Sunday Mail is owned by the Zimbabwe government and The Standard is privately owned and perceived to be oppositional to the current Zimbabwe government. The two newspapers, therefore, covered the clean-up operation from different perspectives and often presented conflicting reports explaining why the clean-up operation was carried out and the extent of its impact on the lives of millions of Zimbabweans. The chosen research approach is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework as developed by Fairclough (1995). Using CDA, this study seeks to find out and expose the underlying ideological struggles for hegemony between different social and political groups in Zimbabwe and how the newspapers became actors in this process. This process is made possible by looking at how news reporting is organised in the two newspapers, issues of language use, sourcing and external factors that influenced the coverage of the operation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Mosia, Serame R. "Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

St, Maur Sheil Sean David Miles. "Re-examining Asian discourses on sustainability in a network society." Thesis, Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31943780.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Prater, Edmund. "Essays on the globalization of supply chains and the financial drivers of logistics outsourcing." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/29511.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Du, Plessis Marthinus Johannes. "The international political economy of the Cartagena Protocol on biosafety." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52543.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The development of the global biotechnology industry largely coincided with the development of the US biotechnology industry. This resulted in this industry's oligopolistic and centralised nature where only a few multinational chemical and pharmaceutical companies control most biotechnology processes and production of commodities emanating from these processes. The governance of biotechnology has, until recently, been dominated by state actors who have endeavoured to secure national interests, including those of large multinational corporations (MNCs) based within their boundaries. The technological ability of developed states to exploit and use unevenly distributed resources to their advantage means that an uneven relationship exists between these and poor developing countries. This has been highlighted by differences in public opinion about the role and application of biotechnology in society. While some opinions favour the use and application of biotechnology to enhance food supplies and boost production levels and trade, other opinions caution against the possible hazards that genetically manipulated organisms (GMOs) hold for the environment and human existence. The commercialisation of biotechnology has resulted in the exponential growth of genetically manipulated crops in especially the United States and countries like Argentina and Canada. These countries produce large surpluses of staple grains such as corn and soya and try to sell these to countries with food supply problems. The clash in commercial interests stemming from developed countries' insistence on the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR) on genetically manipulated (GM) seeds has caused considerable conflict with poor farmers who will not be able to sustain their livelihoods if they cannot save seeds for future harvests. This is one aspect of the problems surrounding the protection of knowledge products that is exacerbated by the scientific uncertainty pertaining to the risk involved with biotechnology. While some observers agitate for precaution with the use of GMOs, others feel that a lack of scientific proof of harm is sufficient grounds for proceeding with developments in biotechnology. Conversely, there are some that feel that biotechnology is market driven instead of human needs driven, ultimately resulting in developing countries receiving very little benefit from it. The Cartagena Protocol on biosafety was drafted to address some of the difficulties involved with the transboundary movement of GMOs. Although it holds very specific advantages for developing countries, as a regulatory framework it is limited in its scope and application. Developing countries are limited in their policy options to address their need to protect biodiversity and secure their food supply. This means that considerable challenges and constraints await these countries in utilising global governance of public goods and building their human and technological capacities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ontwikkeling van die globale biotegnologie-industrie het grootliks saamgeval met die ontwikkeling van die Verenigde State se biotegnologie-industrie. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot hierdie industrie se oligopolistiese en gesentraliseerde aard waar slegs enkele multinasionale chemiese en farmaseutiese maatskappye die meeste biotegnologie prosesse en die vervaardiging van kommoditeite uit daardie prosesse beheer. Die regering van biotegnologie was tot onlangs oorheers deur staatsakteurs wie gepoog het om nasionale belange te beskerm, insluitend die belange van multinasionale korporasies (MNK) wat vanuit hulle grondgebied funksioneer. Die tegnologiese vermoë van ontwikkelde state om oneweredig verspreide hulpbronne tot eie gewin te benut beteken dat 'n ongelyke verhouding bestaan tussen hierdie en arm ontwikkelende state. Dit word beklemtoon deur verskille in openbare mening oor die rol en aanwending van biotegnologie in die samelewing. Terwyl sekere opinies ten gunste van die aanwending van biotegnologie vir die verbetering van voedselbronne en produksievlakke en handel is, dui ander opinies op die moontlike gevare wat geneties gemanipuleerde organismes (GMOs) vir die omgewing en menslike voortbestaan inhou. Die kommersialisering van biotegnologie het gelei tot die eksponensiële groei van geneties gemanipuleerde gewasse in veral die Verenigde State en state soos Argentinië en Kanada. Hierdie state produseer groot hoeveelhede stapelgrane soos mielies en soja en poog om dit te verkoop aan state met voedselvoorsieningsprobleme. Die botsing in kommersiële belange wat spruit uit ontwikkelde state se aandrang op die beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsreg op geneties gemanipuleerde saad veroorsaak beduidende konflik met arm landbouers wie nie hulle lewensonderhoud kan verseker as hulle nie saad kan berg vir toekomstige saaiseisoene nie. Dit is een aspek van die problematiek rondom die beskerming van kennisprodukte wat vererger word deur die wetenskaplike onsekerheid wat gepaard gaan met die risiko's van biotegnologie. Terwyl sekere waarnemers vir waaksaamheid pleit in die gebruik van GMOs, is daar ander wat voel dat 'n gebrek aan wetenskaplike bewyse van skade genoegsame gronde is vir die voortsetting van ontwikkelings in biotegnologie. Insgelyks is daar diegene wat meen dat biotegnologie markgedrewe in plaas van menslike behoefte gedrewe is, wat uiteindelik daartoe lei dat ontwikkelende state baie min voordeel daaruit trek. Die Kartagena Protokoloor bioveiligheid is opgestel om van die probleme betrokke by die oorgrens verskuiwing van GMOs aan te spreek. Hoewel dit spesifieke voordele vir ontikkelende state inhou is dit as reguleringsraamwerk beperk in omvang en aanwending. Ontwikkelende state het beperkte beleidsopsies om hulle behoefte om biodiversiteit te beskerm en voedselvoorsiening te verseker, aan te spreek. Dit beteken dat beduidende uitdagings en beperkings hierdie state in die benutting van globale regering van openbare goedere vir die bou van menslike en tegnologiese kapasiteite in die gesig staar.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Holtz, Brigitte Elke. "Resistance and reactions to neo-liberal economic globalisation and its institutions : exploring the 'anti-globalisation' movement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53031.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Matsilele, Trust. "The political role of the diaspora media in the mediation of the Zimbabwean crisis : a case study of The Zimbabwean - 2008 to 2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85723.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Wachanga, David Ndirangu. "Sanctioned and Controlled Message Propagation in a Restrictive Information Environment: The Small World of Clandestine Radio Broadcasting." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5113/.

Full text

Abstract:

This dissertation seeks to identify the elements that inform the model for competing message propagation systems in a restrictive environment. It pays attention to message propagation by sanctioned and clandestine radio stations in pre- and post-independent Zimbabwe. This dissertation uses two models of message propagation in a limiting information environment: Sturges' information model of national liberation struggle and Chatman's small world information model. All the message propagation elements in the Sturges and Chatman's models are present in the broadcast texts analyzed. However, the findings of this dissertation indicate that communication in a restrictive information environment is designed such that its participants make sense of their situation, and come up with ways to solve the challenges of their small world. Also, a restrictive information environment is situational, and message propagators operating in it are subject to tactical changes at different times, accordingly altering their cognitive maps. The two models fail to address these concerns. This dissertation focused on message propagation in Zimbabwe because there is military belligerence involved in the information warfare. It therefore provides an extreme situation, which can help our understanding of more everyday instances of communication and interference of communication. Findings of this dissertation recommend the need to emphasize that information input, output and suppression are components dependent on each other; not discrete and independent categories of information activities.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Santos, Phillip. "Representing conflict: an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.

Full text

Abstract:

This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Mandipa, Esau. "A critical analysis of the legal and institutional frameworks for the realisation of the rights of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18613.

