Journal articles on the topic 'Gods, Aryan'

Ideological forms have been one of the cultural forms of human dialectics. When ideologies were designed to develop human psychology, all the functional forms of human movement were formed with the focus of the ideology. In that respect, the ideological invasion and its cult ivory have been carried out all over the world. In the broad era, vedic cultural creations and ideologies dominated the ideological forms of the landscape or the aboriginal peoples. They were also built up as the first and the highest. The arrival of aryans and the spread of Aryan culture led to the creation of many myths in the form of a number of north Indian gods with Muruga. The myths of murugan's birth were created. Thirumurukaattupadai mentions many myths. All these myths are related to murugan myths and are made to speak the specialities of Muruga. It is not the Tamil tradition to build myths and worship myths as gods. Yet myths were widely distributed in Tamil nadu and myths were accepted by the Tamil people as worship gods.

The purpose of this article is to analyze aspects of the relationship between Buddhism, indigenous beliefs and people through the names of lokapālas in early Buddhist literature, and especially the names of the three great kings, Dhataraṭṭha, Virūḷha (or Virūḷhaka), and Virūpakkha. The study revealed that the name of the three great kings, Dhataraṭṭha, Virūḷha (or Virūḷhaka), and Virūpakkha, may reflect traces of earlier or contemporaneous indigenous beliefs and people who had cultural encounters with Buddhism. The indigenous beliefs consist of the nāga cult, belief in spirits, early practice of urn-burials and belief in the soul or spirit of the dead rising from the grave, primitive beliefs of Aryan people and, nāga as a tribe. Buddhism shows an attempt to incorporate these beliefs and people into the Buddhist cosmology by elevating some local gods, indigenous beliefs and tribal people to divine status, such as lokapālas, who become chieftains of the gandhabbas, the nāgas, and the kumbhaṇḍas, in order to show acceptance of earlier or contemporaneous indigenous beliefs and tribes. These findings may help to improve understanding more of the sociology of early Buddhism.

This article is an analysis of the varied ways in which the meal has been used as a tool for appeasement and propitiation in Bengali Hindu society from ancient times. Bengal is a region that is naturally fertile and yet is often subjected to the fearsome destruction of floods and cyclones. The uncertainty of life has always been palpable here. The numerous rivers that make the region a delta also made Bengal the last hinterland of Aryan exploration and settlement in ancient times. Pre-Aryan inhabitants, whom historians describe as proto-Australoid, subscribed to animistic beliefs, which blurred the line between this world and the next. Their funerary practices involved serving food to supernatural creatures who inhabited the earth. In such a region, the imposition of the Hindu caste system, which attributed preeminence to the Brahmins and the males, further increased the sense of vulnerability on the part of a large section of the population'women and members of the lower castes. Mythic notions of food as something with which to appease a dangerous creature eventually translated into the social custom of serving carefully prepared meals to gods, Brahmins, males and other beings with power and superiority. The article presents examples from mythology, religious texts, literature and even film, to illustrate this custom. Widows were particularly vulnerable in Bengali Hindu society. They were not allowed to remarry and also blamed for the death of their husbands. The rituals and deprivations of a widow's life provide the most poignant instances of appeasement through food. One of the best-known rituals of propitiation is the Bengali feast of Jamaishashthi, when the son-in-law is invited by his wife's family and served an elaborate multi-course meal. He is also given expensive gifts. The purpose of the ritual was to ensure that he treats his wife well and protects her from being treated too abusively by his mother and sisters. The practice has survived in modern times even though it has lost much of its potent significance.

