Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'God Gods, Egyptian'

The conventional position of Seth in Ancient Egypt is as the villain amongst the gods. That is to say he is documented as the murderer of his brother, Osiris, and the enemy of Horus. However he does have a number of aspects and was venerated in certain guises and places, particularly the Delta. It is likely that the Osirian mythology represented the struggle between Upper and Lower Egypt at the time of the unification of Egypt in Predynastic and early Dynastic times. This is illustrated by the finding of a carved artefact from the Predynastic Amratian (Naqada I) period (4000-3500 B.C.E.) and the fact that Peribsen and Khasekhemwy had serekhs surmounted by a Seth animal. This confusion continues during the Old Kingdom where although Seth is mainly portrayed as the villain in the majority of the Pyramid Texts, at times he appears to be a friend of Osiris e.g.: in texts from Teti there is a statement that Seth is the arch-enemy of Osiris, as he was of Horus, and the defeat of Seth and his followers by Horus is described with great satisfaction; but, conversely in texts from Pepi: Seth and Thoth are called the brothers of Osiris who weep for him and in another place Seth is called upon to give life to Osiris. This surely illustrates the struggles that were continuing between Upper and Lower Egypt and when Upper Egypt was supplying the pharaohs, then Horus was triumphant and Seth portrayed in his villainous role, but when Lower Egypt held sway then Seth has a more prominent role. This thesis will examine Seth’s fluctuating role in these various periods of Ancient Egypt and seek to show that his rises and falls actually reflected the turbulent times that were a constant factor of life during these times and that, certainly in the Delta, and possibly in other parts of the country, his worship was always on-going. This will be achieved by:• Examining the ‘traditional’ positioning of Seth within the Osirian story.• Examining the worship of Seth in the Predynastic and early Dynastic time periods.• Examining the rise of Seth to prominence during the Hyksos Period.• Examining the position of Seth within the Ramesside era.• Examining the vilification he experienced during the Saite Period.• Examining the position of Seth during the Graeco-Roman Period.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The concept of Ma'at is crucial to Ancient Egyptian culture. In Ancient Egypt, Ma'at has two closely related manifestations: the cultural principle and the goddess. Ma'at as general cultural principle relates to the perfect order that was present at the moment when the cosmos came into being. This order eliminated chaos and created perfect balance in every aspect of the cosmos: nature, mankind, the gods, life and death. According to Ancient Egyptian literature, people ordered their lives in terms of the principle to do Ma 'at. This principle amounted to living honestly and justly. In this way, order was maintained and chaos prevented. In religion, which should be considered a subdomain of culture, Ma'at functions as an Ancient Egyptian goddess. As a goddess, Ma'at was considered a being in her own right, with a characteristic appearance, a history, and a cult which was performed by the pharaoh and the priests. Though the conception ofMa'at developed considerably in the long history of Ancient Egypt, the idea was present at the beginning of Egyptian civilization, as is attested by a great variety of inscriptions. The concept played a significant role in this culture from beginning to end. Ma'at was of particular importance to Ancient Egyptian royalty. Royal office included the realization of Ma'at and the consequent destruction ofIsfet. This function was performed by the pharaoh as chief of all cults - by daily sacrifice for Ma'at --, as well as in his role as ruler - by ensuring that public office was performed according to the principle ofMa'at. The Ancient Egyptians maintained that Ma'at functioned not only in life but also in death. In the alternative reality that Ancient Egypt made of death, order obtained, just as in life. Hence Ma' at was present also in death. The essence of Ancient Egypt is not its structures, such as the pyramids, which never cease to fascinate. This essence has to be sought in the way Ma'at gave unity to this remarkable culture.