Full text

Abstract:

The Zimbabwean society views persons with disabilities (PWDs) ‘as useless liabilities that have no role to play in society.’ The Zimbabwean Government has also forgotten PWDs since they are not mentioned in all the country’s national budgets. This has led to uncountable barriers faced by PWDs in their bid to be included as equal members of the society. Some of the barriers are constant discrimination, sheer poverty, lack of access to mainstream public services and stigma. Hundreds to thousands of PWDs beg for alms in the streets of every town and city. Zimbabwe then has to be reminded that all PWDs have: a right to enjoy a decent life, as normal and full as possible, a right which lies at the heart of the right to human dignity. This right should be jealously guarded and forcefully protected by all states party to the African Charter in accordance with the well established principle that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. Thus, the era of silence when it comes to the realisation of the rights of PWDs in Zimbabwe has to come to an end. All PWDs in Zimbabwe should know that it is by right and not by privilege to be guaranteed full and effective participation, and inclusion in society. It is time for Zimbabwe to embrace all the rights for PWDs without any hesitation. It is time for humanity to celebrate the inherent dignity, individual autonomy, independence and the right not to be discriminated against for all PWDs. Every lawmaker in Zimbabwe has to be reminded to delete from the statute books all laws which view disability as a medical problem and instead, pass laws which are in line with the human rights-based approach which is a more enlightened, realistic and people-centred approach to disability. No time to play but plenty of time to work…!
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Gibb, Richard. "Grace and global justice : the socio-political mission of the church in an age of globalization, with special reference to Jürgen Moltmann, Stanley Hauerwas, and Oliver O'Donovan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13590.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis seeks to explore two fundamental theological questions: first, what does it mean for the Christian community to conceive of itself as a community defined by the covenant of grace; and second, what are the implications of this distinctiveness for its socio-political mission in an age of globalization. The project is interdisciplinary in its approach, and seeks to integrate biblical and theological inquiry together with the specific opportunities and challenges found in a globalized world. Our way of organizing this thesis is attuned to the demands of argument and method of research employed. Divided into three parts, the thesis derives from a critical examination of a theology of grace and its ramifications for the mission of the church in addressing contemporary issues. Part 1 commences by surveying broadly Reformational theological scholarship from the turn of the twentieth century, and explores how this thesis will make a distinctive contribution to scholarly discussion of the church's socio-political mission through focusing on the central doctrine of grace. Part 2 constitutes a comparative analysis of three leading contemporary theologians evaluating to what extent a theology of grace is evident in their theological political theories. Part 3 is where we seek to apply our theological investigation with the phenomenon of globalization, and engage with international political theory through concentrating on the concepts of power and justice in an interdependent world. The conclusion reached in this thesis is that the doctrine of grace, by virtue of its theocentric and trinitarian emphasis on revelation, reconciliation, election, and creation, directs the Christian community in an age of globalization to be an agent of God's justice in the socio-political arena through demonstrating servant-leadership to contribute in enabling the world's poorest and weakest citizens to share in the benefits brought by a globalized world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Samwanda, Biggie. "Postcolonial monuments and public sculpture in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006825.

Full text

Abstract:

The study critically examines public art in postcolonial Zimbabwe‘s cities of Harare and Bulawayo. In a case by case approach, I analyse the National Heroes Acre and Old Bulawayo monuments, and three contemporary sculptures – Dominic Benhura‘s Leapfrog (1993) and Adam Madebe‘s Ploughman (1987) and Looking into the future (1985). I used a qualitative research methodology to collect and analyse data. My research design utilised in-depth interviews, observation, content and document analysis, and photography to gather nuanced data and these methods ensured that data collected is validated and/or triangulated. I argue that in Zimbabwe, monuments and public sculpture serve as the necessary interface of the visual, cultural and political discourse of a postcolonial nation that is constantly in transition and dialogue with the everyday realities of trying to understand and construct a national identity from a nest of sub-cultures. I further argue that monuments and public sculpture in Zimbabwe abound with political imperatives given that, as visual artefacts that interlace with ritual performance, they are conscious creations of society and are therefore constitutive of that society‘s heritage and social memory. Since independence in 1980, monuments and public sculpture have helped to open up discursive space and dialogue on national issues and myths. Such discursive spaces and dialogues, I also argue, have been particularly animated from the late 1990s to the present, a period in which the nation has engaged in self-introspection in the face of socio-political change and challenges in the continual process of imagining the Zimbabwean nation. Little research focusing on postcolonial public art in Zimbabwe has hitherto been undertaken. This study addresses gaps in this literature while also providing a spring board from which future studies may emerge.
Microsoft� Word 2010
Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Moyo, Chelesani. "A critical history of the rise and fall of the first ever independently owned Matabeleland publication in Zimbabwe : the case of The Southern Star." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013273.

Full text

Abstract:

This research is premised on the understanding that alternative forms of media emerge to deal with specific ideological projects and, as such, must be seen as satisfying a specific need at a specific point in time. Using the case of a weekly newspaper, The Southern Star which was in circulation from January 2012 to June 2012, this study sought to understand the factors that led to the establishment of the newspaper, what it sought to achieve, how it went about putting that into practice, its message in relation to debates emanating from the ‘Matabeleland Question’ and also the factors that led to the its collapse. In order to address my research questions, I adopted a two stage research design qualitative content analysis and semi structured in depth interviews. In locating the study within the qualitative epistemic understanding of research, it was clear from the qualitative content analysis of 13 editions of the publication and in depth interviews held with 15 respondents that the newspaper was set up with the aim of serving a marginalised section of the population (in this instance the Ndebele) by providing them with a platform to articulate issues affecting them. It also sought to ‘speak’ the ‘unspoken’ within the mainstream media by focusing on Matabeleland identity politics. It achieved this by creating content around the Gukurahundi genocide, Matabeleland development, Matabeleland history and Matabeleland heroes. The newspaper also sought to emancipate the people from the South by advocated for social, cultural, economic and political justice as a resolution to the ‘Matabeleland Question’. However, the newspaper failed to sustain operations due to lack of advertising revenue. As a result of the constraining political environment in which the newspaper operated, potential advertisers were afraid of placing advertisements in the newspaper because of the nature of the content produced, which in view of Zimbabwe’s rival ethnic history, could easily be labelled ethnically divisive. Also, being a new player in the market worked to their disadvantage as prospective advertisers opted to place their adverts in “tried and tested” publications (Zimpapers and Alpha Media Holdings). Additionally, because of poor management, roles were not clearly defined and hence the newspaper failed to operate as a business enterprise. As noted during interviews with junior reporters, there was little or no experience at management level. The paper lacked a coordinated circulation strategy and from inception, was never officially launched, which resulted in the failure to reach significant audiences.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Rinaldi, Patrícia Nogueira. "Estados e Fundos Soberanos de Riqueza = instrumentos de retrocesso ou avanço da globalização financeira?" [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279371.

Full text

Abstract:

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T20:32:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rinaldi_PatriciaNogueira_M.pdf: 1872331 bytes, checksum: e9f436b9c10b0c7533d976906618d7d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010
Resumo: Essa dissertação se debruça sobre o fenômeno dos fundos soberanos de riqueza, definidos como veículos de aplicações financeiras estatais realizadas prioritariamente no exterior. O principal problema analisado refere-se aos impactos dessa intervenção estatal, uma vez que os Estados se configuram, por meio dos FSR, como verdadeiros players do sistema financeiro internacional, apresentando sérias implicações para o processo de globalização financeira, especialmente após, pelo menos, três décadas de promoção de princípios de redução do papel do Estado nos mercados. Busca-se entender se os FSR seriam instrumentos de retrocesso ou de avanço da globalização financeira em torno de três eixos de discussão: da análise das precondições para o surgimento dos FSR, que apontam para uma mudança na divisão internacional do trabalho; da análise dos motivos que levam os países a criarem FSR, que apontam para uma mudança na configuração da autoridade estatal no processo de globalização financeira; e da análise do processo regulatório dos FSR, que aponta para o controle de medidas protecionistas dos países receptores contra esses investimentos estatais. A discussão é embasada por uma categorização das principais características de trinta FSR selecionados
Abstract: This dissertation investigates the sovereign wealth funds (SWFs), which are vehicles for governments' financial investments, allocated priory in foreign financial assets. The main problem under concern refers to state intervention as long as states are truly players in the international financial system. It represents major repercussions for the financial globalization process, especially after the massive promotion of principles such as state retrenchment. Therefore, it is investigated if SWFs are stumbling blocks or stepping stones to financial globalization, in a three-basis discussion: analysis of the pre-conditions for SWFs development as a result of rearrangements in the international division of labor; analysis of the purposes for creating a SWF as a result of rearrangements in the states authorities in relation to financial globalization; and analysis of SWF regulation process against protectionism actions from recipient countries. The discussion is supported by a categorization of the main characteristics from thirty selected funds
Mestrado
Economia Política Internacional
Mestre em Ciência Política