Straipsnyje atliktas vieno iš naujausių religinių judėjimų Rusijoje, pavadinimu „Senosios Rusijos pravoslavų sentikių-inglingų bažnyčia“ (Древнерусская церковь православных староверов-инглингов), tyrimas. Tai neopagoniškasis judėjimas, kurio įkūrėjas Aleksandras Jurjevičius Chinevičius, naudodamas įvairias lingvistines manipuliacijas, savo paties nežinia iš kur paimtas ir vis plačiau tiek popieriniu, tiek elektroniniu pavidalu platinamas „Slavų Vedas“, bando pagrįsti savo pretenzingą doktriną apie slavų (turimi omenyje rusai)-arijų kilmę iš protėvių-dievų (Peruno) prieš daugelį šimtų tūkstančių, jei ne milijonų metų, kitose planetose, iš kurių atkeliavę į Žemę čia užėmė šiaurės pusrutulį. Slavų-arijų kultūra pagal jo (ir kitų šio rato neopagonių autoritetų, visų pirma Trechlebovo) doktriną, buvo visų didžiųjų civilizacijų pradininkė, bet krikščionybės diegimo laikais Europos tautos iš jų pavogė jų istoriją ir pasisavino jų nuopelnus, bandė sunaikinti jų kultūrinę atmintį, primesdami jiems žeminantį įvaizdį, esą iki X amžiaus jų tiesiog nebuvo, o jeigu kas ir buvo, tai tamsi neišmani liaudis... Tyrime buvo atlikta Chinevičiaus „lingvistinio metodo“ analizė, kurios metu paaiškėjo, kad jis naudojasi kai kuriais judėjų Kabalos interpretaciniais metodais, kurie visiškai natūraliai tinka semitų kalboms dėl jų specifikos, bet netinka indoeuropiečių kalboms. Dėl to Chinevičius priverstas iškraipyti ir perdaryti rusų kalbą pagal semitų kalbų struktūrą, nepamiršdamas aiškinti, kad šie metodai – taip pat senoviniai rusų metodai, kuriuos kažkas iš jų pasisavino. Kaip pirmavaizdis tiriant šiuos kabalistinius metodus buvo pateikti keli pavyzdžiai su komentarais iš Zoharo.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: inglingai, Kabala, lingvistika, neopagonys, rasizmas.Linguistical Transformations of IdentityAušra Kristina PažėraitėSummary In this paper I presented an analysis of a recent religious movement in Russia, called “The Old Russian Pravoslavian Old Believers – inglingian Church“ (Древнерусская церковь православных староверов-инглингов). This neo-pagan movement, whose founder, Alexander Yuryevich Hinevich, using a variety of linguistic manipulation and “Slavonic Vedas” of unknown origins, increasingly spreading up in paper and electronic format, – is trying ambitiously justify his doctrine of the genetic origins of ancestors of Slavic (having in mind Russian) – Aryan peoples going down to gods (namely Perun) for many hundreds of thousands, if not millions, years ago, who descended here, on the planet Earth from other planets, and occupied the northern hemisphere. Slavic-Aryan culture, in accordance with his doctrine (and of the rest of close to his church neo-pagan authorities, in particularly that of Trehlebov’), has been a real originator of all great civilizations in the World, but during the time of introduction of Christianity in Russia other nations “have robbed their history and their cultural advancements” trying to destroy their national memory by imposing them degraded self-images... In this study is presented analysis of “linguistic approach” of Hinevich, which revealed, that he uses a series of interpretative methods of Jewish Kabbalah, which fit naturally to semitic languages, but not so well to Indo-European ones. What results in distortion made by Hinevich of Russian language rules to fit those interpretative methods, not neglecting to explain that these techniques are also old Russian techniques, which were from them took off. As a possible prototype of these Kabbalistic methods was presented some examples from the Zohar with commentaries.Keywords: ingliizm, Kabbalah, hermeneutics, racism, neopagans.

The desire to uphold monogenesis encouraged Christian Bunsen (1791-1866) to bridge the Semitic and Indo-European language families. Bunsen’s identifying ancient Egyptian as a linguistic bridge had implications for the supposed history of God’s revelation to humankind, as well as for German conceptions of “Semitic” as a racial category in the 1840s. The rise of Sanskrit as a possible Ursprache, as well as new critical methods and the rationalist critique of revelation, altered the position Egypt once held in ancient wisdom narratives. However, the gradual decipherment of hieroglyphs and efforts to historicize ancient Egyptian encouraged Bunsen to rethink the history of religion. His faith in monogenesis and Bunsen’s deriving Aryans and Semites from a common ancestor did not inhibit the racialization of “Semitic” as a category or reverse the loss of status Hebrew antiquity suffered as other scholars located primordial revelation in the Aryan past. Instead religion itself became racialized.