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die begrip Ma'at is rigtinggewend vir die kultuur van Antieke Egipte. In hierdie kultuur het Ma'at twee verskyningsvorme wat ten nouste met mekaar saamhang: die kultuurbeginsel en die godin. Ma'at as algemene kultuurbeginsel het te doen met die volmaakte orde wat tot stand gekom het in die ontstaansoomblik van die kosmos. Hierdie orde hef chaos en wanorde op en skep volkome ewewig in elke aspek van die kosmos: die natuur, die mensdom, die godedom, die lewe en die dood. Die Antieke Egiptiese literatuur bring aan die lig dat mense hulle lewe ingerig het volgens die beginsel om Ma'at te doen. Waarop dit neergekom het om Ma'at te doen, was om eerlik en regverdig te handel. Op hierdie manier is die orde bewaar en die chaos verhoed. Op die terrein van die religie, wat as 'n besondere aspek van die kultuur in die breë beskou moet word, funksioneer Ma'at in Antieke Egipte as 'n godin. Hierdie godin was 'n veronderstelde wese in eie reg, met 'n kenmerkende voorkoms, 'n geskiedenis, en 'n kultus wat deur die farao en die priesters bedien is. Hoewel die siening van Ma'at in die loop van die lang geskiedenis van Antieke Egipte aansienlik ontwikkel het, was die idee van die begin van die Egiptiese beskawing aanwesig, soos 'n groot verskeidenheid inskripsies laat blyk. Die begrip het in hierdie kultuur van begin tot end 'n bepalende rol bly speel. Tussen Ma'at en die koningskap in Antieke Egipte was daar 'n besonder nou band. Ma'at was van wesenlike belang vir die uitvoering van die koninklike amp: dit was die opdrag van die farao om Ma'at te verwesenlik en daarmee Isfet te vernietig. Hierdie taak het die farao uitgevoer as hoof van alle kultusse -- deur die daaglikse offer wat hy in die belang van Ma'at gebring het --, maar ook in die staatsadministrasie -- deur toe te sien dat amptenare hulle werk doen volgens die beginsel van Ma'at. In Antieke Egipte is daarvan uitgegaan dat Ma'at nie net in die lewe nie, maar ook in die dood funksioneer. In die alternatiewe werklikheid wat Antieke Egiptenare van die dood maak, heers daar ook orde. Ma'at is dus ook daar teenwoordig. Die wese van Antieke Egipte is nie die strukture, soos die piramides, wat nou nog die belangstelling gaande maak nie. Dit moet veel eerder gesoek word in die wyse waarop Ma'at eenheid aan hierdie merkwaardige kultuur gegee het.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rise of Ancient Egyptian civilization by the end of the fourth millennium BC was essentially a religious process. The civilization developed from a religious core that was formed by and in the Nile valley. Metaphors were drawn from the context of the Nile to represent deities. In different epochs and at different places, creation myths attempted explaining the mystery of the origin of god and man. According to these myths, both god and man were created by a primal being after it had brought itself into being. In an attempt to depict different facets of deities, various metaphors were used. One and the same god could be represented as a human and as an animal. Nonetheless, all deities possessed human features and all functioned in human structures. In the primal state mankind and the gods coexisted in harmony. When man rebelled this harmony was shattered, and the gods left the world of man. After the gods had left earth they could be approached only by a mediator. The role of mediator was played by the pharaoh. It was the pharaoh's mission to maintain the order on earth that had been present since creation. Inthe office as high priest of all cults it was incumbent on the pharaoh to keep the gods satisfied by ensuring them of the maintenance of Ma'at. In this the pharaoh as god-king was assisted by a hierarchy of priests who performed cult rituals in temples and sacrificed to the gods. To a great extent, ordinary people were excluded from formal religion and resorted to popular or demotic religion. The dominant role of artefacts in death and grave rituals does not signify an obsession with death. All rituals and artefacts were involved in maintaining life after death, and the afterlife was something that Ancient Egyptians implicitly believed in. Admission to life after death required a morally sound and just life, which was determined in the judgement ceremony when the deeds of the deceased were placed on a scale weighted with the feather of Ma'at. Religion, with the pharaoh at its centre, permeated every aspect of daily life in Ancient Egypt.