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Mathekga, Mmanoko Jerry. "The political economy of labour market flexibility in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1532.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The impact of globalisation can be found in every aspect of human life. Globalisation has also brought about changes in the world of work, such as the call for labour market flexibility, which has restructured the workplace. This study focuses on the implications of labour market flexibility for workers in South Africa and for trade unions, within the context of the introduction of a macroeconomic neoliberal policy in South Africa in 1996. The study examines the changing nature of employment and work in a company in the South African retail sector, namely Pick n Pay. Labour market flexibility comes about as companies try to compete and cut costs at the expense of workers. This implies a reduction of protection and benefits and has resulted in the creation of a ‘working poor’ labour segment. Trade unions have been ineffective in providing a voice and representation for the new working poor. This study argues that under conditions of economic globalisation, trade unions are disempowered and flexible labour market practices are introduced to cut costs in order to maintain market share and increase competitiveness. Economic globalisation has pressurised the South African government, and the African National Congress (ANC), to shift gradually to the right and to adopt a neoliberal macroeconomic policy. This has led to an increase in inequality, unemployment, new forms of insecure jobs and the creation of an informal economy. This study found that instead of creating jobs and alleviating poverty, the government’s Growth, Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) has resulted in retrenchments, downsizing and restructuring. The unemployed, retrenched and working poor find themselves in the ‘second economy’. The retail sector in particular makes use of labour market flexibility in order to compete for market share. Pick n Pay is an example of a retail company that increasingly makes use of flexible labour market practices. This study found that labour market flexibility has created a situation that trade unions find difficult to deal with, and that labour market flexibility has been accompanied by increasing inequality, which overlaps with race and gender identities. Furthermore, Pick n Pay maintains flexible employment under conditions of increased productivity and contrary to labour legislation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Impak van globalisering kan in elke aspek van mense se lewens waargeneem word. Globalisering het verandering in die wêreld van werk teweeggebring, soos die aandrang op arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid wat tot die herstrukturering van die werkersmag gelei het. Hierdie studie fokus op die implikasie van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid vir werkers in Suid‐ Afrika, en die implikasie vir vakbonde in die konteks van die inwerkingstelling van ’n makroekonomiese neo‐liberale beleid in Suid‐Afrika in 1996. Verder ondersoek die studie die verandering in die aard van indiensneming en werk in ’n Suid‐Afrikaanse maatskappy in die kleinhandelsektor, naamlik Pick n Pay. Buigsaamheid in die arbeidsmag ontstaan wanneer besighede in ’n poging om kompeterend te wees, uitgawes ten koste van werkers besnoei. Dit bring die vermindering van beskerming en voordele mee, wat tot ’n arbeidsegment van ‘arm werkers’ lei. Vakbonde kon nie ’n stem en verteenwoordiging aan hierdie nuwe segment van arm werkers gee nie. Hierdie studie voer aan dat ekonomiese globalisering werkersunies magteloos laat terwyl buigsame arbeidsmarkpraktyke aangewend word om kostes te sny ten einde markaandeel en verhoogde kompetisie te verseker. Ekonomiese globalisasie plaas meer druk op die Suid‐Afrikaanse regering, die African National Congress (ANC), om ‘n verskuiwing na regs te maak en ’n neo‐liberale makroekonomiese beleid te volg. Dit het gelei tot verhoging in ongelykheid, werkloosheid, nuwe vorme van onsekere werksgeleenthede, en die skepping van ’n informele ekonomie. Die studie bevind dat die regering se Groei, Indiensnemings‐ en Herdistribusiebeleid (GEAR), wat veronderstel was om werk te skep en werkloosheid te verminder, eerder tot meer afdankings, afskaling en herstrukturering gelei het. Die werklose, afgedankte en armwerkerskorps bevind hulself nou in ’n ‘tweede ekonomie’. In die besonder maak die kleinhandelsektor gebruik van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid om vir ’n deel van die mark te kompeteer. Pick n Pay is ’n voorbeeld van ’n kleinhandelmaatskappy wat toenemend gebruik maak van arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid. Die studie kom tot die slotsom dat arbeidsmarkbuigsaamheid ’n situasie geskep het wat vakbonde verlam het, en wat met ’n verhoging in ongelykheid wat verder met ras en geslagsidentiteite oorvleuel, gepaardgaan. daarby maak Pick n Pay gebruik van buigsaame indiensnemingspraktyke onder omstandighede van verhoogde produktiwiteit, in weerwil van arbeidswetgewing

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

McClelland, Roderick William. "White discourse in post-independence Zimbabwean literature." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18261.

Full text

Abstract:

Literally hundreds of novels were written by white Rhodesians during the U.D.I. era of the 1960s and 1970s. Since Independence, however, not much more than a handful of literary texts have been produced by whites in Zimbabwe. This dissertation, therefore, involves an interrogation of both white discourse and the (reduced) space for white discourse in postcolonial Zimbabwean society. In addition to the displaced moral space, and the removal of the economic and political power base, there has been an appropriation of control over the material means of production of any discourse and white discourse, which has become accustomed to its position of superiority due to its dominance and dominating tendencies, has struggled to come to terms with its new, non-hegemonic 'space'. In an attempt to come to some understanding of the literary silence and marginalisation of white discourse in post-independence Zimbabwe there has to be some understanding of the voice that was formed during the British South Africa Company's administration and which reached a crescendo of authoritarian self-assertion at the declaration of unilateral independence. Vital to this discussion (in Part I) is an uncovering of the myths that were intrinsic to white discourse in the way that they were created as justification for settlement and to propagandise the aggressive defence of that space that was forged in an alien landscape. These myths have not been easily cast aside and, hence, have made it so difficult for white discourse to adapt to post-colonial society. Most Rhodesian novels were extremely partisan and promulgated these myths. Part II, discusses ex post facto novels about the war (from the white perspective) to investigate whether white discourse is recognising the lies that make up so much of its belief system. This investigation of this particular perspective of the war, then, will help to define at what stage white Zimbabweans are at in the development of a national culture. Part III takes this discussion of acculturation and national unity further. Furthermore, through the discussion of a number of novels in this chapter, it is argued that white discourse is struggling to come to terms with its non-hegemonic position and is continuing to attempt to assert its control. The 'space' available to the early settlers' discourse for appropriation, however, has been removed and, in the reduced space available to white discourse, one continued area of possible control is that of conservation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Mlotshwa, Khanyile Joseph. "An interrogation of the representation of the San and Tonga ethnic ‘minorities’ in the Zimbabwean state-owned Chronicle, and the privately owned Newsday Southern Edition/Southern Eye newspapers during 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018546.