В предлагаемой статье предпринимается попытка восстановить семантику древнеиндийского культурного термина, в прошлом обозначавшего сперва дикие, а затем и культурные сорта пшеницы triticum aestivum. Анализ материала позволяет рассматривать др.-инд. go-dhma ‘пшеница’ как производное от gaudhūma ‘отруби’ ← ‘коровья пшеница (как обозначение отрубей)’. При этом возникновение go-dhma ‘пшеница’ хронологически должно было приблизительно совпасть с монофтонгизацией gau- в gau-dhūma. Предложенное в статье объяснение семантики др.-инд. go-dhma ‘пшеница’ основывается на авторском объяснении др.-инд. dhūmá ‘пшеница’ из ‘самоосыпаемая’ ~ и.-е. *dheh2-, *dheh2-*dhuh2- ‘дымить, чадить, задыхаться, возбуждаться’. Относительно происхождения иран. *gantuma, *ganduma ‘пшеница’ высказано несколько предположений. Наиболее вероятной версией происхождения композита нам представляется следующая: заимствование индоар. *go-dhma ‘пшеница’ в праиранский сопровождалось его адаптацией на иранской почве под влиянием созвучного иран. *gand- : *gad- ‘делать скверным, испорченным’ и / или *gad- ‘плохой, гадкий, скверный; пакостить, гадить’. Иранское слово вполне может уточнять семантику dhma, создавая для композита значение ‘пшеница сорная, портящая своими посевами пшеницу культурную’, отражая, таким образом, реалии земледельческого быта. Также возможны (с меньшей степенью вероятности) версии: 1) заимствование индоарийской формы с носовым инфиксом *gondhuma (‹ godhuma) ‘пшеница’ в иранский после разделения арийской общности на индоариев и иранцев; 2) заимствование слова из индоарийских диалектов в скифские в районах, прилегающих к индоарийскому языковому ареалу или в землях, где индоарийские языки активно функционировали в прошлом еще до начала восточноиранского перехода d › δ › l (VIII­VII вв. до н. э.). Однако в этом случае говорить можно только о реконструкции восточноиранской, а по сути ­ скифской (возможно, скифо-сакской) праформы; 3) собственно иранское происхождение композита иран. *ganduma ‘пшеница’ ‹ *ga(n)d- (с различными значениями) + duma ‘пшеница’, общий смысл которого должен определяться семантикой *ga(n)d-. In the article we make an attempt to reconstruct the Sanskrit cultural term, which in past meant at first the wild and then cultural sorts of the wheat triticum aestivum. The material that analyzed allows examining the Sanskr. go-dhma ‘wheat’ as derivative from the gaudhūma ‘bran’ ← ‘the cow wheat (as the bran designation)’. the author’s Sanskr. go-dhma ‘wheat’ semantics explanation is grounded on our explanation of this one as the ‘self-damping’ ~ I.-E. dheh2-, *dheh2-*dhuh2- ‘to smoke, to emit fumes, gasp, become excited’. Concerning the origin of the Iran. *gantuma, *ganduma ‘wheat’ were came out some suggestions. The most probable version of the composite origin we consider such one: the Indo-Ar. *go-dhma ‘wheat’ could be loaned in the Iranian language and was adopted under the influence of the Iran. *gand-: *gad- ‘to make bad, spoilt’ and / or *gad- ‘bad, ugly, nasty; to soil, spoil гадить’. The Iranian word can be characterize the wheat as the ‘weed wheat, that damaging on the cultural wheat’ and reflecting realities of the agricultural life in this way as well. Also such composite interpretations are probable: 1) borrowing the Indo-Arian form with nasal infix *gondhuma (‹ godhuma) ‘wheat’ into the Iranian language after the Arian commonality dividing by the Indo-Arians and the Iranians; 2) borrowing the word from the Indo-Arian dialects to the Scythian in regions, bordered upon the Indo-Arian language areal or in lands, where Indo-Arian languages had functioned up to the phonetic d › δ › l transformation beginning (VIII-VII B.C.). But in this case we can say about the East-Iranian (= Scythian, probably ­ Sakan) preform reconstruction only; 3) proper Iranian origin of the composite Iran. *ganduma ‘wheat’ ‹ *ga(n)d- (with the different meanings) + duma ‘wheat’, which general sense mast be defined with the *ga(n)d-semantic.

Well-known Augustinian scholars have complained about unresolved issues and the nature of argumentation of De Trinitate 6. In this book Augustine examines the role of 1 Cor. 1:24, Christum […] dei sapientiam in anti-Arian polemic, and critiques what may be considered quasi-relational predication of divine wisdom. The present essay surveys recent scholarship on book 6, with special attention to the commentary of M. Carreker, affirming the role of logic in this book. It examines Augustine’s understanding of the genitive in the key phrase, sapientia dei, and recognizes that, in spite of his critique, Augustine goes out of his way in affirming the Nicene argument in order to do justice to the longstanding patristic tradition appropriating wisdom for Christ as God’s Son.

The ancients thought that snakes had a unique power to kill because of their venomous nature. That is why serpents are worshiped as gods. The people who worship are called Nagas. Later they were portrayed as cobra-shaped men. The Aryans captured their place and the war arises. In mythology, epics and religions, the practice of combining snakes is found in many parts of the world. Later this worship is linked to religion. However, in Villibharata, countless Nagas have been destroyed. Over time, Naga worship and Nagas have been changing in various understandings with various religions and changing according to the situation.

