Academic literature on the topic 'Gods, Aryan'

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Journal articles on the topic "Gods, Aryan"

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K, Manivasagam. "Murugan myth - Morality stands and lives long - Religion and religious norms." International Research Journal of Tamil 3, S-2 (April 30, 2021): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt21s213.

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Ideological forms have been one of the cultural forms of human dialectics. When ideologies were designed to develop human psychology, all the functional forms of human movement were formed with the focus of the ideology. In that respect, the ideological invasion and its cult ivory have been carried out all over the world. In the broad era, vedic cultural creations and ideologies dominated the ideological forms of the landscape or the aboriginal peoples. They were also built up as the first and the highest. The arrival of aryans and the spread of Aryan culture led to the creation of many myths in the form of a number of north Indian gods with Muruga. The myths of murugan's birth were created. Thirumurukaattupadai mentions many myths. All these myths are related to murugan myths and are made to speak the specialities of Muruga. It is not the Tamil tradition to build myths and worship myths as gods. Yet myths were widely distributed in Tamil nadu and myths were accepted by the Tamil people as worship gods.
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Sirisawad, Natchapol. "The Relationship Between Buddhism and Indigenous Beliefs and People as Reflected in the Names of Lokapālas in Early Buddhist Literature." MANUSYA 19, no. 1 (2016): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01901004.

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The purpose of this article is to analyze aspects of the relationship between Buddhism, indigenous beliefs and people through the names of lokapālas in early Buddhist literature, and especially the names of the three great kings, Dhataraṭṭha, Virūḷha (or Virūḷhaka), and Virūpakkha. The study revealed that the name of the three great kings, Dhataraṭṭha, Virūḷha (or Virūḷhaka), and Virūpakkha, may reflect traces of earlier or contemporaneous indigenous beliefs and people who had cultural encounters with Buddhism. The indigenous beliefs consist of the nāga cult, belief in spirits, early practice of urn-burials and belief in the soul or spirit of the dead rising from the grave, primitive beliefs of Aryan people and, nāga as a tribe. Buddhism shows an attempt to incorporate these beliefs and people into the Buddhist cosmology by elevating some local gods, indigenous beliefs and tribal people to divine status, such as lokapālas, who become chieftains of the gandhabbas, the nāgas, and the kumbhaṇḍas, in order to show acceptance of earlier or contemporaneous indigenous beliefs and tribes. These findings may help to improve understanding more of the sociology of early Buddhism.
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Banerji, Chitrita. "The Propitiatory Meal." Gastronomica 3, no. 1 (2003): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2003.3.1.82.

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This article is an analysis of the varied ways in which the meal has been used as a tool for appeasement and propitiation in Bengali Hindu society from ancient times. Bengal is a region that is naturally fertile and yet is often subjected to the fearsome destruction of floods and cyclones. The uncertainty of life has always been palpable here. The numerous rivers that make the region a delta also made Bengal the last hinterland of Aryan exploration and settlement in ancient times. Pre-Aryan inhabitants, whom historians describe as proto-Australoid, subscribed to animistic beliefs, which blurred the line between this world and the next. Their funerary practices involved serving food to supernatural creatures who inhabited the earth. In such a region, the imposition of the Hindu caste system, which attributed preeminence to the Brahmins and the males, further increased the sense of vulnerability on the part of a large section of the population'women and members of the lower castes. Mythic notions of food as something with which to appease a dangerous creature eventually translated into the social custom of serving carefully prepared meals to gods, Brahmins, males and other beings with power and superiority. The article presents examples from mythology, religious texts, literature and even film, to illustrate this custom. Widows were particularly vulnerable in Bengali Hindu society. They were not allowed to remarry and also blamed for the death of their husbands. The rituals and deprivations of a widow's life provide the most poignant instances of appeasement through food. One of the best-known rituals of propitiation is the Bengali feast of Jamaishashthi, when the son-in-law is invited by his wife's family and served an elaborate multi-course meal. He is also given expensive gifts. The purpose of the ritual was to ensure that he treats his wife well and protects her from being treated too abusively by his mother and sisters. The practice has survived in modern times even though it has lost much of its potent significance.
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Pažėraitė, Aušra Kristina. "LINGVISTINIAI TAPATYBĖS VIRSMAI." Religija ir kultūra 6, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2009): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/relig.2009.1.2775.