Full text

Abstract:

This study critically interrogates representations of the San and Tonga in the Chronicle and the NewsDay Southern Edition/Southern Eye newspapers in 2013. It makes sense of how these representations and the journalistic practices that underwrite them position the ethnic groups as ‘minorities’ - in relation to other ethnic groups - within the discourses of Zimbabwean nationalism. Underpinned by a constructionist approach (Hall, 1997), the study makes sense of the San and Tonga identities otherwise silenced by the “bi-modal” (Ndlovu- Gatsheni, 2012: 536; Masunungure, 2006) Shona/Ndebele approach to Zimbabwean nationalism. In socio-historic terms, the study is located within the re-emergence of ‘ethnicity’ to contest Zimbabwean nationalism(s) during debates for the New Constitution leading to a Referendum in March 2013. The thesis draws on social theories that offer explanatory power in studying media representations, which include postcolonial (Bhabha, 1990, 1994; Spivak, 1995), hegemony (Gramsci, 1971), and discourse (Foucault, 1970, 1972; Laclau and Mouffe, 1985) theories. These theories speak to the ways in which discourses about identity, belonging, citizenship and democracy are constructed in situations in which unequal social power is contested. The thesis links journalism practice with the politics of representation drawing on normative theories of journalism (Christians et al, 2009), the professional ideology of journalism (Tuchman, 1972; Golding and Elliot, 1996; Hall et al., 1996), and the concept of journalists as an ‘interpretive community’ (Zelizer, 1993). These theories allow us to unmask the role of journalism’s social power in representation, and map ways in which the agency of the journalists has to be considered in relation to the structural features of the media industry in particular, and society in general. The study is qualitative and proceeds by way of combining a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 1992; Richardson, 2007) and ideological analysis (Thompson, 1990) of eight news texts taken from the two newspapers and in-depth interviews with 13 journalists from the two newspapers. This way we account for the media representations journalists produced: sometimes reproducing stereotypes, at other times, resisting them. Journalists not only regard themselves as belonging to the dominant ethnic groups of Shona or Ndebele, but as part of the middle class; they take Zimbabwean nationalism for granted, reproducing it as common-sense through sourcing patterns dominated by elites. This silences the San and Tonga constructing them as a ‘minority’ through a double play of invisibility and hyper visibility, where they either don’t appear in the news texts or are overly stereotyped.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Azarch, Anna. "Climate change negotiations and the North-South relationship : an exploration of continuity and change." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5202.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The politics of climate change has thus far been marked by controversy and a lack of consensus in regards to the best manner in which to comprehend and mitigate this problem. This is further aggravated by the characterisation of climate change as a global problem requiring a global solution which has served to only further complicate inter-state relations. While a number of analysts have remarked that the North-South relationship is no longer a meaningful analytical tool in international relations, it will be the purpose of this study to explore this contention within the field of climate change negotiations and to identify both the transformation and continuity within the relationship between the North and South. The unsuccessful nature of climate negotiations are largely held to be the result of the rift between the North and South, where the issues relating to the global political economy are largely responsible for the lack of consensus being reached between developing and developed countries. All climate negotiations since the 1972 UN Conference on the Environment and Development have showcased the tension between the two regions in regards to climate change mitigation and their inability to overcome this fissure. More importantly, the ensuing Copenhagen Summit of 2009 further highlighted a rift amongst the developing countries of the South, and between the developed and developing countries. As a consequence, the main aim of the research will be to understand the character of the global interactions between the North and South in terms of the context of global environmental politics. It is also the purpose of this research to gain a more comprehensive account of the sequence of causation within this relationship which stalled the negotiating process and lastly, to understand the conceptual demarcations of the two terms in the post-Cold War era so as to better understand the nature of the relationship between the two regions. What may be surmised by the study is that there is still a continuity to be found in the international arena pertaining to the North-South relationship. However, the Copenhagen Summit has been instrumental in showcasing the growing stratification that is found within the South and as a result has highlighted the cross-alliances that have formed between the North and South in order to maintain economic growth. Overall, while the North-South relationship does impact the nature of climate mitigation negotiations, the stratification of states based upon economic and developmental divergences will result in states forming alliances based upon economic self-interest.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die politiek van klimaatsverandering is tot dusver gekenmerk aan kontroversie en ‟n gebrek aan konsensus met betrekking tot die mees effektiewe wyse waarop hierdie probleem verstaan en gemitigeer kan word. Die probleem word verder vererger deur die kenmerk van klimaatsverandering as ‟n globale probleem wat ‟n globale oplossing verg, wat tot die verdere komplikasie van interstaat-verhoudings gelei het. Verskeie analiste het opgemerk dat die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide nie meer dien as betekenisvolle analitiese gereedskap op die gebied van internasionale verhoudings nie. Die doel van hierdie ondersoek is gevolglik om hierdie aanname in oënskou te neem, en om beide transformasie en kontinuïteit binne die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide te identifiseer. Die onsuksesvolle aard van klimaatsonderhandelinge word grootliks toegeskryf aan die onenigheid tussen die Noorde en Suide, met kwessies rondom die globale politieke ekonomie grootliks verantwoordelik vir die gebrek aan konsensus tussen die streke. Sedert die 1972 VN Konferensie oor die Omgewing en Ontwikkeling het alle klimaatsonderhandelinge die spanning tussen die twee streke met betrekking to klimaatveranderingsversagtings en hul onvermoë om hierdie skeur te oorbrug, ten toon gestel. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad het ‟n onenigheid ontbloot tussen die ontwikkelende lande in die Suide en tussen ontwikkelende en ontwikkelde lande. Gevolglik is die hoofdoelstelling van hierdie studie om die aard van globale interaksies tussen die Noorde en Suide te verstaan met betrekking tot die konteks van globale omgewingspolitiek. Die doel van die navorsing is ook om ‟n meer omvattende verklaring te verkry oor die volgorde van oorsaaklike verbande binne hierdie verhouding wat die onderhandelingsproses tot stilstand gebring het en laastens, om die konseptuele afbakening van hierdie twee terme in die post-Koue Oorlog era en die aard van die verhouding tussen die twee streke beter te verstaan. Hierdie studie wys dat daar steeds kontinuïteit in die internasionale arena is met betrekking tot die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad was egter instrumenteel om die groeiende stratifikasie wat binne die Suide gevind word uit te lig, en die kruisalliansies wat tussen die Noorde en Suide gevorm is om ekonomiese groei in stand te hou, te beklemtoon. Alhoewel die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide tog ‟n impak op die aard van klimaatsversagtingsonderhandelings uitoefen, sal die stratifikasie van state wat op ekonomiese- en ontwikkelingsafwykings gebaseer is tot gevolg hê dat state alliansies vorm op grond van ekonomiese selfbelange.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Kambanje, Cuthbert. "Economic impacts of large-scale land investments along the emerging Chisumbanje Sugarcane Bio-ethanol Value Chain in Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/1737.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Roen, Tomas Alfred. "Changes in global governance : the case of the G20." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17947.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 2008 global economic crisis marks the beginning of considerable systemic changes in global governance. The ‘Group of 20’ (G20), which entered the centre stage of global governance in response to the crisis, may be seen as both a result of and as a vehicle for those changes. Representing some 85 per cent of the global economy the group has the potential to alter the international order almost by stealth. Hence, there is good reason for undertaking a deeper examination of its role in and impact on global governance. This study critically examines some of the changes in global governance embodied – and brought about – by the G20. By using analytical tools from the critical theory of Robert Cox and constructivism, it studies changes in three dimensions of global governance: the material, the institutional and the ideational, so as to achieve a holistic understanding of the nature of the changes taking place within global governance. In so doing, the study sheds light on the role of the G20 in global governance, the impact of the group on global cooperation and the nature of the shift in global governance that it represents.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die 2008 globale ekonomiese krisis kan as die begin van aansienlike sistemiese veranderinge in globale regeerkunde beskou word. Die 'Groep van 20' (G20), wat in reaksie op die krisis ’n sentrale rol in globale regeerkunde ingeneem het, kan as beide 'n resultaat en drywer van hierdie veranderinge gesien word. Die groep verteenwoordig ongeveer 85 persent van die globale ekonomie, en het dus die potensiaal om grootskaalse verandering in die internasionale orde te weeg te bring. Dit is dus belangrik om die groep se rol in globale regeerkunde meer deeglik te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van analitiese metodes wat gebasseer is op die kritiese teorie van Robert Cox asook konstruktivisme, ondersoek hierdie studie veranderinge in drie dimensies van globale regeerkunde. Materiële en institusionele veranderinge, asook veranderinge binne die dimensie van idees, word geïdentifiseer met die oog op 'n meer holistiese begrip van die aard van die veranderinge. Die studie werp daardeur lig op die rol van die G20 in globale regeerkunde, die groep se impak op globale samewerking, en die aard van die magsverskuiwing in globale regeerkunde wat dit verteenwoordig.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Mandla, Bulelani. "BEE and Malaysia's NEP : a comparative study /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/579.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Baumann, Chiara Manina. "A legal and ethical analysis of the South African government’s response toward Zimbabwean immigrants." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4347.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of the South African government‘s response toward Zimbabwean immigration, focusing on the period from 2000 to July 2009. The aim is to shed light on why the government has acted in the manner that it has, using a human security framework. South Africa‘s legal obligations under international, regional, and domestic law are investigated and the ethical debate concerning issues of entrance and borders is explored. Concepts of morality, universality, and human dignity are central to this discussion. Against this backdrop, the Zimbabwean migration is briefly analysed in terms of push and pull factors and numbers; and the legal debate concerning the classification of Zimbabweans is explored. The challenges Zimbabweans face in South Africa and how the government has dealt with the Zimbabwean immigration is covered. Key actors from civil society and government are interviewed in an attempt to engage opinions about the government‘s response. The main opinions as to why the government has responded in the manner it has are then discussed and other factors are considered. Issues of solidarity, land reform, and South Africa‘s involvement in the Zimbabwean mediation process are some of the factors considered. The conclusion of this study is that the South African government has not succeeded in meeting its legal obligations nor acted ethically concerning Zimbabwean immigrants. The particular sentiments of ex-president Thabo Mbeki, the solidarity amongst national liberation movements, regional considerations, and the capitalist interests of some South Africans are factors that carry the most weight in explaining the South African government‘s response to the Zimbabwean crisis and its subsequent migrants.