Relevant bibliographies by topics / Glorious Revolution 1688

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Glorious Revolution 1688'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Glorious Revolution 1688"

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Groenhuis, G. "De Glorious Revolution van 1688 herdacht." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 105, no. 3 (January 1, 1990): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.3242.

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Harrison, George. "Prerogative revolution and glorious revolution: Political proscription and parliamentary undertaking, 1687–1688." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 10, no. 1 (June 1990): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.1990.9525768.

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Underwood, T. L. "“It pleased me much to contend”: John Bunyan as Controversialist." Church History 57, no. 4 (December 1988): 456–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166652.

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In English history, 1688 is best remembered as the year of the Glorious Revolution. But that same year also witnessed the death of John Bunyan (1628–1688), the Nonconformist Bedford minister widely known as the author of The Pilgrim's Progress (1678; part two, 1684) and a preacher capable of drawing 3,000 persons to Sunday sermons in London. In subsequent centuries his fame increased, and, partly through translations into numerous languages, his story of Christian's pilgrimage became known in nearly every region of the world. In our own time his life and work have drawn the attention of many scholars from several fields, and the publication in modern editions of all of his sixty printed works has been undertaken. In 1988 the tercentenary of his death has been observed by a variety of activities including scholarly conferences and publications.
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Scott, Hamish. "The Making of a Revolution?" Journal of Interdisciplinary History 41, no. 2 (September 2010): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00051.

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Interpretations of England's Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689 fall into two categories. The first views the opposition to James II as a national movement—establishing English religious freedom and political liberty under the auspices of a parliamentary monarchy significantly different from the continental kingdoms in which absolutism held sway. The second posits an international conspiracy involving only a small minority of England's peerage and gentry and culminating in the invasion of William III, Dutch Stadtholder and eventual English king, who wanted to deploy British resources in the struggle against French power. Scholars have recently combined the two positions to form a composite interpretation. Pincus' 1688, however, sets out to overthrow almost every piece of this established picture and to substitute the interpretation emblazoned in his subtitle; 1688 was nothing less than “The First Modern Revolution.”
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Schwoerer, Lois G. "Women and the Glorious Revolution." Albion 18, no. 2 (1986): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050314.

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The role of women in revolutions has recently excited a good deal of scholarly interest. Innovative studies have appeared on women in the English Civil War, the French Revolution and the Russian Revolution that have not only rescued women from oblivion but also modified and enlarged understanding of the revolutions themselves. But for the English Revolution of 1688-89 there has been, aside from biographical studies of the two future queens, Mary and Anne, very little published work on the role of women. My purpose is to remedy that situation, and to broaden the inquiry by addressing four major questions: (1) what role did women from all social groups, lower, middle, aristocratic and royal, play in the Revolution: (2) why, in view of customary restraints, did they enter the public arena; (3) what influence did they have on the Glorious Revolution; and (4) what influence did the Revolution have on women? Underlying these queries is the basic question of what are the contextual conditions that encourage or even make possible women's participation in revolutions?Such a topic requires changes in the questions customarily used in studying political history. If politics is defined in traditional terms simply as the competition for and exercise of power by individuals through their office, voting, and decision making, then there is nothing to say about women in the Glorious Revolution. Women, whatever their social status, had no direct access to the levers of conventionally-defined politics. They did not vote, sit in either house of Parliament, or hold office on any level of government, unless they were queens. In a predominantly patriarchal society, females, except for widows, were customarily subordinate to their fathers or husbands and confined to the sphere of the family and household.
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Norton, Philip. "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION OF 1688 ITS CONTINUING RELEVANCE." Parliamentary Affairs 42, no. 2 (April 1989): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052186.

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Dickinson, H. T. "HOW REVOLUTIONARY WAS THE ‘GLORIOUS REVOLUTION’ OF 1688?" Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1988.tb00032.x.

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Schwoerer, Lois G. "Celebrating the Glorious Revolution, 1689–1989." Albion 22, no. 1 (1990): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050254.

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1988 and 1989 have been vintage years all over the world for centenary celebrations. People have celebrated the centenary of the Eiffel Tower, the bicentenary of the French Revolution, the bicentenary of Australia, the bicentenary of the American Bill of Rights, the quatercentenary of the defeat of the Spanish Armada, the sexcentenary of the battle of Kosovo (this one may have escaped your notice, but it brought over a million people to a gathering in the city of Pristina in Yugoslavia in June 1989), and, of course, the tercentenary of the English Revolution of 1688–89, with which I am concerned tonight. You will have no trouble believing that I have been “concerned with” and “celebrating” the Glorious Revolution for two years now, but I want to confess to you in the intimacy of this festive occasion that it has really been at least ten years, and that sometimes it feels more like three hundred!How did centennial observances start? Why do people go to trouble, take time, and spend money to call to mind an event that happened one, two, or three hundred years ago? What is it about centennial moments that turns serious-minded, scholarly-inclined historians like ourselves into “party people”? What do celebrations tell us about the uses of the past in successive “presents”? The fact is that celebrations, each varying in character, have attended the Glorious Revolution from its beginnings on through each centennial anniversary thereafter — in 1788–89, 1888–89, and 1988–89. The observances at these centennial moments not only celebrated the Revolution itself, but also served, even as they reflected, current political, cultural, and/or economic ideas and goals. In a long perspective, the celebrations are an important part of the political and cultural history of the Revolution of 1688–89 itself. They illustrate how high and low politics may intersect, show how political ideas circulate through society and undergo transformation, and offer an index of changing ideological and cultural assumptions and aspirations over three hundred years.
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Claydon, Tony. "William III's Declaration of Reasons and the Glorious Revolution." Historical Journal 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020689.

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ABSTRACTThe paper considers reactions to William III's Declaration of reasons, the manifesto issued by the prince of Orange on the eve of his invasion of England in 1688. It questions recent historiography, which has argued for the importance of this document in William's success by claiming that it achieved a virtual hegemony of English political discourse in the period of the Glorious Revolution. The paper first shows that James II's supporters mounted an effective challenge to the Orange Declaration by reversing its claim that liberties were in danger under the existing regime. It then suggests that William lost control of his manifesto over the winter of 1688–9 by making moves to secure power and authority which were unadvertised in the document. Once this had happened, various groups opposed to Orange ambition were able to adopt the rhetoric of the Declaration and quote it back at the prince in attempts to block his advance. The paper concludes with the irony that the ubiquity of the Declaration in 1688 may have been a result of its failure as publicity for the Orange cause; and by suggesting that scholars should look in places other than the manifesto for an effective Williamite propaganda.
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Hertzler, James R. "Who Dubbed It “The Glorious Revolution?”." Albion 19, no. 4 (1987): 579–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049475.

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It was not very glorious at first, at least to many English people of the late seventeenth century. With a king of undoubted legitimacy squeezed out and a new, albeit related monarch installed and recognized by Parliament, the transaction shook government, nation and church alike. It left Jacobite and non-juring splinters all round. The Revolution, happening in fulfillment of ideals of exclusionist Whigs, did not entirely satisfy those partisans, who soon learned that they could not control their masterful king, William III. As for the Tories, their consciences ached due to their resistance to a divinely-appointed sovereign. Few highly-placed Englishmen were comfortable with their need to call in a foreigner to help them solve their domestic squabbles. Indeed, one writer, reflecting on the letter inviting the Prince of Orange to invade England, thought it would have been “more glorious … to assist our undoubted Soveraign [sic], then to suffer him to be dethroned, solely because he is a Roman Catholic.”Twentieth-century historians called the Revolution other names than “glorious.” It has been dubbed a “sensible,” a “model,” a “moral,” a “respectable,” a “palace,” and simply the English Revolution. All agreed that it was indeed a Revolution, and they themselves were in agreement with some early writers who were contemporary with the event. The Orange Gazette, at the very end of the year 1688, reported on “the Revolutions that had occurred.” The historian Nicholas Tindal wrote that William of Orange himself, in a speech before the House of Lords, spoke of “this late Revolution.” Considerable discussion ensued in Parliament and in pamphlets as to whether William conquered James, or whether the king had abdicated, or had deserted his kingdom. But little question with contemporaries: there was a Revolution.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Glorious Revolution 1688"

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Shearing, Douglas Kenneth. "Education in the Peterborough Diocese in the century following the "Glorious Revolution", 1688." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1990. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018490/.

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There is a consensus of academic opinion that for approximately 100 years stretching from 1688, the date of the 'Glorious Revolution', to the onset of industrialisation England enjoyed relative stability, the condition being attributed to political pragmatism. The purpose of this thesis is twofold; to document the educational developments that characterized the period and to examine their effect, nature and scope, about which historians sharply disagree. The principle that in any age education is a social tool whose practical possibilities rest on people's assumptions determined the strategy of pursuing four main lines of enquiry. These form thematic chapters, the contents of which are briefly summarized as follows: 1. Provision; the Church of England's supervisory role; incidental management of schools. 2. The curriculum and teaching methodology employed in the various scholastic institutions. 3. A survey of scholars in attendance at elementary schools, grammar schools and academies. 4. A consideration of the teaching force with sections on religious attitudes, financial standing and professionalism. Although the study has a national dimension its distinct regional focus is intentional because the bulk of surviving records relate to a locality, enabling its educational system to be largely reconstructed. The Peterborough diocese proved to be an eminently suitable choice being both the setting for educational diversity and extremely rich in source material. The evidence which accrued was not used merely to illustrate what is already known; rather, it made possible more realistic interpretations of the macro situation than hitherto. It is argued in the conclusion that education neither stagnated nor regressed. The principal finding is that the classical tradition of the grammar schools and the universities gradually lost ground to Dissent with its insistence on science and 'the relief of man's estate'. Consequently, new ideas were enterprisingly translated into commendable practice.
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Hsu, Y. "The rhetoric of the Glorious Revolution and the drama in the reign of William III, 1688-1702." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1417082/.

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This study examines the ways in which drama in the reign of William III interacted with the rhetorical and cultural conditions and contentions of the Glorious Revolution in England. By viewing the Revolution more as a cultural instead of a political event, I argue that the vocabulary, theory, and ideology formulated by the polemics of the Revolution in forms such as speeches, pamphlets, broadsides, glassware, and paintings provided a rhetorical repertoire for post-revolutionary drama and enabled multiple opportunities for interpretation in texts. Furthermore, the rhetoric and discourse formed by those polemics testified to the socio-economic changes that were not only identified but also debated and shaped by plays. In this light, I suggest that while we can read drama in relation to its historical and cultural contexts, we should not assign it a secondary and passive role. Instead, drama actively shaped and commented on the literary and social cultures in post-Revolution times by participating in the Revolution’s debates relevant to the everyday life of the 1690s. The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I examines the transmission of Revolution rhetoric from the above-named polemics to the literary arena and their levels of usage. Part II focuses on two interrelated linguistic cultures created by the supporters of William III and James II: the languages of triumphalism and deliverance in Chapter II, and the languages of lamentation and hope in Chapter III. Part III examines gender and economy in a socio-economic perspective. Chapter IV examines the questions of gender and domestic authority in drama and post-revolutionary society raised by the Revolution’s invention, Dual Monarchism, in which William III (husband) and Mary II (wife) shared regal authority. Chapter V shows how drama reacted to the social and economic changes engendered by the Nine Years’ War, a major consequence of the Revolution.
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Kuester, Peter Allen. "THE TWO MARYS: GENDER AND POWER IN THE REVOLUTION OF 1688-89." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/1909.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009.
Title from screen (viewed on August 27, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Jason Kelly. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-113).
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Cowmeadow, Nicola Margaret. "Scottish noblewomen, the family and Scottish politics from 1688-1707." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2012. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/96af1289-2030-417d-8d81-1c6036a67fc9.

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The Scottish perspective of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 has received limited scholarly attention. The opposite is true of the Union of 1707 and this defining moment, which resulted in the loss of Scottish independence, continues to stimulate debate. The lives of Scottish noblewomen in the years from Revolution to Union have generally been disregarded. This thesis will demonstrate that acknowledging and exploring the experiences of noblewomen augments understanding of this momentous era. Investigating the lives of Scottish noblewomen using their letters to explore how they lived through the Revolution, the ‘ill years’ of King William’s reign, the Darien venture, European war and ultimately the negotiation of Union provides fresh perspectives on the social, economic and political life of Scotland. Recovering the experience of noblewomen engages with a wider process in Scottish history which has transformed understanding in some areas of historical study but has by no means permeated all. Redefining female political activity has illuminated the influence of elite English women in the later eighteenth century. Scottish noblewomen require similar extensive study. The research presented here supports the argument that political analysis alone cannot provide the fullest assessment of this period. Women are revealed as a vital element within social aspects of political manoeuvring and both created and maintained family networks. This research challenges the constricting framework of the public and private dichotomy. It aims to reveal and redefine the responsibilities of noblewomen within an expanded sphere of activity and suggests a much more inclusive role for women than has previously been considered. The formation of a British parliament in 1707 reduced the number of Scots parliamentarians and changed the role of the governing elite in Scotland but did not diminish Scottish women’s influence and participation. This thesis argues that Scottish noblewomen operated with autonomy within patriarchal parameters to support menfolk, exert authority and in some cases wield influence. Demonstrating their roles, abilities and a new form of social politics at work in Scotland is a vital part of understanding the post Union period and the development of British politics.
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Stapleton, John M. Jr. "Forging a coalition army: William III, the grand alliance, and the confederate army in the Spanish Netherlands, 1688-1697." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1061304400.

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Drew, Lori Melton. "The religious origins of the glorious revolution." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/53065.

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The role religion played in causing the English Revolution of 1688 has been examined. The Catholicism of the heir apparent to the English throne, James, Duke of York, later James II, had a direct impact on the social, political, and religious life of a predominately Protestant, anti-Catholic England in the latter decades of the seventeenth century. James's religion and the prospect of his accession to the throne led to the development of two unsuccessful attempts in the 1670s and 1680s, the Exclusion Crisis and the Rye House Plot, to keep him from ever taking the throne. Upon becoming king, James II's attempts to reestablish Catholicism as the dominant religion of the country alienated all the important institutions and segments of English society-—Parliament, the Anglican Church, the universities, the judiciary, local government, the aristocracy, and the gentry. James II's actions, which were a consequence of his adherence to the Catholic religion and were directly responsible for his downfall in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, are explored in detail.
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Mühling, Christian. "Die europäische Debatte über den Religionskrieg (1679-1714). Konfessionelle Memoria und internationale Politik im Zeitalter Ludwigs XIV." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040121.

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Le terme de guerre de religion apparaissait déjà sporadiquement à la fin du XVIe siècle. Il se trouva de façon accrue dans les imprimés de l’époque de la Guerre de Trente Ans. Cependant, une discussion élargie sur ce phénomène ne s’établit qu’au seuil du XVIIIe siècle. La guerre de religion ne devint qu’à cette époque-là un mot-clé politique. L’idée de guerre de religion ne gagna son importance historiographique que dans le débat politique contemporain. Le but de cette étude est de répondre à la question de savoir comment s’est établie une conception, comment est née une image historique (Geschichtsbild), comment enfin a été délimitée l’époque de la guerre de religion. La présente étude se restreint aux trois foyers de conflits confessionnels essentiels pour le débat sur la guerre de religion : la France, l’Angleterre et le Saint-Empire Romain Germanique. Elle s’élargit en même temps à l’échelle européenne en étudiant l’influence décisive qu’eut la perception des dernières grandes guerres de Louis XIV. Aussi bien la Guerre de Neuf Ans que la Guerre de Succession d’Espagne furent perçues comme des guerres de religion. La propagande imprimée de Louis XIV et des alliés ses ennemis y contribua largement en cherchant à rendre légitimes leurs politiques respectives. Ainsi la France et les guerres de Louis XIV eurent-elles un rôle déterminant dans la discussion sur la guerre de religion – qui paraissait impensable sans la personne et la politique du roi de France. Le lien entre guerre de religion et politique internationale aboutit à l’européanisation du débat sur la guerre de religion
The notion of religious war emerged for the first time at the end of the 16th century. The use of this term increased immensely during the time of the Thirty Years’ War via printed media. Yet, a widespread discussion of the phenomenon only started towards the end of the 17th century. War of religion became a constant political keyword. The idea gained its historiographical importance through its usage in the actual political debate. The aim of this research is to question the development of the concept of religious war, the underlying perception of history and the labelling of an era with this term. The thesis will confine itself to three territories where in the late 17th and early 18th century examples of confessional conflicts were intertwined with the debate on religious wars: France, England and the Holy Roman Empire. The scope of the study is, nevertheless, widened to the European arena by examining the decisive influence the last wars of Louis XIV had on the perception of religious wars. In fact, both the Nine Years’ War and the War of the Spanish Succession were perceived by contemporaries as wars of religion. The printed propaganda of Louis XIV as well as that of his allied enemies contributed largely to this perception by legitimising their respective politics. Thus, France and the wars of Louis XIV had a shaping role of the discussion on religious wars. In sum, the connection of confessional conflicts, international politics and the personality of the French king led to the Europeanisation of the debate on religious war
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Hsu, I.-Han, and 許逸涵. "From the French Revolution to the Glorious Revolution—Edmund Burke’s Interpretation of the 1688 Revolution." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/xc2ga4.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
歷史學研究所
102
The Glorious Revolution in 1688 established the British constitutional monarchy, and paved the way for the Whig Supremacy in the early 18th century. A hundred years later, when the French Revolution erupted in 1789, many British radicals linked the French Revolution to the Revolution of 1688, encouraging Britain people to support French one. Yet Edmund Burke, the famous Whig parliamentarian, was against French Revolution. He committed to elaborate the difference between Glorious Revolution and French Revolution in his works and speeches. One of them particularly interesting was An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs. In this pamphlet, Burke cited a political trial concerning the nature of 1688 revolution and the right of resistance, which happened in 1710, to prove that his own arguments coincided with the early Whigs’. He hoped it could persuade his Whig fellows to give up on the “New Whigs” represented by Paine and embraced the “Old Whigs” creed instead. About Burke’s dichotomy of “New Whigs” and “Old Whigs”, historians have known that it was Burke’s invention and not identical to the older meanings of similar terms. As for how could Whigs’ testimony in the Sacheverell Trial of 1710 be used to support Burke’s counter-revolutionary statements, scholars like J. P. Kenyon and Pocock had suggested it was because the Whigs in 1710 had become conservative. This thesis examined Burke’s interpretation of 1688, and introduced Sacheverell Trial’s background, process, and outcome. Then it analyzes Burke’s uses of this trial. For Burke, the main difference between “New” and “Old” Whigs were about the right of resistance, the ancient constitution and social contract. On the right of resistance, Burke or “Old Whigs” were not very different to Locke, all argued that resistance was only just when the ruler illegally harmed the ruled. About contract theory, traditional Whigs tended to mix it with the ancient constitution, believed the later was the representative of the former. The ancient constitution and the ideal of balanced polity composed of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, were discourses common to both Court and Country party at least until French Revolution. Overall, Burke’s interpretation of 1688 belonged to the mainstream Whig context.
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Books on the topic "Glorious Revolution 1688"

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Glorious revolution, 1688. Wincanton, Somerset: Wincanton Press, 1988.

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Cruickshanks, Eveline. The Glorious Revolution. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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The glorious revolution. 2nd ed. London: Addison Wesley Longman, 1997.

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Prall, Stuart E. The bloodless revolution: England, 1688. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985.

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The Glorious Revolution. San Diego, CA: Lucent Books, 1996.

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Robert, Jordan. Portsmouth in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Portsmouth: Portsmouth City Council, 1988.

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England's glorious Revolution, 1688-1689: A brief history with documents. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Pincus, Steven C. A. England's glorious Revolution, 1688-1689: A brief history with documents. Boston, New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2006.

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The Glorious Revolution: 1688, Britain's fight for liberty. New York, N.Y: Pegasus Books, 2008.

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A plain man's guide to the Glorious Revolution, 1688. London: Regency, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Glorious Revolution 1688"

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Ward, James. "Remember 1688? The Draughtsman’s Contract, the ‘Glorious Revolution’ and Public Memory." In Film, History and Memory, 134–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137468956_9.

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Cruickshanks, Eveline. "The Tory Reaction, 1683–1686." In The Glorious Revolution, 12–14. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07303-7_4.

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Cruickshanks, Eveline. "The Popish Plot and the Exclusion Crisis, 1678–1681." In The Glorious Revolution, 8–11. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07303-7_3.

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Hodgson, Geoffrey M. "1688 and All That: Property Rights, the Glorious Revolution and the Rise of British Capitalism." In Institutionalist Perspectives on Development, 11–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98494-0_2.

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O’Gorman, Frank. "The Culture of Elections in England: From the Glorious Revolution to the First World War, 1688–1914." In Elections before Democracy: The History of Elections in Europe and Latin America, 17–31. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24505-5_2.

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Cruickshanks, Eveline. "The 1689 Convention, the Settlement of the Crown and the Bill of Rights." In The Glorious Revolution, 35–46. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07303-7_7.

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Cowman, Krista. "From Glorious Revolution to Enlightenment: Women’s Political Worlds, 1689–1789." In Women in British Politics, c. 1689–1979, 9–29. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-26785-6_2.

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"Glorious Revolution?, 1688–1701." In Stuart England, 207–16. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203067017-17.

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"The Glorious Revolution (1688–89)." In William III, the Stadholder-King, 213–32. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315234038-17.

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"Glorious Revolution in Britain, 1688–1714." In The Long Eighteenth Century. Bloomsbury Academic, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350000247.0008.

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