AbstractThe history of humanity got from the Persians the first imperial organization, the first process of integration of the conquered ones, the first postal service, the most effective means of communication at the dawn of Antiquity, and also the best organized militarized services.The most special of the Indo-European Antiquity troops was the Royal Guard, founded by Darius I, one of the great kings of humanity, a political titan, and equally an extraordinary general through his institutional creations of force. The Royal Guard of Darius I, known in history as the 10,000 immortals, is the subject of our study, as it is one of the most complex special militarized structures in human history of all time, inspiring the military structures of all the Indo-Europeans, whether the Hoplite revolution, the organization of the Macedonian phalanx or the Roman Praetorian Guard and more than that.The 10,000 immortals combined not only the heroic character (while multiplying it), which appeared for the first time with the Greeks of the Homeric period, but also strict discipline, in the Spartan sense, contemporary with this troop, the organization and the well-developed logistics, which would inspire the Roman army, the military brotherhoods characteristic of all the Indo-Europeans, but this totally special troop, in particular, imposed the model of the educated (even intellectual) military man, a soldier of the supreme god of the Good, faithful first of all to the Good and to his king, a military man who used all the weapons of the time.This special troop was a true institution that also provided information to the Persian king, information being one of the most effective weapons. Moreover, the Persians through this Royal Guard used for the first time psychological impact as a weapon, this being the first case of effective manipulation by the number that was kept constant, but also by name. Only the gods were immortal, and the very large number of soldiers who made up this special troop is impressive even today. The armament of this extraordinary troop comprised all the weapons of the time, the bow above all, which the Aryans considered the favourite weapon of Indra, the most warlike god of the Indo-European gods.

The title of this brief essay is an echo of the title of a book once famous, nowadays almost forgotten: M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Ravana the Great: King of Lanka (Munnirpallam, 1928). The same author, in his better-known Tamil Literature (1929) wrote: “The ten-faced and twenty-armed Ravana was apparently a very intelligent and valiant hero, a cultured and highly civilized ruler, knew the Vedas and was an expert musician. He took away Sita according to the Tamilian mode of warface, had her in the Asoka woods companioned by his own niece, and would not touch her unless she consented.” With this re-evaluation of the character of Rāvaṇa goes hand in hand a milder yet decisive re-evaluation of Rāma, of Rāma's warriors, of Vibhīṣaṇa, and other dramatis personae of the great story. Vibhīṣaṇa is portrayed as “the treacherous brother or deserter of Ravana, who desired to be King by hook or by crook”, the Aryans are described as haughty, cowardly, of low morality; Rāma “has his specks”, he lacks courage and falters in crises. In contrast, Rāvaṇa is not only “a physical and an intellectual giant” but also “great administrator and leader of men, … a man of his word”.

<p><em>It is a pride for the Javanese people in particular as well as the Indonesian people in general, because the previous ancestors inherited many priceless literary works. One of the literary works that is still studied and infused by the Javanese community is Serat Wedatama. Wedatama fiber is a literary work in the form of songs that are classified as didactic moralistic, as stated in Pangkur Pupuh which reads: sinawung resmining kidung, which means: decorated with the beautiful song (tembang). Didactic literary work in Javanese society is a piwulang literature that gives moral guidance which should be carried out by humans. Serat Wedatama is the work of Kanjeng Gusti Pangeran Adipati Arya (K.G.P.A.A) Mangkunegaran IV.</em></p><p><em>The author is interested in examining Hindu Theology in Serat Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV, with problems namely: 1) How is the structure in Serat Wedatama K.G.P.A.A Mangkunegara IV ?. 2) What is the function of Serat Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV ?. 3) What is the meaning of Hindu theology contained in the Fiber Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV ?. This study aims to describe the structure, functions and theology of Hinduism contained in Serat Wedatama K.G.A.A Mangkunegara IV. Accurate data is obtained by using several literature studies, the basis of concepts and theories, namely Talcott Parsons Functional Structural theory and Habermas Hermeneutics theory, and research models. This research method, which starts from the type and approach of research, methods of data collection, literature study, documentation studies, data analysis techniques, and methods of presenting results. Data analysis</em><em> </em><em>was performed using descriptive-qualitative analysis techniques. The results of this study indicate that the Serat Wedatama structure consists of five pupuh, namely: Pangkur, Sinom, Pucung, Gambuh and Kinanthi. The number of Serat Wedatama temple is 100 stanzas. The functions obtained in Serat Wedatama are: Art Functions, Social Functions, Cultural Preservation Functions, Religious Functions, and Spiritual Functions. Can be explained that the meaning of Hindu Theology contained in the Fiber Wedatama KGPAA Mangkunegara IV, namely God Almighty (Hyang Tunggal), God All Sources (Hyang Widhi), God Is Everywhere (Hyang Most Holy) and God Who Is Acintya (Hyang Sukma ) which is parallel to the divinity in Siva Tattva. In essence God is the source of everything that exists in the universe and becomes the place for the return of everything. The One God, though still in place, does not move, but His speed exceeds the mind, precedes the speed of movement of the Gods, God is unthinkable, very magical, everywhere, and permeates everything.</em></p>