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n studie van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die immigrasie van Zimbabwiërs na Suid-Afrika, met die klem op die tydperk tussen 2000 en Julie 2009. Die doel is om lig te werp op die regering se optrede in dié tydperk aan die hand van 'n menslike veiligheidsnetwerk. Suid-Afrika se regsverpligtinge onder internasionale, streek- en plaaslike reg, sowel as die etiese debat rakende kwessies soos die binnekoms van immigrante en grense, word ondersoek. Konsepte van moraliteit, universaliteit en menslike waardigheid , staan sentraal tot hierdie bespreking. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die Zimbabwiese migrasie kortliks ontleed in terme van die stukrag-en-trefkrag faktore en getalle; en word die regsdebat oor die klassifisering van Zimbabwiërs onder die loep geneem. Die uitdagings wat Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika in die gesig staar en hoe die regering Zimbabiese immigrasie hanteer het, word bekyk. Onderhoude is gevoer met sleutelspelers in die burgerlike samelewing en die regering in ‗n poging om agter die kap van die byl te kom met betrekking tot die regering se reaksie op Zimbabwiese immigrasie. Die belangrikste standpunte ten opsigte van die regering se optrede word dan bespreek in die lig van faktore soos solidariteit, grondhervorming, en Suid-Afrika se betrokkenheid by die Zimbabwiese mediasieproses. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering nie daarin geslaag het om sy regsverpligtinge na te kom nie, en nie eties korrek opgetree het nie met betrekking tot Zimbabwiese immigrante. Die sentimente van oudpres. Thabo Mbeki, die solidariteit onder die nasionale bevrydingsbewegings, en die kapitalistiese belange van sekere Suid-Afrikaners, is van die belangrikste faktore aan die hand waarvan die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die Zimbabwiese immigrasie-krisis verklaar word.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Qobo, Mzukisi. "The effects of globalisation on the South African automotive industry." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51974.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the late 80s and early 90s there has been a sustained debate on the concept of globalisation. This has been, to a larger extent, due to global industrial restructuring In most countries the effects have been felt mostly in the manufacturing sector, and these were evident in areas such as technology, employment pattern and composition of labour force. Globalisation introduces a tendency to create a division of labour between a core of relatively well paid, skilled and secured workers, and a large pool of workers doing non-regular forms of work e.g. 'casual' jobs or part-time contracts, and with much of the work sub-contracted to companies with less unionised and low paid workers. This research assignment explores the effects that changes in global production have on the South African automotive industry. As South Africa is becoming increasingly integrated into the world economy it certainly will not be unaffected by effects of globalisation. The auto industry, and Volkswagen in particular will be use as a case. The industry is one of the largest export industries in South Africa at the current moment, and is said to have embraced the realities of globalisation. It is also a fairly well developed industry, technologically. The auto industry has always epitomised 'Fordist' forms of production with inward-looking industrial activity. The waves of changes in the sphere of production globally have both positive and negative etfects on the automotive industry. They are spurring development and innovation in an ailing industry, and thrusting it on a path towards 'world-class' manufacturing. On the other hand festructuring trend which is an outflow of global isation poses a great threat on employment patterns, and in the long run may lead toil"'decline in formal employment and introduction of non-regular forms of work e g. part-time, casual employment, and subcontracting. This will happen as pressures mount on the industry in line with the logic of international competitiveness to rationalise and cut costs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die konsep "globalisering" lok reeds sedert die laat tagtigerjare wydverspreid debat uit. Die kontensieuse aard van die begrip kan grootlike toegeskryf word aan die verskynsel van globale industriele herstrukturering. Wereldwyd is die impak van laasgenoemde veral gevoel in die vervaardigingsektor. Hierdie tendens het by uitstek in aspekte soos tegnologie, indiensnemingspatrone en die samestelling van die arbeidsmag gemanifesteer. Globalisering het die geneigdheid om 'n verdeling van arbeid te bewerkstellig in terme waarvan 'n kern van relatief goed besoldigde, geskoolde en beskermde werkers onderskei kan word van 'n relatief swak besoldigde groep wat stukwerk verrig. Die tweede groep verrig deeltydse werk, wat in baie gevalle uitgekontrakteer word aan maatskappye met lae vakbondverteenwoordiging. Die fokus van hierdie werkstuk val op die impak wat veranderinge in globale produksie op die Suid-Afrikaanse motornywerheid het. Namate Suid-Afrika toenemend deel word van die wereldekonomie, raak dit al hoe moeiliker om die negatiewe effekte van globalisering vry te spring. Die motornywerheid, en spesifiek die vervaardiger Volkswagen, word as gevallestudie gebruik. Die tegnologies ontwikkelde industrie is een van Suid-Afrika se vernaamste uitvoernywerhede, en volgens kenners het veral hierdie sektor die realiteite van globalisering ter harte geneem. Kenmerkend van die motornywerheid was nog altyd sy "Ford-agtige" vorm van produksie, gefokus op inwaartsgekeerde industriele aktiwiteit. Die golwe van verandering in wereldwye produksie hou sowel positiewe as negatiewe gevolge vir die motornywerheid in. Aan die positiewe kant moedig dit innovasie in 'n andersins stagnerende industrie aan. Die negatiewe sy hiervan is egter die bedreiging wat dit inhou vir indiensnemingspatrone. Dit mag op die langtermyn lei tot die agteruitgang van formele indiensneming en 'n toename in nie-algemene vorme van werk (bv. tydelike indiensneming en subkontraktering). Hierdie neiging sal posvat namate industriee deur die logika van internasionale mededingenheid gedwing word om te rasionaliseer.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Mlitwa, Nhlanhla Boyfriend Wilton. "Globalisation : democratisation, neo-liberalism, and development-aid in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52288.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other countries that are also integrating into the global political economy. In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health, education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending. South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system. The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South relations.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid- Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig. Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika (deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water, elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê, terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê. Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Willson, Marion. "Government, globalisation and business : the case of South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53443.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This case study examines the implications of globalisation for business-government relations in South Africa since 1990. The study proposes that business, bolstered by globalisation, is increasingly gaining influence in the policy process of South Africa. The unfolding era of neo-liberalism has ushered in an enormous surge in the power of capital and a decline in the organization and influence of labour. This surge in relative power has allowed the South African business community, to impose its own discipline on government and to narrow the sphere of public decisions. Fear ofloss of competitiveness, in attracting capital, both domestic and international, has forced government to make their policies increasingly capital-friendly rather than responding to popular will or broad social interest. The study establishes the features of globalisation and South Africa's position within this process through an analysis of the relationship between the ANC and business that developed in South Africa between 1990 and 1994, and later facilitated the ANC's acceptance of a neo-liberal macroeconomic strategy in 1996. By analysing; firstly, the influence of business within the policy-making process since 1996, and secondly, the influence of business in the outcomes of government's black economic empowerment strategy, the study shows that business has attempted to optimise its position vis-a-vis the currents of globalisation. The study concludes that the working partnership between business and government, established in terms of the BEE strategy is based on the mutual need of each other, as both government and business face the brutal capriciousness of foreign investment, the major challenge posed by globalisation. The South African business community is however in a unique position with respect to South Africa's ongoing transformation. Within the post-apartheid context, and South Africa's reconfigured power equation between government and business, globalisation would appear to give corporate South Africa added leverage over its rival social partners in the tug-of-war over the terms of development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie gevalle-studie bestudeer die implikasies van globalisasie vir besigheidregering verhoudings in Suid-Afrika vanaf 1990. Die studie stel voor dat besigheid, aangehelp deur globalisasie, toenemend invloed verkry in die beleidsproses in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe era van neo-liberalisme het 'n groot toevloei in die mag van kapitaal binne gesien en 'n afname in die organisasie en invloed van arbeid. Die beweging van relatiewe mag het die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheids-gemeenskap toegelaat om sy eie dissipline op die regering op te lê, en om die sfeer van openbare besluite te vernou. Die vrees van verlies van mededinging in die aantrekking van kapitaal, beide plaaslik en internasionaal, het die regering gedwing om hul beleide toenemend kapitaalvriendelik te maak, eerder as om te reageer op populêre wilskrag of breë sosiale belang. Die studie bevestig die kenmerke van globalisasie sowel as Suid-Afrika se posisie in hierdie proses. Dit word bepaal deur 'n analise van die verhouding tussen die ANC en ondernemings wat tussen 1990 en 1994 in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel het en later deur die ANC se aanvaarding van 'n neo-liberale makro-ekonomies strategie in 1996, gefasiliteer is. Deur eerste die invloed van besigheid binne die beleidmakings-proses vanaf 1996 te analiseer en tweedens te kyk na die invloed van besigheid in die uitkoms van die regering se swart ekonomiese bemagtings strategie (BEE) wys die studie dat besigheid probeer het om sy posisie deur die vloei van globalisasie te optimiseer. Die studie sluit af met die erkende vennootskap tussen besighede en die regering. Hierdie vernootskap is gevestig op die terme van die BEE strategie, wat gebasseer is op wedersydse belang, want beide die regering en besighede staar die brutale wispelturigheid van buitelandse belegging in die gesig. Hierdie groot uitdaging word deur globalisasie voortgebring. Die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheidsgemeentskap is in 'n unieke posisie, in die sin van Suid-Afrika se voortgaande transformasie. Binne die post-apartheid konteks en Suid-Afrika se hergestruktueerde mags verhouding tussen die regering en besighede, wil dit voorkom asof globalisasie die besigheids-sfeer van Suid-Afrika 'n toename van mag oor sy mededingende sosiale vennote te gee, in die konflik oor die terme van ontwikkeling.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Gustafsson, Mariana S. "Reassembling Local E-Government : A study of actors’ translations of digitalisation in public administration." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-138859.