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms van die Antieke Egiptiese beskawing teen die einde van die vierde millennium vC was essensieel 'n godsdienstige proses. Die beskawing het rondom 'n godsdiens ontwikkel wat sy skering en inslag in die vrugbare Nylvallei gehad het. Metafore uit die Nylkonteks is gebruik om die godedom te vergestalt. Skeppingsmites het op verskillende tye en op verskillende plekke 'n verklaring van die ontstaansgeheim van gode en mense probeer gee. Hiervolgens is alle gode en mense deur 'n oerwese geskape nadat hierdie oerwese homself tot stand gebring het. In 'n poging om die verskillende fasette van gode uit te beeld, is verskillende metafore gebruik; dieselfde god kon vergestalt word as mens en/of dier. Tog het alle gode menslike eienskappe gehad en het hulle almal in menslike strukture gefunksioneer. In die oerstaat sou mense en gode in harmonie saamleef. Toe die mens in opstand gekom het, is hierdie harmonie versteur, en die gode het die wêreld van die mensdom verlaat. Nadat die gode die aarde verlaat het, kon hulle net deur 'n middelaar bereik word. Die rol van middelaar is ingeneem deur die farao. Dit was die opdrag van die farao om die orde wat van die skepping af teenwoordig was, op aarde te handhaaf. In sy amp as hoëpriester van alle kultusse moes die farao daagliks die gode tevrede hou deur hulle van die instandhouding van Ma'at te verseker. Hierin is hy as godkoning bygestaan deur 'n hiërargie van priesters wat in tempels kultusrituele uitgevoer en offers aan die gode gebring het. Die gewone mens is in 'n groot mate uitgesluit van formele godsdiens en het 'n heenkome in volksgodsdiens gevind. Die dominante rol wat artefakte rondom die dood en grafrituele speel, het geensins gedui op 'n beheptheid met die dood nie. Alle rituele en toerusting is gerig op die instandhouding van die lewe na die dood, waaraan die Antieke Egiptenaar onwrikbaar geglo het. Toetrede tot die lewe na die dood het 'n moreel regverdige lewe vereis en is bepaal by die oordeelseremonie wanneer die afgestorwene se dade op 'n skaal teenoor die veer van Ma'at geweeg is. Elke aspek van die daaglikse lewe in Antieke Egipte is geraak en bepaal deur die besondere rol van die godsdiens en die farao as hoofrolspeler in die godsdiens.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although the traditional viewpoint of the Ancient Egyptian civilisation is one of isolation and self containment, in fact Egypt and Syro-Palestine had a long history of contact and interaction before the Late Bronze Age, albeit somewhat tenuous and ad hoc. The commencement of the New Kingdom in Egypt heralded a more vigorous period of exchange. This was largely due to the Egyptian policy of increased commercial activity and military campaigns in Syro-Palestine as well as the rising strength of the Asiatic peoples. At the personal level there was always a trend of Asiatics moving into Egypt in search of a better life, which opened the door for the Hyksos rule at the end of the Middle Bronze Age. This foreign rule was an affront on the dignity of the Egyptians. Thus, following numerous military campaigns much of Syro-Palestine was incorporated into the wider Egyptian political entity. In counterpoint to the situation in Egypt, Syro-Palestine was very far from isolated, situated in the open cultural landscape of Syria and Mesopotamia it was the very hub of the Ancient Near East. Inevitably there was considerable interaction, and throughout history, as even today, Syro-Palestine is a crossroads and melting pot of different peoples. At the forefront of any exchange were religious ideas, religious traditions were introduced and foreign gods were spread far and wide. The international nature of the gods seems to have been a characteristic of the Ancient Near East. In this scenario were the Egyptian god Seth and his counterpart the Syro-Palestinian god Baaal, each with a complex story, wherein the iconographical and textual evidence of the gods show much commonality. The association of Seth with Baaal in Egypt is clear, the name of Baaal being written with the Seth-animal determinative, whereas Syro-Palestine has the Mami stele from Ugarit. Major events shook the Ancient Near East ca. 1500-1000 BCE, Egypt reached its apogee and ruled the East; providing the most likely answer regarding the presence and worship of Seth in Syro-Palestine. Certainly Seth was present and worshipped, naturally the massive numbers of Egyptian military and diplomatic personnel required facilities for this practice. Since the earlier Hyksos rulers accepted and worshipped Seth this predicates on a continuum into the period in question. To summarize: Seth equals Baaal and Baaal equals Seth.