Studijoje analizuojami kai kurie alternatyvūs šių dienų religinių / nacionalinių / rasinių tapatybių konstravimo atvejai, bandant atskleisti šiuolaikinės alternatyvios religinės / tautinės / rasinės tapatybės konstravimo mechanizmą. Nustatyta, kad šis mechanizmas veikia per dvi ašis – 1) istorinį nihilizmą (kuris tyrime apibrėžiamas kaip nepasitikėjimas profesionalių istorikų konstruojama istorijos vizija, jos atmetimas) ir 2) fantastiką (pasireiškiančią kaip individuali ar kolektyvinė naujų mitų kūryba), kūrimą fantastinių istorijos vizijų, kurios pateikiamos kaip tikroji istorija, buvusi užmiršta, iškraipyta ir tebeiškraipoma. Konkrečiai buvo analizuojamas vis didesnį populiarumą tiek Rusijoje, tiek už jos ribų, taip pat ir Lietuvoje įgaunantis rodnoverų mokymas ir jo pagrindu kuriamas Sergejaus Strižako „publicistinis“ filmas „Dievų žaidimai“, analizei pasitelkti pagrindinių jų autoritetų – Aleksejaus Trechlebovo ir Aleksandro Chinevičiaus – tekstai ir videomokymai. Kitas analizuotas pavyzdys – žymaus Rusijos matematiko topologo Anatolijaus Fomenko istorinės fantastikos eksperimentai. Studijoje aptariamas ir vieno pagrindinių rodnoverų šaltinių – Veleso knygos – klastojimo klausimas. Siekta atrasti galimas šių rusiškų judėjimų įtakos zonas ir Lietuvoje, taip pat analogiškus bandymus perkonstruoti lietuviškąją tapatybę. Čia, be kol kas pavienių žavėjimosi Trechlebovo ir Chinevičiaus mokymais atvejų, Rusijoje kilusio judėjimo KOB (Концепция Общественной Безопасности) filialo, kuriame pastebima rodnoverų mokymų pėdsakų, analizuotas naujausias (siekiantis keletą metų, bet per pastaruosius porą metų dėl Aivaro Lileikos veiklos įgijęs pagreitį) judėjimas, pasivadinęs Sarmatija. Analizuojant šį judėjimą paaiškėjo esminis skirtumas tarp rodnoverų ir „sarmatų“: pastarieji, nors ir nemažai fantazuoja, ne atmeta istorijos mokslą, bet kritikuoja ir kelia nepasitenkinimą profesionalių istorikų darbais (arba abejingumu), reikalaudami imtis rimtų jų nurodomų šaltinių tyrinėjimų, kad būtų sugrąžinta istorinė atmintis ir lietuviškoji tapatybė, kuri, anot šio judėjimo atstovų, yra sąmoningai menkinama ir klastojama dabartinių „oficiozinių“ lietuvių tautinės tapatybės „ekspertų“.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: rodnoverai, sarmatai, neo-pagonybė, mokslinė fantastika, istorinis nihilizmas.HISTORICAL NIHILISM AND SCIENCE FICTION: CASES OF SOME NEW PANSLAVIC RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND LITHUANIAM MOVEMENT OF SARMATISMAušra Kristina Pažėraitė SummaryIn this study, some alternative new religious / national / racial identity construction cases have been analyzed in order to reveal the mechanism of contemporary alternative religious / ethnic / racial identity construction. It was found that this mechanism works in two axes – 1) historical nihilism (which in this study is defined as rejection of professional history, scientifically constructed vision of national / religious history), and 2) fiction, which manifests itself as an individual or a collective creation of new myths, historical fictions, which are presented as the true history which has been forgotten and distorted by various enemies (Christians, Jews, Europeans, and so on). In the study has been presented an analysis of the movement of growing popularity both in Russia and beyond, including Lithuania, of Rodnovers (slavic-arian neopagans) and created on the basis of teachings of leading authorities of this movement – A. Trehlebov andA. Hinevitch, – “publicistic” movie of Sergei Strizhak “Games of the Gods”. Another example was the famous Russian mathematician topologist Fomenko and his new method of chronology, resulting in other historical fiction. In the study was also discussed question of the fake of one of the main sources of Rodnovers – Book of Veles. In this study, the areas of the influence of this Russian movement in Lithuania and similar efforts toward the new constructions of Lithuanian identity have also been found. Here are single cases of admiration of teachings of Trehlebov and Hinevitch, Lithuanian branch of another Russian movement, CNS (Conception of National Security), in which there are some traces of teachings of Rodnovers, and the most important – the most recent movement of Sarmatia. Analysis of this movement shows a fundamental difference between Rodnovers and “Sarmatians”, that the latter, although utilize many fantasies, but is not dismissing the science of history as such, but causes discontent and criticism of professional historians (or their indifference), requesting them to take seriously the sources they designate to in order to restore the historical memory and Lithuanian identity, which, according to representatives of this movement are deliberately discouraging and falsifying this identity by existing official “experts” of Lithuanian national identity.Keywords: Rodnovers, Sarmatians, neo-pagans, science fiction, historical nihilism.

As time goes by, culture society has changes in generation from the past time to the present. So, each generation has their own habits and characteristics in it's time. "My Generation" movie is one of many films that representating social life in the current generation or so-called millenial generation. But this film was negatively received by audience. Because on the movie footage that presented by teaser and trailer watched by people on Youtube, many of them has opinion that is the movie was not in accordance with the Indonesian culture generally. And this movie became a bad influence for the teenagers who watch My Generation. This movie tells the story about four friends. Orly (Alexandra Kosasie), Suki (Lutesha), Konji (Arya Vasco), and Zeke (Bryan Warow). They're dare to express their anxiety to the parents, the teachers, and the school system. It was proven by their video which uploaded to the social media Youtube and then became viral at their school. Untill they're get punished for not going on vacation. The ordinary holiday, eventually bring them to the events and adventure that give a very meaningful lesson for their lives.Keywords: Pop Culture, Mileniall Generation, Life Style

Статья посвящена проблемам использования скифами различных алкогольных напитков. Сведения источников позволяют полагать изготовление скифами особого напитка типа кумыса. Письменные и археологические источники указывают на широкое использование скифами виноградного вина. Его скифы приобретали у греков. Самостоятельно скифы выращиванием винограда (виноградарством) и виноделием не занимались. Проведенный автором анализ позволяет автору отвергнуть заявления некоторых исследователей об изготовлении скифами пива. Археологические источники дают основание полагать, что изготовление пива с использованием хмеля могло быть освоено аланами Северного Кавказа к периоду, когда подобное пиво появилось и в Западной Европе. Однако, по мнению автора, истоки традиций скифов и аланов применения алкогольных напитков были гораздо древнее и связаны с иными сакральными напитками, представленными в виде сомы индоариев и хаомы иранцев. The article analyzes the ways Scythians used various alcoholic beverages. The data found in the sources enables to assume that Scythians manufactured special beverage like koumiss. Written and archaeological sources indicate that wine consumption was widespread among Scythians. Scythians bought it from Greeks. Scythians themselves were not engaged in grapes growing (viticulture) and wine-making. The analysis conducted allows the author to contest the conclusions of some researchers on beer brewing by the Scythians. Archaeological sources give reason to believe that beer brewing using hops could have been mastered by Alans of the North Caucasus by the very period when similar beer appeared in Western Europe. However, according to the author, the origin of Scythian and Alanic traditions to use alcoholic beverages goes farther and was associated with other sacred drinks, represented by soma of Indo-Aryans and haoma of Iranians.