Full text

Abstract:

The digitalisation of society decidedly affects public administration. Swedish public administration has long worked with information technologies for an effective and improved management of public services. But new and increased use of information technologies in society poses new challenges. New demands on information security are increasing, while accessibility and transparency are important priorities in policies on digitalisation in public services. However, the central government’s ambitions and expectations with regard to digitalisation face a slow and hesitant implementation in local governments. There are important differences between municipalities in priorities, local needs, and implementation mechanisms in connection with e-government. In this thesis, I argue there is a need to reconsider the role of governance mechanisms in e-government. There is a need to understand local translations of national policies and technological developments in relation to the goals of more effective and legitimate public administration. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyse tensions that emerge in the implementation of egovernment in local public administration. On the basis of a constructivist and interpretivist approach, I have undertaken two empirical studies. One focuses on municipal administration of education in Linköping. The other focuses on a governance network on digitalisation policy in Östergötland. The studies are presented in four papers. The issues addressed in the papers are further analysed with a focus on four fields of tension, using network governance theory and translation theory. This shows that the implementation of e-government in local public administration is a tension-laden process. The four fields of tension relate to: different logics and dilemmas for adoption and implementation; concerns and ambiguities in a context of unclear organisational and institutional arrangements; concerns and resistance from professional users; and a reassessment of the meaning of security as a reference for the interpretation of information security. I contend that established managerial and evolutionary models of e-government leave important process-related aspects out of the analysis of change in public administration. The contribution of this thesis lies in its description and analysis of the four identified fields of tension. One significant implication of my analysis is that reassembling current governance mechanisms in local public administration is crucial.
Samhällets digitalisering påverkar tydligt den offentliga förvaltningen. Svensk förvaltning har länge arbetat med datorer för effektivisering och förbättrad administration. Men idag ställs nya krav då digitala verktyg för informationshantering och kommunikation används allt mer i samhället och på nya sätt. Kraven på säker informationshantering ökar, samtidigt som tillgänglighet och transparens är viktiga ledord i policyer kring digitaliserad förvaltning. I Sverige är det tydligt att regeringens ambitioner med digitaliseringen av förvaltning inte går i linje med vad som sker och implementeras i kommunerna. Skillnaderna ligger i hur e-förvaltning prioriteras, förankras i lokala behov och implementeras. Därför krävs både förbättrad styrning och tydligare möjligheter att lokalt översätta nationella policyer och internationell teknikutveckling för en effektivare och mer legitim digital förvaltning. Syftet med avhandlingen är att analysera implementering av digitalisering i kommunala förvaltningar utifrån nätverksstyrning (governance) och översätts av olika aktörsgrupper.Studiens konstruktivistiska och tolkande ansats baseras på två empiriska studier. Den första handlar om kommunal utbildningsadministration och den andra om den regionala digitala agendan i Östergötland. Studierna presenteras i fyra artiklar. De övergripande slutsatserna pekar på spänningar som uppstår när digitaliseringen blir en del av den kommunala förvaltningspraktiken. Spänningarna har identifierats i relation till medarbetarnas varierande kompetenser, informationssäkerhet samt kommunernas olika resurser och kompetenser vilka betingas av dess storlek och förutsättnignar. Bidraget visar att etablerade managementmodell och evolutionära perspektiv är otillräckliga för att tolka och förklara hur digitaliseringen förändrar kommunal förvaltning. Istället framhålls betydelsen av att skapa förståelsen för hur digtalisering översätts i olika sammanhang. Analyserna pekar på behovet av att öppna för nya sätt att styra och organisera digital offentlig förvaltning.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Nyere, Chidochashe. "Sovereignty in international politics : an assessment of Zimbabwe's operation Murambatsvina, May 2005." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18469.

Full text

Abstract:

Many scholars perceive state sovereignty as absolute, inviolable, indivisible, final, binding and stagnant. That perception emanates from inter alia political, social, cultural and environmental contexts of the modern era. Most literature converge that the doctrine of sovereignty first received official codification at the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Contemporary international norms, particularly the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, are arguably an environment and culture of current global politics. With human rights and democracy having taken centre-stage in contemporary political discourses, sovereignty is affected and influenced by such developments in international politics. Hence the argument that globalisation, among others, has eroded, weakened and rendered the doctrine of sovereignty obsolete. This study, using Zimbabwe‟s Operation Murambatsvina as a case study, demonstrates that sovereignty is neither unitary in practice, nor sacrosanct; it is dynamic and evolves, thus, in need of constant reconfiguration. To this end, the study uses the qualitative research methodology.
Political Sciences