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel die tradisionele siening van die antieke Egiptiese beskawing een van isolasie en selfonderhouding is, het Egipte en Siro-Palestina in werklikheid ʼn lang geskiedenis van kontak en interaksie voor die Laat Bronstydperk gehad, hoewel ietwat beperk en ad hoc. Die aanvang van die Nuwe Koninkryk in Egipte het ʼn meer dinamiese tydperk van wisselwerking ingelui. Dit was grootliks weens die Egiptiese beleid van toenemende handelsaktiwiteit en militêre veldtogte in Siro-Palestina, asook die opkomende mag van die Asiatiese volke. Op persoonlike vlak was daar altyd ʼn neiging van Asiate om na Egipte te trek op soek na ʼn beter lewe, wat die deur vir die Hiksosheerskappy aan die einde van die Middel-Bronstydperk oopgemaak het. Hierdie vreemdelinge heerskappy was ʼn belediging vir die waardigheid van die Egiptenare. Gevolglik, na afloop van talle militêre veldtogte is die meerderheid van Siro-Palestina in die breër Egiptiese politieke entiteit ingelyf. In teenstelling met die situasie in Egipte was Siro-Palestina alles behalwe geïsoleer. Geleë in die oop kulturele landskap van Sirië en Mesopotamië was dit die ware middelpunt van die Ou Nabye Ooste. Daar was noodwendig aansienlike interaksie, en regdeur die geskiedenis, soos selfs vandag nog, is Siro-Palestina ‟n kruispad en smeltkroes van verskillende volke. Aan die voorpunt van enige wisselwerking was godsdienstige idees, godsdienstige tradisies was ingevoer en uitheemse gode wyd en syd versprei. Die internasionale aard van die gode blyk ʼn kenmerk van die Ou Nabye Ooste te wees. In hierdie scenario was die Egiptiese god Seth en sy Siro-Palestynse eweknie Baäl, elk met ʼn komplekse storie, waarin die ikonografiese en tekstuele bronne van die gode baie ooreenstemming toon. Die verbintenis van Seth met Baäl is duidelik in Egipte, waar Baäl se naam met die Seth-dier as determinatief geskryf is, terwyl Siro-Palestina die Mami-stela van Ugarit het. Groot gebeurtenisse het die Ou Nabye Ooste ca. 1500-1000 v.C. geskud, Egipte het sy hoogtepunt bereik en oor die Ooste geheers, wat die mees waarskynlike antwoord aangaande die teenwoordigheid en aanbidding van Seth in Siro-Palestina verskaf. Seth was ongetwyfeld teenwoordig en aanbid, natuurlik het die enorme getalle Egiptiese militêre en diplomatieke personeel fasiliteite vir hierdie praktyk vereis. Aangesien die vroeëre Hiksosheersers Seth aanvaar en aanbid het, bevestig dit ‟n kontinuum in die periode onder bespreking. Om op te som: Seth is gelyk aan Baäl en Baäl is gelyk aan Seth.

Min was one of the earliest known Egyptian deities and his origins remain obscure but, because of his association with fertility and the kingship, he retained his importance from the Predynastic Period into the Roman era. Although his depiction as an ithyphallic, mummified male with a flail balanced above his raised right arm remained unaltered throughout, the overall iconography of Min did exhibit changes, notably with the introduction in the Sixth Dynasty of what is accepted as a lettuce plant resembling the modern Cos or Romaine cultivar of Lactuca sativa L. It is the association of Min with the lettuce plant that is the subject of this thesis. It is the received opinion in the literature that the plant was offered to Min, a fertility god, as an aphrodisiac. Apart from two seminal works that are over fifty years old, little research has been conducted into the association of Min with the lettuce. Much early research is in need of re-examination because of changes in social attitudes and research techniques and this the thesis seeks to redress. The aims of the research are to review the evidence for the lettuce plant in ancient Egypt and to re-examine the previously noted association of the god Min with a plant identified as lettuce. The study is primarily library and museum based and examines the history and nature of lettuce in ancient Egypt. The nature of 'aphrodisiac' is examined and the use of such substances in ancient Egypt is compared with modern usage. Min as a god of fertility is re-analysed and, finally, texts and Ptolemaic temple inscriptions are examined for evidence as to why and by whom lettuce was offered. The research results are applied to a study of Min as a god of fertility. The evidence indicates that lettuce was offered by the king to Min to ensure the fertility and regeneration of agriculture and of the king which would secure the continuation of his line and humanity. There is no evidence to suggest lettuce was offered as an aphrodisiac to increase the sexual desire of the god.

Etude des représentations du cosmos dans l'Egypte ancienne :représentations du Noun (non-cosmos), représentations des frontières entre le Noun et le cosmos et représentations des éléments constitutifs du cosmos (ciel, terre et éléments soutenant le ciel). Etude de l'apport de ces représentations sur la connaissance que nous avons de la conception du monde des anciens Egyptiens.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Ir et Sedjem forment un couple divin complémentaire et indissociable qui apparaît au Nouvel Empire et qui perdure jusqu'à l'époque romaine. Le premier volume regroupe toute la documentation nécessaire à cette étude. Quatre-vingt-neuf documents mentionnant Ir et Sedjem ont été recensés et classés par type puis par ordre décroissant du nombre d'attestations : les temples (rangés chronologiquement et du Sud au Nord), les papyrus et les bandelettes de momies (ordonnés par musées puis par numéro d'inventaire) et enfin les objets divers (classés par époque). Chaque fiche créée au sein de notre corpus est composée de cinq entrées : l'emplacement de l'attestation d'Ir et Sedjem dans le temple, le papyrus, la bandelette ou l'objet, la datation, la description détaillée suivant la nature et l'état de conservation du document ; la bibliographie et le contexte d'apparition qui indique si Ir et Sedjem sont représentés, simplement cités et/ou s'ils tiennent un discours. Enfin, sur la page paire sont regroupées la ou les différentes illustrations. Le deuxième volume est consacré à la synthèse de notre étude sur Ir et Sedjem divisée en quatre chapitres. Le premier traite des noms de nos deux divinités notamment de leurs graphies respectives afin d'établir une translittération définitive et une traduction de leurs noms. Leur iconographie a été étudiée ensuite (attitudes, perruques, signes-emblèmes, vêtements, éléments de parure, barbe postiche) ainsi que les quelques cas particuliers relevés (zoomorphie totale ou partielle, possible aspect féminin, symbiose éventuelle) et enfin ,leurs attributs ont été traités. La troisième partie de notre développement est consacrée à l'analyse des liens qui unissent Ir et Sedjem aux autres divinités du panthéon égyptien. Avant de procéder à l'étude des différentes fonctions de nos deux divinités, un inventaire de leurs épithètes, de leurs discours et des offrandes qu'ils reçoivent a été établi. Nous avons également examiné les divers emplacements sur lesquels ils sont mentionnés dans les temples. Enfin, nous avons terminé notre recherche en proposant un bref examen sur les liens indirects qui existent entre Ir et Sedjem et le Ka royal, les deux vautours In-nout et Sedjemet dans le Mythe de l'Oeil du Soleil et les 14 Kaou de Rê
Ir and Sedjem form a complementary and inseparable divine couple that appears in the New Kingdom, which lasted until the Roman period. The first volume includes all necessary documentation in this study. Eighty-nine documents mentioning Ir and Sedjem were listed and classified by type then in decreasing order of the number of certificates : temples (tidied up chronologically and from South to North), papyri and strips of mommies (ordered by museums then by number of inventory) and finally the diverse objects (classified by time). Each file created within our corpus consists of five entries : the location of the certificate of Ir and Sedjem in the temple, papyrus, the strip or object ; the dating ; the detailed description following the nature and the state of preservation of the document ; the bibliography and the context of appearance which indicates if Ir and Sedjem are represented, even-numbered page are grouped one or several various illustrations. The second volume is devoted to the synthesis of our study on Ir and Sedjem divided into four chapters. The first deals with names of our two deities includong their respective written form in order to establish a definitive transliteration and translation of their names. Their iconography was then studied (attitudes, wigs, signs-emblems, clothes, elements of finery, false beard) as well as the few particular cases found (total or partial zoomorphic shape, possible feminine aspect, prospective symbiosis) and finally, their attributes were handled. The third part of our development is dedicated to the analysis of the links between Ir and Sedjem and the other divinities of the Egyptian pantheon. Before proceeding to the study of the various functions of our two divinities, an inventory of their epithets, their discourse and the offering which they receive was established. We also examined the diverse locations on which they are mentioned in temples. Finally, we completed our research by proposing a brief review of the indirect links which exist between Ir and Sedjem and royal Ka, the both vultures In-nout and Sedjemet in the Myth of th Eye of the Sun and the 14 Kaou of Rê

Le dieu égyptien Min a toujours été considéré comme un dieu de la procréation par nombre d’égyptologues. Pourtant, l’analyse de son image et de son culte sur la période allant du début de la 8e dynastie à la fin de la 17e dynastie révèle une toute autre définition. Son iconographie témoigne d’une élaboration cryptique dans l’emploi des divers éléments qui composent son image. La présente étude réanalyse par ailleurs la parèdre coptite du dieu ainsi que la réappropriation de l’image de Min au début du Moyen Empire par la divinité thébaine Amon. Loué lors de fêtes spécifiques aux fonctions agraires et dynastiques, Min fit l’objet d’une vénération certaine au cours de cette large période, aussi bien auprès des souverains que des particuliers. Min est aussi particulièrement vénéré en contexte expéditionnaire. Qu’il s’agisse du ouadi Hammamat ou du Gebel el-Zeit en passant par Mersa Gaouasis et par Konosso, le dieu est mentionné ou figuré pour ses attributions guerrières et minérales. Enfin, au cours du Moyen Empire et de la Deuxième Période intermédiaire, Min semble particulièrement loué en Abydos. Son insertion dans la geste osirienne – avec la création de sa forme Min-Horus-nakht – témoigne du déplacement et de la portée funéraire et dynastique croissante du culte à cette époque. Par ses hymnes et les témoignages archéologiques découverts en Abydos, apparaissent en ce lieu les vestiges d’un sanctuaire propre au dieu. Au regard de l’ensemble de la documentation récolée, Min apparaît alors non pas comme un dieu de procréation, mais comme un « Suivant d’Horus », un dieu de la force aux fonctions dynastiques et régénératrices, agissant tant sur le monde naturel que dans l’inframonde
The Egyptian god Min has always been considered as a procreation god by many Egyptologists. However, the analysis of his image and his cult on the period from the beginning of the First Intermediate Period to the end of the 17th dynasty reveals a very different definition. His iconography shows a cryptic elaboration in the way of using various details composing his image. This present study reanalyzes the Coptite consort of Min as well as the reappropriation of the god’s image by the Theban deity Amun at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. Revered during specific agrarian and dynastic religious festivals, Min was subject of a great veneration during this period, both from kings and private individuals. Min was also particularly praised in expeditionary contexts. From the wadi Hammamat to the Gebel el-Zeit via Mersa Gawasis and the peninsula of Konosso, this god was mentioned and figured for his warring and mineral abilities. Lastly, during the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period, Min seems particularly revered in Abydos. He was inserted inside the Osirian cult with the creation of the figure of Min-Horus-nakht, the latter testifying the moving of the cult and the funerary and dynastic importance of the god in this city. With Abydenian hymns and the discovery of archeological fragments, the location of a sanctuary dedicated to the god could be brought to light. Regarding all the collected data, Min appears not as a procreation god but as a ‘Follower of Horus’, a god of strength with dynastic powers, a god of regeneration who acts over both the natural world and the underworld

Pese a haber permanecido prácticamente desatendida por la historiografía, la recepción del mito egipcio en tiempos de Felipe II no puede considerarse como residual o anecdótica. Se trata de un fenómeno en la Monarquía de la segunda mitad del XVI que, aun ser difícil de detectar, está en concomitancia con el interés que lo egipcio suscitó en la Europa renacentista. La presente investigación se adentra en los entresijos de cómo se articuló esa recepción, ciertamente intensa y volcada en fuentes tan y tan heterogéneas que llegó al punto de originar un renacimiento egipcio y un renacimiento jeroglífico específicos para el caso español. Al margen de los clásicos, en los círculos humanistas era conocido el alcance de los referentes asidos del antiguo Egipto. Un Egipto, eso sí, transformado respecto a sus cánones faraónicos, filtrado por las fuentes grecolatinas, corrompido por la tradición bíblica, adulterado por graníticas connotaciones herméticas, y distorsionado por la mentalidad e ideales renacentistas. De ahí que este estudio se adentre en la búsqueda de la huella de Osiris, es decir, la impronta de lo egipcio dibujada en suelo hispánico con contornos diversos e hilvanada mediante un discurso egiptizante (lingüístico; mito-genealógico e historiográfico; jeroglífico en torno a su estudio y vías de aplicación; médico-farmacológico relativo a las momias). Estamos, pues, ante un tema de investigación que amplía las perspectivas del estudio de la siempre compleja Monarquía hispánica y sus múltiples visiones.
Despite remaining almost neglected by Historiography, the presence of Ancient Egypt in Philip II’s time is located on the frame of the Egyptian Myth reception during the second half of the XVIth century Spanish Monarchy. Succinctly, my contribution studies how this reception was articulated through the interpretation of heterogeneous sources that allow formulating the existence of an Egyptian and Hieroglyphic Renascences for the Hispanic case. Beyond the referents of Classical Antiquity, the intellectual forces of Humanism knew about the importance of those taken from Ancient Egypt. Anyway, a completely transformed Egypt from its pharaonic canons, filtered by Greco-Latin sources, corrupted by the Biblical tradition, undermined by the Renaissance ideas, and interfered by Hermetic connotations. All in all, we are going to research into the so-called trace of Osiris; that’s to say the ‘footmark’ of Egypt drawn on the Hispanic context through various contours and revealed thanks to an egyptianizing discourse in several areas (Linguistics; Mythical Genealogy and Historiography; Hieroglyphic studies and their applied ways; Pharmacopoeia and Medicine about mummies). Thus, we are facing a research that extends the perspectives in the different visions of the complex Spanish Monarchy.

As instruções sapienciais do Egito antigo muitas vezes apresentam-se como textos didáticos redigidos por um pai para o seu filho de modo a ensinar-lhe a conduta e o comportamento éticos adequados na sua vida profissional e noutras situações sociais, tais como interações com amigos ou pessoas menos favorecidas. Assim, estes textos são obras pragmáticas preocupadas com a ação individual na sociedade. Embora não sejam tratados de especulação teológica, deus (nTr) é uma figura central neles. O objetivo deste estudo é explorar os dois principais papéis de deus nestes textos: o de agente com a função de retribuir as transgressões, e com a função de protetor. Este trabalho centra-se na mobilização de deus (nTr) nas instrucções sapienciais dos Impérios Médio e Novo. Através de uma análise discursiva baseada na metodologia de Michel Foucault, explorou-se alguns dos papéis desempenhados por deus nestes textos. Antes, porém, e porque este estudo se enquadra na história das religiões, foi feita uma introdução ao estudo histórico e sociológico da religião, abordando a história da disciplina, e algumas das polémicas que a têm acompanhado. Foi decidido não definir religião, considerando-se esta como mais um aspeto de uma cultura. De seguida explorou-se o contexto social das instruções. Ao contrário do que se poderia pensar, sobretudo porque as instruções se apresentam como textos didáticos e aptas para a formação de novas gerações, não é de todo claro que tenham sido usadas num contexto de ensino, formal ou informal. Também não é garantido que tenham sido escritas com o objetivo de servirem de manuais de aprendizagem de boas maneiras, uma vez que, à semelhança de outros textos literários, podem ter sido usadas num contexto essencialmente de entretenimento. No caso das instruções do Império Novo há mais indícios de que tenham sido compostas para um propósito didático. Ainda assim, as instruções são textos pragmáticos centrados neste mundo e que estão construídos como textos que pretendem moldar a conduta ensinando ao pupilo o que precisa de saber para ser bem-sucedido socialmente e evitar a retribuição divina. Por conseguinte, é lícito que o discurso das instruções se preste a um estudo histórico e sociológico no sentido de se conhecer melhor a sociedade do tempo em que foram redigidos. No capítulo terceiro abordou-se um dos principais papéis de deus: o papel de agente que castiga e retribui certas transgressões. É relevante salientar que nem todas as transgressões estão representadas em todas as instruções, nem todas têm o mesmo castigo. Algumas são específicos a um período temporal, e outras são específicas a certas instruções. Identificaram-se as seguintes transgressões: contra indivíduos e contra o estado: maus-tratos a outros, fraudulência e aquisição ilícita de bens, discurso falso e/ou inflamatório, profanação de túmulos, execução de cortesãos; contra deus: detestação (bw.t) de deus, e transgressões e falhas rituais. Os maus-tratos estão atestados nas instruções do Império Novo. Embora conte com duas atestações em instruções do Império Médio, a fraudulência e a aquisição ilícita de bens está sobretudo atestada na Instrução de Amenemope. É possível que o volume de atestações neste texto seja um reflexo dos tempos conturbados do final do Período Raméssida. Amenemope expressa preocupação com o roubo do estado, mas também com a exploração dos mais vulneráveis da sociedade. Na categoria de discurso falso e inflamado, também é em Amenemope que se concentram as atestações. Antes de estas serem discutidas foi feita uma discussão acerca do homem de temperamento quente (Smm), personagem importante não só em Amenemope como noutros textos do Período Raméssida. Interessantemente, ao contrário desses textos, Amenemope parece ser leniente com o homem de temperamento quente, chegando a sugerir que se lhe deve prestar auxílio se ele se encontrar numa situação difícil. De contrário, raramente é leniente com o pupilo a quem a instrução é endereçada, como se a sua preocupação fosse o comportamento do seu aluno e não propriamente a conduta daqueles com quem ele se cruza. O tópico da profanação de sepulturas apenas é abordado na Instrução para o Rei Merikaré, uma das duas instruções reais que chegaram até nós. Enquanto instrução endereçada ao rei, mesmo que na prática também estivesse acessível aos funcionários, trata de tópicos que lhe são únicos. Em particular a guerra civil do Primeiro Período Intermediário, da qual o(s) autor(es) parece(m) conhecer bem. O rei a quem a autoria do texto é atribuída admite que, sem o seu conhecimento e a sua autorização, os seus soldados dessacralizaram uma necrópole. Cabendo-lhe a responsabilidade por ser o chefe do exército é a ele que deus castiga, seguindo o princípio taliónico de responder com o mesmo. Este passo esboça uma verdadeira teoria do nexo de causa-consequência (Tun-Ergehen-Zusammenhang). É também apenas na mesma instrução que está atestada a proibição de executar alguém próximo na corte. Curiosamente, a interdição contra o homicídio, prática que é negada no famoso capítulo 125 do Livro dos Mortos, não está atestada nas instruções que chegaram