La aproximación al hinduismo implica, entre otras cosas, ponerse en contacto con sus orígenes mágicos. Las creencias mágicas prearias son difíciles de describir. No obstante, hallamos ritos védicos que son mágicos a pesar de que forman parte del ámbito del sacrificio. El documento religioso más antiguo de la India es una colección de himnos, los Veda. Los himnos védicos nos muestran la forma más antigua de la religión védica. Es escasa la información que poseemos sobre las creencias mágico-religiosas en la civilización del Valle del Indo, no hablan de: a) la persistente disposición a contemplar lo sagrado en función de la maternidad; b) el karma o ley de causa y efecto. La religión védica consiste en una mitología muy elaborada. Los dioses estaban ligados con las fuerzas naturales e intervienen sin cesar en los asuntos humanos. Uno de los métodos básicos del hinduismo es el yoga. Se supone que su práctica puede proporcionar, como efecto secundario, la adquisición de unos «poderes milagrosos». De los tiempos védicos se ha conservado el concepto de potencia mágica del mantra o fórmula sagrada. Un conocido diagrama místico es el mándala o círculo mágico.The aproximation to hinduism involve among other things to have contact with its magic origins. The pre-arian magic beliefs are difficult to describe. Althought we found vedies rites that are magic spite of they are part of the sacrifice ambit. The ancient religious document of India is a hymn collection, the Veda. The Vedic hymns show as the most antigüe form of the vedic religión. We have short Information about the magic religious beliefs in the Valley of Indo civilizatlon. This information doesn't talk about: a) The persistent aptitude to contémplate the sacred things according to the motherhood. b) The karma or cause and effect law. The Veda religión consists on a very elaborated mitology, The gods were tie the natural powers and they constantly medíate in the human matters. One of the hinduism basic methods is the Yoga. It's suppose that its practice may proportion as a second effect, the acquisition of miraculous powers. Of the vedic times has been conserved the concept of magic power of the Mantra or sacred formula. One known mistic diagram is the mándala or magic circle.