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Bayulgen, Oksan. "Polarizing effects of globalization political regimes that attract oil investments /." Thesis, 2003. http://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/bitstream/handle/2152/451/bayulgeno032.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Tobias-Mamina, Rejoice Jealous. "Digital media exposure, political attitudes and perceptions as antecedents of voting intentions: a Zimbabwean perspective." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24060.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (Ph.D. (Business Science))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Economic & Business Sciences, 2017
With the contemporary diffusion of media technology, the majority of researchers have come to position the Internet as a political instrument that has the potential to stimulate consumer behaviour. The Internet has expanded persistently as a news source and digital technologies have become more accessible and abound with user generated content. These digital media backdrops afford a valuable opportunity to empirically examine the effects of digital media effects on consumer decision-making. It is therefore important to examine how consumer perceptions and attitudes towards voting impact their decision-making in order for political marketers or politicians to develop coherent strategies that offer a conducive environment sufficient to influence voting decision-making. Whereas previous studies on voting behaviour have merely explored voting behaviour in a global context, the current study investigates the effect of digital media exposure on perceptual and cognitive constructs within a Zimbabwean context. Moreover, few studies have explored this topic in a consumer behaviour context amongst the Zimbabwean constituency. This study aims to determine whether digital media exposure influences voter-consumers’ intention to vote in subsequent Zimbabwe presidential elections. In order to empirically test the effect of digital media exposure on perceived image of a political party (PI); perceived image of a presidential candidate (PPC); attitude towards voting (ATV) and voting intention (VI), a conceptual model premised on the reviewed political marketing literature was developed. The model proposed four distinct domains that drive voting intentions. In this conceptualised model, digital media exposure is the predictor variable, while perceived image of the presidential candidate, attitude towards voting, perceived image of the political party, are mediators and voting intention is the single outcome variable. By exploring the significance of digital media use on voter behaviour, this study contributes towards specific contextual knowledge on consumer behaviour and political marketing in developing countries particularly Zimbabwe. The present study is positioned in the positivist research methodology, and assumes a deductive approach within the quantitative paradigm to test the proposed hypotheses. This study uses stratified probability sampling to arrive at the required number of provinces for the study. Using quantitative methodologies based on the nature of the research questions, data were collected through a self-administered questionnaire from 305 eligible voters from selected Provinces and Districts in Zimbabwe selected through stratified probability sampling to arrive at the required number of provinces for the study.The measuring instrument was designed from existing scales, which were adapted to suit the present study. The data analysis ii | P a g e was done in SPSS 24 for demographic data analysis and AMOS 24 was used for the structural equation modelling and path modelling. The findings support all the hypotheses in a significant way except H1 and H5. Likewise, voter-consumers’ perception of the presidential candidate has an influence on the attitude towards voting and all latter perceptual and attitudinal variables have significant influence on voting intention. Important to note about the study findings is the fact that digital media exposure has a stronger effect on perceived image of the political party (H3) than attitude towards voting (H2). However, perceived image of the political party strongly influence attitude towards voting. Remarkably, the relationship between perceived image of the presidential candidate and attitude towards voting is robust. The findings indicate that digital media exposure can have a strong influence on voting intention through attitude towards voting. The contribution of this study is threefold: Firstly, by exploring the significance of digital media exposure on voting behaviour, this study adds to contextual knowledge on relationship marketing, political brand management and experiential marketing (the final stage of the mental brand responses), consumer marketing and specifically, political marketing. Secondly, as a growing body of literature explores the use of digital technology in political campaigning/marketing to create a competitive advantage, this study provides researchers with a broad understanding of this phenomenon among voting citizens in developing countries particularly Zimbabwe. Theoretically, it is positioned in political marketing and contributes to theoretical literature that focuses on consumer behaviour, branding and brand relationship. Lastly, by investigating digital media exposure and its influence on consumers’ voting intention, the findings provided political marketing practitioners with a better understanding of strategies that can be employed to influence citizens’ voting behaviour, through the use of digital media. The study thus submits that politicians ought to pay attention to both media agenda and brand image in order to build a positive attitude towards voting which significantly influences the intention to vote. In order to maximise voter ‘purchase’, marketers can implement strategies to encourage positive behaviour from voter-consumers and exploit multi-sensory experiences in order to influence voting intentions. The study makes a significant contribution to brand management literature and consumer behaviour literature by systematically exploring the impact of media exposure on brand image and attitude towards voting in Zimbabwe. The study demonstrates that political data can be used in consumer behaviour studies and provides a theoretical method for predicting voting intentions using voter behaviour in the form of voter perception of political parties and perceived image of a presidential candidate as well as attitude towards voting. The study further highlights the significance of using digital technologies and ingenuity to create a comparative advantage as well as a differential advantage.
MT 2018

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Shonhiwa, Kudakwashe. "Facilitating reconciliation in divided communities in Mashonaland Province, Zimbabwe." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/1740.

Full text

Abstract:

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016.
Conflicts in Zimbabwe have triggered communities to be divided along political party lines. Violence has been prevalent and this has intensified economic ruin and social polarity. In high density urban areas this violence continues to divide communities. The overall aim of this research study was to facilitate reconciliation in divided communities in Mashonaland province, Zimbabwe with the Alternative for Violence Project (AVP), an international non-profit organisation that provides experiential training to individuals and organisations in nonviolence and pre-emptive conflict resolution. The objectives of the study were to explore the underlying causes of violence in Zimbabwe, its consequences and impact since 2000, and also to explain the concepts of conflict transformation, forgiveness and reconciliation as used by AVP. In addition, the study explored AVP’s outcomes in different contexts and examined its potential as an instrument for reconciliation by implementing several AVP workshops in the divided communities. Hatcliffe, a high density area outside Harare, was used as a sample population for the study which drew from Lederach’s theory of conflict transformation and from Azar‘s model of protracted social conflicts. The researcher used a qualitative approach in the field research and interviewed both the victims and perpetrators of violence as well as elected leaders in the Hatcliffe community. The main findings of the study were that reconciliation efforts are best begun with an orientation towards peace-building for community residents and local ownership of all reconciliation processes. All community members directly or indirectly involved in a conflict situation are critical to reconciliation efforts and third parties must ensure that these people are empowered to make their own decisions. The study concluded that AVP is an effective tool which can be used to change people’s perspectives about conflict and that creating safe spaces where people can articulate their issues in a relaxed atmosphere can be deeply healing. Because the findings are not disconfirmed by prior theories and research based on similar efforts, but rather add to knowledge already gained, one can assume that there also is a degree of external validity to the study.
D

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Grand, Nesbeth. "Art and globalisation : the place of intangible heritage in a globalized environment." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/12065.

Full text

Abstract:

The thesis has investigated the place of Zimbabwean indigenous intangible heritage in a globalising environment. It used the Shona language and intangible heritage situation as a case study. It argued that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is continually being eroded by the agents of globalisation and that the only way of safeguarding it from extinction is through the preservation of Zimbabwean indigenous languages. The thesis has come to this conclusion after having established that there is an intimate and inseparable bond between language and its intangible values so much that it is not possible to talk of one devoid of the other. The relationship has been seen to be symbiotic. The Shona language has been established to embody, express and to be a carrier of all the intangible heritage of its speakers into the future by re-living them in the people’s daily life while these intangible values have been seen to conserve the language through their continued practice by the people. The research has also established that Zimbabwean intangible heritage marginalisation has roots in colonialism, dating as far back as the early Christian missionary days. The Shona intangible heritage has also been seen to be still of value despite the global threats as evidenced by the people’s continued re-living of it through language. The thesis has also noted that the Zimbabwean Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture is still using out-dated colonial language policies that still further the ascendancy of English and the intangible values it stands for while indigenous languages and values are marginalised in the education system, in government and in industry thereby worsening their predicament in the global environment. The current socio-economic and political developments in the country and some Shona novelists in Shona and in English are also culprits in this whole process as they continue to demonise and infantilise Zimbabwean intangible heritage. The thesis has therefore asserted that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is most likely to be eroded from the face of the earth if no measures are taken to safeguard it from extinction. It has therefore wound up by arguing that the survival of Zimbabwean intangible heritage lies in the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages through which it continues to be practised and felt by its people. The thesis has therefore recommended that the Zimbabwean government adopt sound language policies that safeguard the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages to enable the indigenous intangible heritage of the people to survive as well as the two are intricately related.
African Languages
(D.Litt.et.Phil.(African Languages))

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Mujakachi, Mercy Precious. "Language use in the representation of former Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's marriage saga in Zimbwabwean newspapers: The case of the Herald and the Daily News." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/682.

Full text

Abstract:

MA (English)
Department of English
The study analysed the language used by The Herald and Daily News journalists to report on the marriage conflict between the former Prime Minister Morgan Richard Tsvangirai of Zimbabwe and Ms Locardia Karimatsenga. The Herald is a state-owned newspaper and Daily News is a privately-owned newspaper. An analysis of the marriage conflict enabled readers, in a magnified way, to see how ideological differences between the public and private media in Zimbabwe are represented. The study examined the similarities and/or differences in the manner in which the marriage conflict was represented in both papers. The study also examined the language used in the headlines, established the sources used and evaluated the ideological stances of the two newspapers. The study utilised the case study design. The researcher only focused on articles which were published during the month when the former Prime Minister married Ms Elizabeth Macheka in September 2012. It was also the month when the media published many articles about the marriage saga. Seventeen articles were analysed, eleven from The Herald and six from the Daily News. Framing and Representation theories were deemed appropriate to analyse the articles. Critical Discourse Analysis and semiotic analysis were used to analyse the selected articles and visuals which accompanied them. The findings of the study revealed that The Herald reports tended to be biased against the Prime Minister, while the Daily News was more objective in its use of language.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Karumbidza, John Blessing. "A fragile and unsustained miracle : analysing the development potential of Zimbabwe's resettlement schemes, 1980-2000." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/120.