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Straipsnyje atliktas vieno iš naujausių religinių judėjimų Rusijoje, pavadinimu „Senosios Rusijos pravoslavų sentikių-inglingų bažnyčia“ (Древнерусская церковь православных староверов-инглингов), tyrimas. Tai neopagoniškasis judėjimas, kurio įkūrėjas Aleksandras Jurjevičius Chinevičius, naudodamas įvairias lingvistines manipuliacijas, savo paties nežinia iš kur paimtas ir vis plačiau tiek popieriniu, tiek elektroniniu pavidalu platinamas „Slavų Vedas“, bando pagrįsti savo pretenzingą doktriną apie slavų (turimi omenyje rusai)-arijų kilmę iš protėvių-dievų (Peruno) prieš daugelį šimtų tūkstančių, jei ne milijonų metų, kitose planetose, iš kurių atkeliavę į Žemę čia užėmė šiaurės pusrutulį. Slavų-arijų kultūra pagal jo (ir kitų šio rato neopagonių autoritetų, visų pirma Trechlebovo) doktriną, buvo visų didžiųjų civilizacijų pradininkė, bet krikščionybės diegimo laikais Europos tautos iš jų pavogė jų istoriją ir pasisavino jų nuopelnus, bandė sunaikinti jų kultūrinę atmintį, primesdami jiems žeminantį įvaizdį, esą iki X amžiaus jų tiesiog nebuvo, o jeigu kas ir buvo, tai tamsi neišmani liaudis... Tyrime buvo atlikta Chinevičiaus „lingvistinio metodo“ analizė, kurios metu paaiškėjo, kad jis naudojasi kai kuriais judėjų Kabalos interpretaciniais metodais, kurie visiškai natūraliai tinka semitų kalboms dėl jų specifikos, bet netinka indoeuropiečių kalboms. Dėl to Chinevičius priverstas iškraipyti ir perdaryti rusų kalbą pagal semitų kalbų struktūrą, nepamiršdamas aiškinti, kad šie metodai – taip pat senoviniai rusų metodai, kuriuos kažkas iš jų pasisavino. Kaip pirmavaizdis tiriant šiuos kabalistinius metodus buvo pateikti keli pavyzdžiai su komentarais iš Zoharo.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: inglingai, Kabala, lingvistika, neopagonys, rasizmas.Linguistical Transformations of IdentityAušra Kristina PažėraitėSummary In this paper I presented an analysis of a recent religious movement in Russia, called “The Old Russian Pravoslavian Old Believers – inglingian Church“ (Древнерусская церковь православных староверов-инглингов). This neo-pagan movement, whose founder, Alexander Yuryevich Hinevich, using a variety of linguistic manipulation and “Slavonic Vedas” of unknown origins, increasingly spreading up in paper and electronic format, – is trying ambitiously justify his doctrine of the genetic origins of ancestors of Slavic (having in mind Russian) – Aryan peoples going down to gods (namely Perun) for many hundreds of thousands, if not millions, years ago, who descended here, on the planet Earth from other planets, and occupied the northern hemisphere. Slavic-Aryan culture, in accordance with his doctrine (and of the rest of close to his church neo-pagan authorities, in particularly that of Trehlebov’), has been a real originator of all great civilizations in the World, but during the time of introduction of Christianity in Russia other nations “have robbed their history and their cultural advancements” trying to destroy their national memory by imposing them degraded self-images... In this study is presented analysis of “linguistic approach” of Hinevich, which revealed, that he uses a series of interpretative methods of Jewish Kabbalah, which fit naturally to semitic languages, but not so well to Indo-European ones. What results in distortion made by Hinevich of Russian language rules to fit those interpretative methods, not neglecting to explain that these techniques are also old Russian techniques, which were from them took off. As a possible prototype of these Kabbalistic methods was presented some examples from the Zohar with commentaries.Keywords: ingliizm, Kabbalah, hermeneutics, racism, neopagans.
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Benes, Tuska. "The Shared Descent of Semitic and Aryan in Christian Bunsen’s History of Revelation." Philological Encounters 2, no. 3-4 (August 16, 2017): 270–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-12340027.

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The desire to uphold monogenesis encouraged Christian Bunsen (1791-1866) to bridge the Semitic and Indo-European language families. Bunsen’s identifying ancient Egyptian as a linguistic bridge had implications for the supposed history of God’s revelation to humankind, as well as for German conceptions of “Semitic” as a racial category in the 1840s. The rise of Sanskrit as a possible Ursprache, as well as new critical methods and the rationalist critique of revelation, altered the position Egypt once held in ancient wisdom narratives. However, the gradual decipherment of hieroglyphs and efforts to historicize ancient Egyptian encouraged Bunsen to rethink the history of religion. His faith in monogenesis and Bunsen’s deriving Aryans and Semites from a common ancestor did not inhibit the racialization of “Semitic” as a category or reverse the loss of status Hebrew antiquity suffered as other scholars located primordial revelation in the Aryan past. Instead religion itself became racialized.
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ИВАНЕНКО, А. В. "TOWARDS THE CULTURAL TERM SANSKR. GODH MA, GODHUMA SEMANTIC RECONSTRUCTION." Известия СОИГСИ, no. 39(78) (March 31, 2021): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2021.78.39.007.

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В предлагаемой статье предпринимается попытка восстановить семантику древнеиндийского культурного термина, в прошлом обозначавшего сперва дикие, а затем и культурные сорта пшеницы triticum aestivum. Анализ материала позволяет рассматривать др.-инд. go-dhma ‘пшеница’ как производное от gaudhūma ‘отруби’ ← ‘коровья пшеница (как обозначение отрубей)’. При этом возникновение go-dhma ‘пшеница’ хронологически должно было приблизительно совпасть с монофтонгизацией gau- в gau-dhūma. Предложенное в статье объяснение семантики др.-инд. go-dhma ‘пшеница’ основывается на авторском объяснении др.-инд. dhūmá ‘пшеница’ из ‘самоосыпаемая’ ~ и.-е. *dheh2-, *dheh2-*dhuh2- ‘дымить, чадить, задыхаться, возбуждаться’. Относительно происхождения иран. *gantuma, *ganduma ‘пшеница’ высказано несколько предположений. Наиболее вероятной версией происхождения композита нам представляется следующая: заимствование индоар. *go-dhma ‘пшеница’ в праиранский сопровождалось его адаптацией на иранской почве под влиянием созвучного иран. *gand- : *gad- ‘делать скверным, испорченным’ и / или *gad- ‘плохой, гадкий, скверный; пакостить, гадить’. Иранское слово вполне может уточнять семантику dhma, создавая для композита значение ‘пшеница сорная, портящая своими посевами пшеницу культурную’, отражая, таким образом, реалии земледельческого быта. Также возможны (с меньшей степенью вероятности) версии: 1) заимствование индоарийской формы с носовым инфиксом *gondhuma (‹ godhuma) ‘пшеница’ в иранский после разделения арийской общности на индоариев и иранцев; 2) заимствование слова из индоарийских диалектов в скифские в районах, прилегающих к индоарийскому языковому ареалу или в землях, где индоарийские языки активно функционировали в прошлом еще до начала восточноиранского перехода d › δ › l (VIII­VII вв. до н. э.). Однако в этом случае говорить можно только о реконструкции восточноиранской, а по сути ­ скифской (возможно, скифо-сакской) праформы; 3) собственно иранское происхождение композита иран. *ganduma ‘пшеница’ ‹ *ga(n)d- (с различными значениями) + duma ‘пшеница’, общий смысл которого должен определяться семантикой *ga(n)d-. In the article we make an attempt to reconstruct the Sanskrit cultural term, which in past meant at first the wild and then cultural sorts of the wheat triticum aestivum. The material that analyzed allows examining the Sanskr. go-dhma ‘wheat’ as derivative from the gaudhūma ‘bran’ ← ‘the cow wheat (as the bran designation)’. the author’s Sanskr. go-dhma ‘wheat’ semantics explanation is grounded on our explanation of this one as the ‘self-damping’ ~ I.-E. dheh2-, *dheh2-*dhuh2- ‘to smoke, to emit fumes, gasp, become excited’. Concerning the origin of the Iran. *gantuma, *ganduma ‘wheat’ were came out some suggestions. The most probable version of the composite origin we consider such one: the Indo-Ar. *go-dhma ‘wheat’ could be loaned in the Iranian language and was adopted under the influence of the Iran. *gand-: *gad- ‘to make bad, spoilt’ and / or *gad- ‘bad, ugly, nasty; to soil, spoil гадить’. The Iranian word can be characterize the wheat as the ‘weed wheat, that damaging on the cultural wheat’ and reflecting realities of the agricultural life in this way as well. Also such composite interpretations are probable: 1) borrowing the Indo-Arian form with nasal infix *gondhuma (‹ godhuma) ‘wheat’ into the Iranian language after the Arian commonality dividing by the Indo-Arians and the Iranians; 2) borrowing the word from the Indo-Arian dialects to the Scythian in regions, bordered upon the Indo-Arian language areal or in lands, where Indo-Arian languages had functioned up to the phonetic d › δ › l transformation beginning (VIII-VII B.C.). But in this case we can say about the East-Iranian (= Scythian, probably ­ Sakan) preform reconstruction only; 3) proper Iranian origin of the composite Iran. *ganduma ‘wheat’ ‹ *ga(n)d- (with the different meanings) + duma ‘wheat’, which general sense mast be defined with the *ga(n)d-semantic.
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Helleman, Wendy Elgersma. "Predication according to Substance and Relation." Augustinianum 59, no. 2 (2019): 453–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201959228.

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Well-known Augustinian scholars have complained about unresolved issues and the nature of argumentation of De Trinitate 6. In this book Augustine examines the role of 1 Cor. 1:24, Christum […] dei sapientiam in anti-Arian polemic, and critiques what may be considered quasi-relational predication of divine wisdom. The present essay surveys recent scholarship on book 6, with special attention to the commentary of M. Carreker, affirming the role of logic in this book. It examines Augustine’s understanding of the genitive in the key phrase, sapientia dei, and recognizes that, in spite of his critique, Augustine goes out of his way in affirming the Nicene argument in order to do justice to the longstanding patristic tradition appropriating wisdom for Christ as God’s Son.
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C, Lalitha. "Naga Worship and Nagas in Villibharata." International Research Journal of Tamil 3, S-2 (April 30, 2021): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt21s217.

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The ancients thought that snakes had a unique power to kill because of their venomous nature. That is why serpents are worshiped as gods. The people who worship are called Nagas. Later they were portrayed as cobra-shaped men. The Aryans captured their place and the war arises. In mythology, epics and religions, the practice of combining snakes is found in many parts of the world. Later this worship is linked to religion. However, in Villibharata, countless Nagas have been destroyed. Over time, Naga worship and Nagas have been changing in various understandings with various religions and changing according to the situation.
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Strechie, Mădălina. "The 10,000 Persian Immortals, a Model for the Special Indoeuropean Troops." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0022.

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AbstractThe history of humanity got from the Persians the first imperial organization, the first process of integration of the conquered ones, the first postal service, the most effective means of communication at the dawn of Antiquity, and also the best organized militarized services.The most special of the Indo-European Antiquity troops was the Royal Guard, founded by Darius I, one of the great kings of humanity, a political titan, and equally an extraordinary general through his institutional creations of force. The Royal Guard of Darius I, known in history as the 10,000 immortals, is the subject of our study, as it is one of the most complex special militarized structures in human history of all time, inspiring the military structures of all the Indo-Europeans, whether the Hoplite revolution, the organization of the Macedonian phalanx or the Roman Praetorian Guard and more than that.The 10,000 immortals combined not only the heroic character (while multiplying it), which appeared for the first time with the Greeks of the Homeric period, but also strict discipline, in the Spartan sense, contemporary with this troop, the organization and the well-developed logistics, which would inspire the Roman army, the military brotherhoods characteristic of all the Indo-Europeans, but this totally special troop, in particular, imposed the model of the educated (even intellectual) military man, a soldier of the supreme god of the Good, faithful first of all to the Good and to his king, a military man who used all the weapons of the time.This special troop was a true institution that also provided information to the Persian king, information being one of the most effective weapons. Moreover, the Persians through this Royal Guard used for the first time psychological impact as a weapon, this being the first case of effective manipulation by the number that was kept constant, but also by name. Only the gods were immortal, and the very large number of soldiers who made up this special troop is impressive even today. The armament of this extraordinary troop comprised all the weapons of the time, the bow above all, which the Aryans considered the favourite weapon of Indra, the most warlike god of the Indo-European gods.
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Zvelebil, K. V. "Rāvaṇa the Great in modern Tamil fiction." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 120, no. 1 (January 1988): 126–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00164184.

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The title of this brief essay is an echo of the title of a book once famous, nowadays almost forgotten: M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Ravana the Great: King of Lanka (Munnirpallam, 1928). The same author, in his better-known Tamil Literature (1929) wrote: “The ten-faced and twenty-armed Ravana was apparently a very intelligent and valiant hero, a cultured and highly civilized ruler, knew the Vedas and was an expert musician. He took away Sita according to the Tamilian mode of warface, had her in the Asoka woods companioned by his own niece, and would not touch her unless she consented.” With this re-evaluation of the character of Rāvaṇa goes hand in hand a milder yet decisive re-evaluation of Rāma, of Rāma's warriors, of Vibhīṣaṇa, and other dramatis personae of the great story. Vibhīṣaṇa is portrayed as “the treacherous brother or deserter of Ravana, who desired to be King by hook or by crook”, the Aryans are described as haughty, cowardly, of low morality; Rāma “has his specks”, he lacks courage and falters in crises. In contrast, Rāvaṇa is not only “a physical and an intellectual giant” but also “great administrator and leader of men, … a man of his word”.
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Books on the topic "Gods, Aryan"

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Les dieux souverains des indo-européens. 3rd ed. [Paris]: Gallimard, 1986.

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Dumézil, Georges. Mitra-Varuna: An essay on two Indo-European representations of sovereignty. 2nd ed. New York: Zone Books, 1988.

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Arman, Armand Pierre. Arman: Gods and goddesses. New York: Marisa del Re Gallery, 1986.

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Border, Rosemary. 101 cynllun i godi arian poced. Llandysul: Gomer, 1994.

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Arman. Arman: Gods and goddesses : October 7-November 15, 1986. New York, NY (41 E. 57th St., New York 10022): Marisa del Re Gallery, 1986.

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Bai︠a︡sgalan, Sh. Arvan khangal burkhadyn takhilga: (Ikh I︠u︡an' gu̇ṙnėės XXI zuun). Ulaanbaatar Khot: Interpress, 2011.

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Raḣmonov, Ėmomalī. Oriëiḣo va shinokhti tamadduni Oriëī: Andeshaḣo dar ostonai jashni soli buzurgdoshti tamadduni Oriëī = ariĭt︠s︡y i poznanie ariĭskoĭ t︠s︡ivilizat︠s︡ii ; razmyshlenii︠a︡ nakanune prazdnovanii︠a︡ goda ariĭskoĭ t︠s︡ivilizat︠s︡ii = Aryans and knowledge of the Aryan civilization ; reflections before celebrating year of an Aryan civilization. Dushanbe: Irfon, 2006.

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Hermann, Parzinger, Terebenin Vladimir, and Nagler Anatoli, eds. Der Goldschatz von Aržan: Ein Fürstengrab der Skythenzeit in der südsibirischen Steppe. München: Schirmer Mosel, 2006.

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Daley, SJ, Brian E. The Early Arian Controversy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199281336.003.0004.

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The controversy over the theology of Arius was really over how to imagine a connection between a wholly transcendent God and the present world. Arius saw in Jesus a mediator, divinely generated to connect the world with God. The bishops at Nicaea asserted that this Son of God is of one substance with God his Father. Marcellus of Ancyra insisted that Father and Son cannot be numerically distinct agents, but different historical personifications of one transcendent being. Eusebius of Caesaraea, originally sympathetic to Arius, continued after Nicaea to insist that the Son is divine only by a privileged participation in God’s life, linking God to creation by taking an intermediate position between them. Athanasius developed and nuanced the position of Nicaea, emphasizing that only because the Son is fully God, yet personally present in the created order, can he be a source of life and incorruptibility for humanity.
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Lang, Andrew. Gods of the Aryans of India. Kessinger Publishing, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Gods, Aryan"

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Fay, Edwin W. "I.—THE ARYAN GOD OF LIGHTNING." In The Aryan God of Lightning, 1–29. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463221935-001.

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Gardell, Mattias. "Globalization, Aryan Paganism, and Romantic Men with Guns." In Gods of the Blood, 324–43. Duke University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822384502-009.

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"Globalization, Aryan Paganism, and Romantic Men with Guns." In Gods of the Blood, 324–44. Duke University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11vc85p.12.

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"8. Globalization, Aryan Paganism, and Romantic Men with Guns." In Gods of the Blood, 324–44. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822384502-010.

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"4.Wolf-Age Pagans: The Odinist Call of Aryan Revolutionary Paganism." In Gods of the Blood, 165–90. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822384502-006.

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Sarkar, Tanika. "How the Sangh Parivar Writes and Teaches History." In Majoritarian State, 151–74. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190078171.003.0009.

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Beginning with the writings on history by Savarkar and Golwalkar, Tanika Sarkar analyses how Hindu nationalists essentially understand Indian history as a Hindu history. She shows how this understanding of history has slowly percolated through the RSS network of schools and institutions. More recently, this version of history has been inserted into official curricula and history textbooks, from English language textbooks at both the national level, to a range of vernacular textbooks at the state level. Sarkar proceeds to demonstrate that an older and less known Hindu nationalist agenda for historical research has gained force across the country since 2014. This agenda consists of three main aims: a) to elevate the vast corpus of Sanskritpuranas (myths, legends, stories) to the status of literal historical sources; b) to refute the so-called ‘Aryan invasion hypothesis’ and to show that Brahmanical Hinduism is the original religion and civilization of the subcontinent; and c) to incorporate vast numbers of local and tribal gods and legends into an overall national and Brahmanical structure of history and sacred geography. All these initiatives are promoted and generated by a vast base of volunteers and RSS activists across India.
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Parpola, Asko. "From the dialects of Old Indo-Aryan to Proto-Indo-Aryan and Proto-Iranian." In Indo-Iranian Languages and Peoples. British Academy, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197262856.003.0003.

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The Aryan or Indo-Iranian languages are divided into two basic groups, Indo-Aryan (i.e. languages nowadays mainly spoken in India in its pre-1947 sense of South Asia) and Iranian (i.e. languages nowadays mainly spoken in Iran, also rather in the historical sense of the Persian Empire, which extended to Central Asia and the Indus Valley). This chapter discusses how this dialectal split goes back to the very emergence of Proto-Aryan from Late Proto-Indo-European, far from India and Iran.
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"Frontmatter." In The Aryan God of Lightning, i—iv. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463221935-fm.

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9

Moskalenko, Sophia, and Clark McCauley. "What is Different About Lone Wolf Terrorists?" In Radicalization to Terrorism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190862596.003.0007.

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Who is a lone wolf terrorist? Sometimes called a lone actor terrorist, a lone wolf terrorist acts alone, without support from a terrorist group or organization. Modern use of the term goes back to Tom Metzger, founder of the White Aryan Resistance, who argued in...
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Jackson, Timothy P. "Naming Good and Evil." In Mordecai Would Not Bow Down, 183–202. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197538050.003.0007.

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Both pseudoscience and pseudo-ethics appear to embrace legitimate means and ends, while actually subverting them. Analogously, Nazism did not simply deny or contradict Judaism; it borrowed from Judaism and twisted it to its own purposes. Here I analyze eight interwoven dynamics of Hitlerite deceit: (1) the appeal to schadenfreude rather than to a sense of justice; (2) the masking of schadenfreude itself as a sense of justice; (3) the appeal to “Nature” rather than to God; (4) the masking of “Nature” itself as God; (5) the rejection of many Jewish and Christian teachings as anti-Aryan; (6) the masking of Jesus himself as an anti-Semitic Aryan; (7) the rejection of Jewish “legalism” as decadent and racially motivated; and (8) the masking of Nazi racism and genocide as itself legal. So many leaps of illogic are involved that some commentators doubt that the Nazi leadership believed what they were saying, but I do not underestimate the aptitude for self-deception at every level of the Third Reich.
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Conference papers on the topic "Gods, Aryan"

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McCartney, Patrick. "Sustainably–Speaking Yoga: Comparing Sanskrit in the 2001 and 2011 Indian Censuses." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.3-5.

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Sanskrit is considered by many devout Hindus and global consumers of yoga alike to be an inspirational, divine, ‘language of the gods’. For 2000 years, at least, this middle Indo-Aryan language has endured in a post-vernacular state, due, principally, to its symbolic capital as a liturgical language. This presentation focuses on my almost decade-long research into the theo-political implications of reviving Sanskrit, and includes an explication of data derived from fieldwork in ‘Sanskrit-speaking’ communities in India, as well as analyses of the language sections of the 2011 census; these were only released in July 2018. While the census data is unreliable, for many reasons, but due mainly to the fact that the results are self reported, the towns, villages, and districts most enamored by Sanskrit will be shown. The hegemony of the Brahminical orthodoxy quite often obfuscates the structural inequalities inherent in the hierarchical varṇa-jātī system of Hinduism. While the Indian constitution provides the opportunity for groups to speak, read/write, and to teach the language of their choice, even though Sanskrit is afforded status as a scheduled (i.e. recognised language that is offered various state-sponsored benefits) language, the imposition of Sanskrit learning on groups historically excluded from access to the Sanskrit episteme urges us to consider how the issue of linguistic human rights and glottophagy impact on less prestigious and unscheduled languages within India’s complex linguistic ecological area where the state imposes Sanskrit learning. The politics of representation are complicated by the intimate relationship between consumers of global yoga and Hindu supremacy. Global yogis become ensconced in a quite often ahistorical, Sanskrit-inspired thought-world. Through appeals to purity, tradition, affect, and authority, the unique way in which the Indian state reconfigures the logic of neoliberalism is to promote cultural ideals, like Sanskrit and yoga, as two pillars that can possibly create a better world via a moral and cultural renaissance. However, at the core of this political theology is the necessity to speak a ‘pure’ form of Sanskrit. Yet, the Sanskrit spoken today, even with its high and low registers, is, ultimately, various forms of hybrids influenced by the substratum first languages of the speakers. This leads us to appreciate that the socio-political components of reviving Sanskrit are certainly much more complicated than simply getting people to speak, for instance, a Sanskritised register of Hindi.
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