até nós. As atestações da detestação (bw.t) de deus são de um grande interesse, porquanto a associação da detestação com um deus limita a subjetividade do analista ao selecionar este ou aquele passo como pertencendo a uma dada transgressão. Interessantemente, a detestação de deus só está atestada numa instrução do Império Médio, e numa cópia do Império Novo. De resto, está apenas presente em instruções do Império Novo. Enquanto na Instrução de Ani está sobretudo ligada a transgressões rituais, na Instrução de Amenemope e na Instrução do Papiro Chester Beatty IV está sobretudo associada à fraudulência e ao roubo de material do templo. Surge na Instrução de Amenemope um passo interessante em que, numa situação de emergência, o escriba que tem o dever de inspecionar um barco de transporte não deve recusar a ajudar que lhe for pedida por medo de o ato de executar trabalhos que não sejam condignos à posição social que se ocupa poder ser considerado uma detestação de deus. À semelhança de outras culturas onde os interditos religiosos são levantados em situações de emergência, Amenemope assegura o escriba de que pode ajudar sem se preocupar. Podemos perguntar, no entanto, se havia opiniões divergentes na sociedade egípcia. O tema das transgressões e falhas rituais, que tem vindo recentemente a ser cada vez mais trabalho no âmbito do estudo histórico e sociológico das religiões, está também presente nas instruções, quer do Império Médio quer do Novo. Nas instruções do Império Novo, as transgressões prendem-se, sobretudo com o comportamento a adotar nas consultas oraculares dispensadas pela estátua do deus durante as procissões. Na Instrução de Hordjedef é possível que uma falhar ritual seja aproveitada por um rival, algo que está atestado noutras sociedades. O outro grande papel de deus é o de protetor. Três categorias de proteção foram identificadas: proteção de conflitos com outros que possam prejudicar seriamente o pupilo,proteção em relação à incerteza quando ao futuro, e proteção da necessidade, sobretudo através da providência divina. Tanto a proteção dos conflitos como a proteção em relação ao futuro estão atestadas apenas em instruções do Império Novo, algo que se pode dever ao contributo da piedade pessoal que está manifesta em todas as instruções daquele período. É muito no âmbito da proteção dos conflitos que surge a recomendação para uma atitude quietista, em que o pupilo se desliga da situação conflituosa para deixar que seja o deus a tratar do assunto. Na proteção em relação ao futuro, salienta-se a vulnerabilidade humana e a segurança que dá a imputação do desconhecido a deus, que é discursivamente construído como uma entidade capaz de procurar garantir o melhor para o pupilo. A providência divina está amplamente atestada na Instrução de Ptahhotep, onde parece ser mais ou menos automática, ao passo que na Instrução de Amenemope e na Instrução do Papiro Chester Beatty IV parece estar dependente do cultivo da relação com o deus pessoal. No âmbito da piedade pessoal, Amenemope tem ainda a particularidade de mostrar o outro lado: se nos textos relativos à piedade pessoal o suplicante é perdoado, em Amenemope sucede o contrário.
The ancient Egyptian wisdom instructions often present themselves as didactic texts composed by a father to his son in order to teach him the adequate conduct and ethics to adopt in his professional life and in other social situations, such as interactions with friends or less favoured people. These texts are thus pragmatic works concerned with individual action within society. Although they are not speculative theological treatises either, god (nTr) is nonetheless an important figure in them. The aim of this study is to explore the two main roles of god in these texts: as an agent in charge of retributions for transgressions, and as protector.

This work is focused on the conceptions involving the disorder and chaos in the re- ligion of the ancient Egypt. The basic ground was Jiří Janák's text Chaos a ne-řád ve starám Egyptě (Chaos and Disorder in Ancient Egypt), that was published in colle- ction Řád a chaos v archaických kulturách. This text presented the foundation, that could be evolved further through studying of another author's attitudes (for example J. Assmann, E. Hornung, H. Smith, H. Te Velde) and reflection of ancient writings (Pyramid Texts, Book of Dead, Amduat, Book of Gates etc.). A larger scope was gi- ven to the question of preexistence of chaos, its manifestations and interferences in the created cosmos. Further, I dealt with the problem of origin of order (maat) en- dangering forces - origin of Apophis and disorder (isfet) and impact of this forces on the life and afterlife of an individual. Outside the created world, there is the primeval ocean. It was personified by the god Nun. It is inactive, but, in spite of it, it can be a threat for the universe - every- thing could be destructed in its waters. Primeval ocean can be compared with the conception of chaos in sense of the original state of the universe. But it is also the place of the origin of the creator god. Within the world of creation there was established the...