Full text

Abstract:

Black fanners' contribution and percentage share of the marketed agricultural produce (especially maize and cotton) increased dramatically following Zimbabwe's independence, especially between 1982 and 1987. Almost unanimously, observers in government and diplomatic circles spoke of this increase as 'phenomenal', attributing it to being a direct result of the government's efforts to increase agricultural production, and calling it a 'success story' and 'agrarian miracle'. This 'miracle' description was adopted by the state controlled and independent media, international donor and 'development' agencies, alike. By 1992, the levels of production achieved in the mid-1980s would not be repeated and this was blamed primarily on drought and the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) adopted by government in 1990. The direct impact of ESAP was the further reduction of government capacity and resources available to support the resettlement sector. By 2000, Zimbabwe was embroiled in a rural upheaval that threatened, reversed and undennined all the gains of the 1980s. The miracle discourse disappeared and in its place agro-pessimism took centre space. The land question rose to the fore amid a heightened outcry of landlessness, Communal Area congestion, poor access to institutional support and declining livelihoods and food security, among other things. This renewed rural crisis raised questions about what had happened to the miracle, exposed the run-down economy, and deepened undemocratic tendencies and a polarised political, economic and social space. The thesis proposed here is that the Zimbabwean government failed to take advantage and expand on the potential for an increased role of the rural sector in the cash economy. What emerged from closer scrutiny of the so-called agrarian transfonnation package for African agriculture was a poorly designed, uncoordinated and under funded quick fix to rural development that hardly moved beyond the mere transfer of land. Notwithstanding the participation of rural communities in the war of national liberation and the high profile nature of the land question during the Second Chimurenga, the post-colonial state apparatus - dominated by an urban nationalist petit bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the weak lobby of the beneficiaries of land refonn on the other - placed African agriculture into the back-seat of policy and political economic priorities. Evidence from Mayo Resettlement Scheme, the primary case study in this thesis, suggests that the argued institutional support and structural changes (basis of the miracle) were at best minimal, under-funded, crisis-averse, ad hoc and poorly coordinated, lacking the support of a concrete policy base, making the miracle at most fragile and in the final analysis unsustainable.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Gadzikwa, Joanah. "Online media and democracy : a critical analysis of the role played by Zimbabwe's online English newspapers in the run-up to 2008 elections." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/411.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Maodzwa, Tongai Leslie Tendai. "The effects of the municipal water crisis in Harare, Zimbabwe: a case study of Greendale and Mabvuku residential suburbs." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21893.

Full text

Abstract:

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Development Studies March 2015
The research report presents an analysis to, responses to and dynamics around the municipal water problems in Harare, Zimbabwe using the case of two residential suburbs namely Mabvuku and Greendale (one high density and the other one low density respectively). The key questions that inform this research report are as follows: How has the on-going urban water crisis affected residents‟ lives in the suburbs of Greendale and Mabvuku in the city of Harare, Zimbabwe?; how does party politics affect the delivery of municipal water in Greendale and Mabvuku?; and, what are the environmental consequences of the municipal water crisis? The findings from this study contribute immensely to an understanding of the consequences of and various issues and, the key players underlying the protracted problem of municipal water availability in the city of Harare. The study argues that the prevalence of partisan politics and political power struggles in Harare are at the heart of the municipal water problems faced by Mabvuku and Greendale. In this regard, the study critically interrogates the relationship between the central ZANU–PF government and Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-led local government and tries to understand the ramifications it is having on municipal water services. Interestingly the study also reveals that, despite the differences in coping strategies by residents of Mabvuku and Greendale, both locales have not been passive victims of the municipal water crisis. Instead, residents from both suburbs employ strategies according to their needs to ensure survival. However, despite some of the coping strategies (such as borehole and well drilling) significantly helping residents to manage and avert the water stress in light of the absence of municipal tap water, the study presents, explores and discusses the environmental consequences that are likely to happen as a result of the high concentration of these alternative water sources.
GR2017

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Karanda, Crispen Zindoga. "Land reform in Zimbabwe: the narrative and counter-narrative of traditional leaders' role on land tenure and governance in rural and A1 model settlements- period 1980 to 2014." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21864.

Full text

Abstract:

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science to the Faculty of Political Science, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016
This project employs a narrative and counter narrative lens to seek an understanding of the changing roles of traditional leaders in an independent Zimbabwe. A historical context was necessary in order to highlight changes in traditional leadership roles prior to the independence era. This process of using the historical context facilitated a discussion that was divorced from biases associated with colonialism and independence. To achieve this, a study was undertaken of the period prior to the colonial era, within the colonial era and post colonial period. This resulted in a rich discussion of the changing roles within each period together with implications to traditional leadership in an independent Zimbabwe. The study undertook a detailed review that provided the basis for the placement into the historical context that was supported by academic literature. The use of theory further consolidated the placement of the study in an academic context. Data collection and analysis were placed in narrative and counter narrative contexts using a thematic approach to find meaning to the study while addressing assertions that were raised in the study. The findings proved that traditional leaders in Zimbabwe have lost their powers and are partaking of new modern roles slowly divorced from the traditional context of both the pre and colonial era. It also proved that traditional leaders are aware of the changing roles and might be enjoying the benefits of the modern system at the expense of both tradition and culture. The other argument however is that traditional role conflicts with democratic processes and may not really be representative of a democratic government as these leaders are not elected. The findings of this study should highlight to the traditional leaders of the irreversible changing roles which only stand to maintain what could be an oppressive system similar to the colonial era unless it is checked and controlled. The study may also help academics and other interested parties that may be advocating for a separation of African systems in place of Western influenced governance despite the globalised nature of the world that maybe considered a disadvantage to poor countries.
MT2017

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Grand, Nesbeth. "Art and globalisation : the place of intangible heritage in a globalising environment." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/12065.

Full text

Abstract:

The thesis has investigated the place of Zimbabwean indigenous intangible heritage in a globalising environment. It used the Shona language and intangible heritage situation as a case study. It argued that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is continually being eroded by the agents of globalisation and that the only way of safeguarding it from extinction is through the preservation of Zimbabwean indigenous languages. The thesis has come to this conclusion after having established that there is an intimate and inseparable bond between language and its intangible values so much that it is not possible to talk of one devoid of the other. The relationship has been seen to be symbiotic. The Shona language has been established to embody, express and to be a carrier of all the intangible heritage of its speakers into the future by re-living them in the people’s daily life while these intangible values have been seen to conserve the language through their continued practice by the people. The research has also established that Zimbabwean intangible heritage marginalisation has roots in colonialism, dating as far back as the early Christian missionary days. The Shona intangible heritage has also been seen to be still of value despite the global threats as evidenced by the people’s continued re-living of it through language. The thesis has also noted that the Zimbabwean Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture is still using out-dated colonial language policies that still further the ascendancy of English and the intangible values it stands for while indigenous languages and values are marginalised in the education system, in government and in industry thereby worsening their predicament in the global environment. The current socio-economic and political developments in the country and some Shona novelists in Shona and in English are also culprits in this whole process as they continue to demonise and infantilise Zimbabwean intangible heritage. The thesis has therefore asserted that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is most likely to be eroded from the face of the earth if no measures are taken to safeguard it from extinction. It has therefore wound up by arguing that the survival of Zimbabwean intangible heritage lies in the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages through which it continues to be practised and felt by its people. The thesis has therefore recommended that the Zimbabwean government adopt sound language policies that safeguard the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages to enable the indigenous intangible heritage of the people to survive as well as the two are intricately related.
African Languages
D. Litt. et. Phil.(African Languages)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Globalization – Political aspects – Zimbabwe'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles