Academic literature on the topic 'God (Zoroastrianism)'
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Journal articles on the topic "God (Zoroastrianism)"
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Zarasi, Mohammad, Abdollatif Ahmadi Ramchahi, and Iman Kanani. "Satan in Dialogue with God: A Comparative Study between Islam, Judaism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism." Al-Bayān – Journal of Qurʾān and Ḥadīth Studies 13, no. 2 (December 11, 2015): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22321969-12340025.
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This analytical, library-based article compares dialogues between God and Satan in the Qurʾan with other literature from Judaism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism. The mysterious personality of Satan and his direct influence on the life of man has long been the focus of investigation. On some occasions, Satan has conversed with God and, since man was created, Satan, as a interlocutor, has been an adventurer and has played an important and controversial role. This article is a comparative study that aims to examine the personality of Satan through his role as a speaker involved in dialogue with God during the story of man’s creation, and to shed light on the style of discourse used by God in His dialogue with Satan. Furthermore, the article discusses crucial events, notions, and structures appearing within the dialogue. Hence, the study reveals that the appointment of Satan as a vengeful enemy in the dialogue is the turning point in the fate of man, a story embedded in literature of Zoroastrianism and in the Qurʾan. It also shows that the polemic and arrogant discourses of Satan, quoted in all the literature of these religions in diverse forms, resulted in horrible consequences. Moreover, Satan’s casting out from heaven was a crucial event and one of the results of his words identified in both the Qurʾan and Judeo-Christian literature. To help future research on related issues, this study also highlights all the dialogues that involve God and Satan in the literature of the mentioned religions.
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KRONEN, JOHN D., and SANDRA MENSSEN. "The defensibility of Zoroastrian dualism." Religious Studies 46, no. 2 (February 11, 2010): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412509990357.
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AbstractContemporary philosophical discussion of religion neglects dualistic religions: although Manichaeism from time to time is accorded mention, Zoroastrianism, a more plausible form of religious dualism, is almost entirely ignored. We seek to change this state of affairs. To this end we (1) present the basic tenets of Zoroastrian dualism, (2) argue that objections to the Zoroastrian conception of God are less strong than typically imagined, (3) argue that objections to the Zoroastrian conception of the devil (and evil) are less strong than typically imagined, and (4) offer some brief concluding thoughts.
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Dzhioeva, Zalina. "The Ossetian Nart Saga and the faith of the Mongols of Genghis Khan." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-2 (December 1, 2020): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi47.
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The article first clarified the concept of “Tngri” and the related titles of Genghis Khan and the chief priest Teba-Tengri. It is proved that “Tngri” is not “Blue Sky”, since the actual translation of this word is different. For the first time, not only the names of God and the eleven spirits of the medieval Mongols that Mangu Khan spoke about are mentioned, but their functions are explained in detail, the holidays associated with their veneration, the nature and time of their holding are indicated. The myth of shamanism and totemism of medieval Mongols is debunked. The relationship between the faith of the Genghis Khan’s Mongols, their feast etiquette and the practice of forming and manning an army in the performance of its combat missions is revealed. It is proved that in medieval Mongolian society a harmonious worldview system was functioning, different from Zoroastrianism, Mithraism, the Bon religion and Tengrianism.
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Nasution, Ismail fahmi arrauf nasution. "WAḤDAT AL-WUJÛD DALAM ALQURAN." MUTAWATIR 6, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 257–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/mutawatir.2016.6.2.257-283.
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Waḥdat al-wujûd is a doctrine that believes in the ultimate form of God. While the universe is believed as a shadow that totally depends on the Creator (Ḥaqq Ta‘âlâ). Waḥdat al-wujûd is one of the most inciting topics debated by Muslim scholars in the middle time of Islam. The opponents of waḥdat al-wujûd has used to accuse it as heresy. They consider waḥdat al-wujûd as theologically rooted from Zoroastrianism, Hinduism, Platonism and Neoplatonism. The opponents of waḥdat al-wujûd generally come from “literal-minded” theologians. They tend to understand the Qur’an and ḥadîth in its outward meaning. Whereas the inner meaning has abundantly been contained in the Qur’an. This paper is an effort to analyze some verses of the Qur’an by using ta’wîl (esoteric analysis) and to some extent is a reflection on Syamsuddin al-Sumatrani’s teaching. In the end, this paper argues that although literally term of waḥdat al-wujûd does not exist in the Qur’an, however, the analysis shows that the teaching of waḥdat al-wujûd is definitely rooted in the Qur'an.
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Mortezaee, Mahlagha, and Mohsen Abolqasemi. "The Concept of ‘MiOra’ in the Ancient Iranian Mythology." Asian Culture and History 8, no. 2 (June 14, 2016): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v8n2p76.
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MiOra (male) is the name of one of the Ancient Iran’s gods. MiOra, meaning ‘contract’ and keeping it within measure, is the gist of Manichaean ethics and has mighty and theurgic forces. The myth prevalent in Mihr-Yašt is that MiOra observes all the contracts agreed upon in the society, sets people free of troubles, and brings peace and security. The myth has had important consequences for beliefs and behaviors of the people of the time. However, even though MiOra was dignified in Zoroastrianism, Ohrmazd was regarded as God of gods in this religion. Yet, MiOra is close to Soroush and Sun and has a lot in common with them. He was also highly dignified in the eras of Achaemenian, Parthian Empire, and Sasanian and could find its way to Europe in the era of Parthian Empire. The remnants and remainings of the Mithraic religion and temples can also be observed in Iran’s ancient athletics and Zurkhaneh. The purpose of the present paper is to give the readership a review of the concept of MiOra, as it was conceived in the ancient Iran and the relationship the concept has with some other significant concepts that were contemporary to MiOra.
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Borgolte, Michael. "Five Thousand Years of Foundations: A Typology from Mesopotamia to the usa." Endowment Studies 1, no. 1 (June 17, 2017): 60–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685968-00100001.
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According to the written record, foundations can be traced back to roughly 3000 bce and were found in Babylon and Egypt. They originally served the cult, or more precisely the nourishment, of the gods as well as the provision of ancestors in the post-mortal state. Beginning from the time of the so-called Axial Age, according to Karl Jaspers around the middle of the first millennium bce, endowments involved people, that is the founder himself or beneficiaries designated by him in the spirit of philanthropy. The monotheistic religions of the Near East, which in this respect were perhaps influenced by Persian Zoroastrianism, developed an extremely successful type of foundation, namely the foundation for the salvation of the soul. This appeared alongside or replaced the older foundations for the soul, which were essentially meant to support one’s continuing survival in the afterlife and aimed at an enhanced and blissful form of existence through the mercy of or closeness to God. The second universal historical caesura for foundations was brought about by modernity, by removing the religiously-motivated motivation for the lasting purpose of the endowment. The “operative” or “provisional endowments” of the present, essentially an American innovation, have parted ways with a millennia-old interpretation, in order to meet the requirements of inexorable societal and cultural change.
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Hussein, Ersin. "Roman Religion in the Classroom: Spotlight on the Mysteries of Mithras." Journal of Classics Teaching 19, no. 38 (2018): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631018000168.
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There appears to be no ‘tail end’ in sight for academic enquiry into the worship of Mithras in the Roman Empire. Interest in this ancient religion, and its popularity and longevity as a topic of study, has no doubt been secured by its status as an elective cult and by its rich, and at times controversial, surviving evidence, which is predominantly archaeological in nature and packed with astrological symbolism. No written documentation representing a theological canon, which might outline its origins, traditions and customs, has ever been discovered. Furthermore, the few surviving literary accounts present snapshots of the cult and are written by ‘outsiders’. Though strongly associated with Zoroastrianism, an ancient religion widely worshipped across Asia Minor and Persia, the exact origins of Mithras, his identity as a god, and the development of his worship remain unclear. With the reopening of the London Mithraeum last year the spotlight has once again been cast on the spread and impact of the cult in Roman Britain. This article accompanies pieces in this volume ofJCTand the next which focus on this sacred and once exclusive space. Organised in two sections, part one will begin with a brief introduction to the history of scholarship, focusing mostly on some methodological and theoretical developments in recent studies. Following this, attention will be paid to the nature of the evidence for the mysteries of Mithras and popular interpretations drawn from it. Part two will discuss methods for bringing this rich material to life in the classroom and reflect on pedagogical issues relating to teaching Mithraism as part of the Latin GCSE syllabus. The tried and tested exercises presented in this part of the article and are applicable to a variety of classroom settings, sizes and age groups.
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Grenet, Frantz. "Was Zoroastrian Art Invented in Chorasmia?" Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341327.
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AbstractBefore the recent discoveries of the Karakalpak-Australian Expedition to Ancient Chorasmia (KAE) evidence for Zoroastrianism in Chorasmia was scant, coming only from the official use of the Zoroastrian calendar, the onomastics, and the archaeologically documented funerary practices of the region, while the interpretation of remains of temples or fire chapels is subject to discussion.During the last seasons of work on the material of the KAE excavations at Akchakhan-kala, the royal seat of Chorasmia in the 2nd century BC – 2nd century AD, substantial fragments of wall paintings from the rear wall of the main columned hall of the “Ceremonial Complex” were cleaned and reassembled. It appeared at once that they belong to oversized standing figures, most probably deities. The best preserved image has been identified as Srōsh, god of prayer and protector of the soul after death. The second figure is probably to be identified as a personification of the group of the Fravashis, pre-created souls of the ancestors and protectors of “Aryan people” in battles, also worshipped as deities. A third figure, very partly preserved, perhaps represents Zam-Spandarmad, goddess of the Earth. If these identifications are valid, these deities appear to have been chosen because of their association with the turn of the year. This would be consistent with the possibility that the already known “portrait gallery” of Akchakhan-kala was related to the commemoration of royal and clanic ancestors at the end of the year.Notwithstanding much still needs to be elucidated, it appears already certain that these paintings, dating about the beginning of the 1st century AD, are the earliest documented attempt to create a Zoroastrian art directly inspired by the Avesta. The identification of some figures in the Toprak-kala “High Palace” (2nd-3rd centuries AD) can perhaps be reconsidered in the light of this new evidence.
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Stausberg, Michael. "Der Zoroastrismus als iranische religion und die Semantik von ,Iran' in der zoroastrischen religionsgeschichte." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 63, no. 4 (2011): 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007311798293575.
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AbstractZoroastrianism, one of the three recognized religious minorities in the Islamic Republic, can claim a specific linkage with Iran since the Avestan Vendidād and its other primary religious documents were written in Iranian languages and its history has for the most part unfolded in Iran (in a larger geographical sense). The term Aryan is used in inscriptions by the Achaemenian king Darius I as a way to gloss the name of the deity Ahura Mazdā (the 'God of the Aryans'). In the Sasanian period, Iran became the name of the empire. Zoroastrian literature written under Islamic rule, reaffirms the idea of a unity between kingship and (Zoroastrian) religion, but transposes its realization into the eschatological future. After centuries of decline and discrimination, twentieth-century modernization entailed the prospect of societal reintegration for Zoroastrians; an unachieved hope under the Pahlavis, this prospect has become even more remote under the political conditions imposed by the Islamic Republic, where Zoroastrians now use the vocabulary of martyrdom to express their commitment to their homeland.
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Aliabadi, Fatemeh Sadat Alavi, and Sayed Alireza Vasei. "Persia, the Land of Shiite Faith: The Migration of Imam Ahl al-Bayt and the Encounter between Two Belief Systems in Persia." Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya 6, no. 1 (August 12, 2021): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jw.v6i1.13198.
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This article attempts to trace the fundamental role of early Persian beliefs, Zoroastrians, to the decision of Ahl al-Bayt’s choice to migrate to Persia (Iran). This research is based on the fact that there are many places for pilgrimage to imams in Iran. Specifically, this research investigates the similarity of several concepts in both religions, Zoroaster and Islam, regarding the teaching in the principle of God (Ilahiyyah), the principle of life after death (eschatology), and the principle of justice and morals of the religion embraced before Islam in Persia. Several studies have also reported on the distortions, opposition, and the consequences of encountering the two beliefs for the first time between Persian beliefs and Islamic teachings. This study employs a qualitative method with historical analysis and literature study along with relevant information of the study. This article also uses the theory of migration and identity to see the interconnectedness of religion in the migration context. The results of this study show the factors that the Persians are interested in accepting and understanding the teachings of Islam. Those are: first, the emotional closeness of beliefs and moral values between Muslims and Zoroastrians (Magi); Second, the inclusive nature of Islam; third, the absence of racial, gender, and status discrimination in Islamic teachings. The descendants of imams Ahl al-Bayt of the Prophet Muhammad SAW continued the prophet's preaching and the Imams in expanding the spread of Islamic teachings to various regions. During this expansion process, they found Iran as the most secure, and suitable region to accept the presence and teaching of Islam especially the Shiite sect. Therefore, they decided to migrate to Iran, and until now Iran is known as a Shiite country.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "God (Zoroastrianism)"
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Surman, Edward. "Mobile People, Mobile God: Mobile Societies, Monotheism, and the Effects of Ecological Landscapes on the Development of Ancient Religions." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/102.
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Despite the wealth of scholarship concerning the origins of religious beliefs, practices, and cultures, there has been little consideration of the impact of ecological landscapes on the development of ancient religions. Although the influence of the natural environment is considered among the variables in explaining the development of various economic, political, and other social systems throughout history, there is a specific gap concerning its impact on the origins of religious systems. The argument which is taken up in this writing is the correlation between agriculturally marginal landscape and the development of monotheism. Specifically that the religions of the ancient Iranians and Israelites were shaped, in part, by the ecological landscapes in which they developed. Using comparative case studies (primarily: Judaism, Zoroastrianism; and including the religions: Egypt, Mesopotamia, the Kikuyu, Maasai, and Lakota) and a dataset of temple sites of the greater Near East through the Iron Age, which are in established archaeological record, digitally mapped in ArcGIS, this argument takes up an examination of the apparent interconnection between mobile societies, monotheism, and a respective lack of temple building culture. Although the primary subjects of the argument are very ancient religious societies, this research is eminently relevant to modern humans because we continue to be affected by natural and built environments. Our modern minds and bodies are shaped, partly, in pragmatic response to spaces in which we develop individually and collectively. This writing is one call for more work to be done to understand the effects of our environments on our minds and ways of thinking. This call for scholarship – for understanding – comes, not accidentally, at a time when the implications of human psychological responses to the environment are particularly unsettling. As the tide of human-caused climate change begins to flood our societies and world, how too might the currents of an unraveling biosphere affect our minds? If the development of a mobile deity and mobile society was the pragmatic response of a people to agriculturally marginal landscapes, what economic, social, and religious constructs might be borne of ecological devastation?
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Fernandes, Edrisi de Ara?jo. "As origens hist?ricas do Zaratustra nietzcheano: o espelho de Zaratustra, a corre??o do mais fatal dos erros e a supera??o da morte de Deus." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2003. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/16487.
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Previous issue date: 2003-09-29Through a careful examination of the relationship between Zoroastrianism and the Western tradition, and a detailed and critical reading of the writings of Nietzsche, this work aims at showing to what extent the character Zarathustra , his discourses and poetical-philosophical thoughts, and related passages from many distinct Nietzschean works, directly or undirectly reflect a philosophy that harvests contributions from the Zoroastrian tradition or its headways (in the Judeo-Greco-Christian tradition, and furthermore in the whole Western philosophical tradition). Supplied with this provisions, and with the interpretation cast upon them, Nietzschean philosophy questions the entire Western tradition of thought, and proposes its replacement by a new attitude towards life. This work also intends to show the way the Nietzschean Zarathustra was built up, in the writings of the German philosopher, together with the idea of making, out of the namesake character of the ancient Iranian prophet (Zarathushtra or Zoroaster, the founder of Zoroastrianism), the herald of that important text that intended to bring the German language to its highest perfection , clumping together, and leading to a prophetic-poetic climax consonant with the meaning of the Earth , Nietzsche s key ideas about the rectification of the most fatal of errors and about the death of God . An elaborate investigation has been pursued after the reasons and manners of the building up of Nietzsche s Zarathustra mirroring its Iranian namesake (sections 1.1 to 1.6), and a survey of the works of Nietzsche has suggested unquestionable relations with the Zoroastrian tradition, mostly through the Jewish, Greek or Christian repercussions of this tradition. These relations have been put in context, in many framings (sections 2.1 to 2.3.2), in the ambit of the most fatal of errors - the - creation of morals in the very occasion of its transposition to metaphysics (Ecce Homo, Why I am a destiny , 3). Through an evaluation of the possible circumstances and repercussions of the death of God , the relations between Nietzsche s writings and Zoroastrian tradition have been investigated (sections 3.1 to 3.7), allowing the understanding of this event as an essential component, and tragic outcome, of the rectification of the most fatal of errors
A partir de um atento exame das rela??es do Zoroastrismo com a tradi??o ocidental, bem como a partir de uma detalhada e cr?tica leitura da obra nietzscheana, este trabalho pretende mostrar o que o personagem Zaratustra , seus discursos e pensamentos po?tico-filos?ficos e passagens correlatas de diversas obras de Nietzsche, espelham enquanto representa??es de uma filosofia que colhe, direta ou indiretamente, contribui??es da tradi??o zoroastriana ou das suas deriva??es (na tradi??o judaico-greco-crist?, e ademais em toda a tradi??o filos?fica ocidental). Municiada com essas contribui??es, e com a interpreta??o que delas se faz, a filosofia nietzscheana questiona toda a tradi??o de pensamento do Ocidente, propondo a sua substitui??o por uma nova atitude diante da vida. Esse trabalho pretende mostrar tamb?m de que maneira a constitui??o do Zaratustra nietzscheano ganhou corpo, nos escritos do fil?sofo alem?o, junto com a id?ia de fazer, de um personagem hom?nimo do antigo profeta iraniano (Zaratustra ou Zoroastro, o fundador do Zoroastrismo), o arauto daquele importante texto que pretendeu levar a l?ngua alem? ? [sua] m?xima perfei??o , enfeixando e levando a um cl?max prof?tico-po?tico condizente com o sentido da Terra as id?ias-chave de Nietzsche sobre a corre??o do mais fatal dos erros e sobre a morte de Deus . Procedeu-se a uma minuciosa investiga??o de raz?es e modos de a constitui??o do Zaratustra nietzscheano ter se espelhado no seu hom?nimo iraniano (se??es 1.1 a 1.6), e um levantamento da obra nietzscheana sugeriu inquestion?veis rela??es com a tradi??o zoroastriana, no mais das vezes atrav?s das repercuss?es desta. Essas rela??es foram contextualizadas, em diversas inst?ncias (se??es 2.1 a 2.3.2), no ?mbito do mais fatal dos erros , a cria??o da moral na ocasi?o mesma de sua transposi??o para o plano metaf?sico (Ecce Homo, Por que sou um destino , 3). Mediante uma avalia??o das poss?veis circunst?ncias e repercuss?es da morte de Deus , as rela??es da obra nietzscheana com a tradi??o zoroastriana foram investigadas (se??es 3.1 a 3.7), permitindo a compreens?o desse acontecimento como componente essencial e tr?gico desenlace da corre??o do mais fatal dos erros
Books on the topic "God (Zoroastrianism)"
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Strohm, Harald. Die Geburt des Monotheismus im alten Iran: Ahura Mazda und sein Prophet Zarathushtra. Paderborn: Wilhelm Fink, 2014.
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Panaino, Antonio. The lists of names of Ahura Mazdā (Yašt I) and Vayu (Yašt XV). Roma: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente, 2002.
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Panaino, Antonio. The lists of names of Ahura Mazdā (Yašt I) and Vayu (Yašt XV). Roma: Istituto italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente, 2002.
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O, Skjærvø Prods, ed. Witches, whores, and sorcerers: The concept of evil in early Iran. Austin, Tex: University of Texas Press, 2011.
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Stewart, Jon. Zoroastrianism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829492.003.0007.
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Hegel treats three religions as transitional between the religions of nature and those of spirit. The first of the transitional religions that he explores is Zoroastrianism, the religion of ancient Persia. This religion was founded by the prophet and religious teacher Zoroaster, also called Zerdusht or Zarathustra, in a time of great antiquity, the exact date of which is still a matter of scholarly debate. Zoroaster is said to have written the hymns known as the Gathas, which constitute a part of the Avesta, the sacred text of this religion. Hegel portrays this religion as fundamentally dualistic with a god of good in opposition to a god of evil. He claims that this dualistic picture needs to be overcome with a third, speculative element that unites the two, but this conception only appears later.
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Meyer, Warren, and Myrtle Fillmore. How to Let God Help You. Unity School of Christianity, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "God (Zoroastrianism)"
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"Disbeliever in God." In Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 215. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_100304.
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"Partnering with God." In Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 543. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_100308.
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"Oneness of God." In Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 541. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_100211.
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"Unity of God." In Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 711. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_100216.
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"Worshipping Many Gods." In Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 726. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_100311.
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Chrysostomides, Anna. "‘There Is No God But God’: Islamisation And Religious Code-Switching, Eighth to Tenth Centuries." In Islamisation, 118–33. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474417129.003.0007.
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Throughout the Umayyad and early Abbasid eras, Islam was the minority religion amongst a majority of Christians, Jews and Zoroastrians. Yet, while it was the numerical minority, in terms of cultural capital identifying as Muslim provided social, professional and even monetary benefits. During the Abbasid period (750–934), it is likely that the majority of the population still officially identified as non-Muslim;1 however, it is during this era that textual evidence for conversion and assimilation begins to increase. At times it is difficult to distinguish exactly which type of behaviour the texts describe: conversion or assimilation. Acculturation to Islam may have occurred among non-Muslim, and in this case specifically Christian, communities before, or likely as the first step towards, large-scale conversion over the longue durée. In many instances, textual sources appear to be talking about conversion when realistically they may be referencing acculturation.
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"THE GODS OF PAGAN IRAN." In A History of Zoroastrianism, The Early Period, 22–84. BRILL, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004294004_003.
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"Who are the kings of east and west in Ber 7a?: Roman religion, syrian gods and zoroastrianism in the babylonian Talmud." In Studies in Josephus and the Varieties of Ancient Judaism, 43–80. BRILL, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004153899.i-312.19.
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