Despite the period's fashionable aspiration to a materialist, scientific objectivity, the new wilderness revealed by the microscope in the nineteenth century did not lend itself quickly or easily to sober, observational consensus. Rather, the nature of the microscopic world was, like the cosmos, largely open to interpretation. Since techniques of observation were largely undeveloped, many microscopists were not certain precisely what it was they were to look for, nor of the nature of their subjects. Did monstrosity lurk at the threshold, or was the microscope a window to the divine designs of the creator? Monstrosity and the microscopic may be a familiar relationship today, but prior to Pasteur and Koch's development of a germ theory of disease in the 1870s, the invisible world revealed by the microscope was not especially horrific, nor did it invalidate long-standing notions of the divinity of Nature. It is more than probable that many microorganisms were, prior to their identification as causal agents of disease, looked upon and admired as beautiful natural specimens. Certain microscopists may have suspected early on that all was not well at the microscopic level (suspicion of wilderness is traditional within the Western cartographic project), but by and large nineteenth century microscopy was deeply enmeshed in the extensive romanticism of the period, and most texts on the nature of the microorganism prior to the late nineteenth century tend to emphasise (in retrospect, a little naively), their embodiment of the amazing, wonderful complexity of the natural world. Germany was the center of this modern fusion of romanticism, naturalism, and microscopic visuality, where the prolific microgeologist, Christian Godfried Ehrenberg (1795 - 1876) achieved considerable attention through his discovery of the intricately symmetrical, skeletal remains of unknown microorganisms in the calacerous tertiaries of Sicily and Greece, and Oran in Africa. Documenting these fossils in Microgeologie (1854), he established for them the group Polycystina, in which he also included a series of forms making up nearly the whole of a silicious sandstone prevailing through an extensive district of Barbadoes. These widely admired microscopic sea-dwelling organisms were later discovered and studied in their living state by Johannes Muller, who named them Radiolaria. Ehrenberg's pursuit of natural beauty, rather than monstrosity, was clearly appealing throughout the mid-to-late nineteenth century. Central to the aesthetic evaluation of the natural world inspired by his discoveries was a privileging of symmetrical forms as divine signifiers. Drawing heavily from Ehrenberg's approach to the natural world, it had been the intention of Gideon Algernon Mantell, Vice-President of the Geological Society of London and author of The Invisible World Revealed by the Microscope (1850), to "impart just and comprehensive views of the grandeur and harmony of the Creation, and of the Infinite Wisdom and Beneficence of its Divine Author; and which, in every condition and circumstance of life, will prove a never-failing source of pleasure and instruction" (ix-x). An admirable project indeed, but increasingly problematic in the wake of evidence suggesting the infinite wisdom and beneficence of the divine author included the scripting of destructive, ruthless, mindless, invisible agents of suffering and death against which human beings were granted little, if any, defence. What did such evidence say of our allegedly privileged role in the story of life on Earth? Where might the raw, biological body reside within such an arrangement? Precisely at the vulnerable center of the controversy surrounding the nature of its own existence. Not surprisingly, consensus on what the body actually is has always been fairly frail, since it closed its modern formation in conjunction with the revelation of the body's mysterious, "hidden powers" through the lens of the microscope, which radically expanded, and confused, the cartographic field. Renaissance anatomical representation, thought once to be so authoritative and thorough (maybe too thorough), now seemed superficial. And moreover, as shown by the discovery of electricity and its extensive, shockingly experimental application to the body, we were enigmatic entities indeed, consisting of, and vulnerable to, mysterious, untamed forces of attraction and repulsion. The invention of the "Leyden jar" in the eighteenth century, which allowed the storage and regulation of electrical charge, had been turned almost immediately to the human body, often with all the playful naivete of a child. As Sarah Bakewell (2000) writes: One experimenter, Jean-Antoine Nollet (1700-70), liked to demonstrate the power of the new equipment by lining up 180 of the king's guards with hands clasped and connecting the man on the end to a Leyden jar, so that the whole line leaped involuntarily into the air. (36) The discovery that the biological body was an electrical organism unquestionably inspired the exorbitant interest in the "ether" that underpinned much nineteenth century spiritualism, horror fiction, and the emergence of paranoia as a cultural condition in the modern era. Most notably, it disrupted the notion of an external God in favour of a "divine power" running through, and thus connecting, all life. And as psychiatry has since discovered, the relation of the body to such a deeper, all-pervasive, unmappable power - an ontology in which matter has no empty spaces - is "profoundly schizoid" (Anti-Oedipus 19). But this did not prevent its intrusion into nineteenth century science. Biologist Ernst Haeckel (1834 - 1919), nineteenth century Germany's most vocal advocator of Darwinism, openly subscribed to a mystical, arguably delusional approach to the natural world. Drawn to study of the microscopic by Ehrenberg, Haeckel was likewise attracted to the patterned aesthetic of the natural world, especially its production of symmetrical forms. Although he drew his fair share of critics, it is unlikely he was ever considered "sick", since neither paranoia nor schizophrenia were recognised illnesses at the time. Yet in retrospect his writings clearly indicate a commitment to what would now be regarded as a paranoid/schizophrenic ontology in which "matter has no empty spaces". Haeckel's recourse to monism may be understood, at least in part, as a reaction to the agency panic provoked by the invasion narrative central to the germ theory of disease: if all is One, notions of "invasion" become redundant and transformed into the internalised self-regulation of the whole. Devoted to monism, Haeckel was adamant that "ever more clearly are we compelled by reflection to recognise that God is not to be placed over against the material world as an external being, but must be placed as a "divine power" or "moving spirit" within the cosmos itself" (Monism 15). This conception of God is synonymous with that discussed by Deleuze and Guttari in their exploration of the nervous illness of Judge Daniel Schreber, in which God is defined as the Omnitudo realitatis, from which all secondary realities are derived by a process of division (Anti-Oedipus 13). Like a textbook schizophrenic, Haeckel stressed the oneness of the cosmos, its operation under fundamental conditions of attraction and repulsion, the indissoluble connection between energy and matter, the mind and embodiment, and God and the world. His obsession with the "secret powers" of the Creator led him to adopt the notion of a "cosmic ether", which was itself almost totally dependent on contemporary research into the properties of electricity. Haeckel wrote that "the ether itself is no longer hypothetical; its existence can at any moment be demonstrated by electrical and optical experiment" (Monism 23). Recognising the inherent conflict of nature whilst providing convincing evidence of its divine, harmonious beauty through his hundreds of spectacularly symmetrical, mandala-like representations of Radiolarians and other microscopic forms in Die Radiolarian (1862) and Kunstformen der Natur (1899), Haeckel furthered his views through several popular manifestos such as Monism as Connecting Religion and Science: The Confession of Faith of a Man of Science (1894), The Wonders of Life: A Popular Study of Biological Philosophy (1905), and The Riddle of the Universe at the Close of the Nineteenth Century (1911). For Haeckel, clearly entranced by the hypersignificance of nature, the struggle for biological survival was also a mystical one, and thus divinely inspired. Tying this notion together with the Volkish tradition, and clearly influenced by the emerging germ theory, which emphasised conflict as precondition for (apparently mythic) harmony, Haeckel wrote that: We now know that the whole of organic nature on our planet exists only by a relentless war of all against all. Thousands of animals and plants must daily perish in every part of the earth, in order that a few chosen individuals may continue to subsist and to enjoy life. But even the existence of these favoured few is a continual conflict with threatening dangers of every kind. Thousands of hopeful germs perish uselessly every minute. The raging war of interests in human society is only a feeble picture of the unceasing and terrible war of existence which reigns throughout the whole of the living world. The beautiful dream of God's goodness and wisdom in nature, to which as children we listened so devoutly fifty years ago, no longer finds credit now - at least among educated people who think. It has disappeared before our deeper acquaintance with the mutual relations of organisms, the advancement of ecology and sociology, and our knowledge of parasite life and pathology. (Monism 73-74). The "war of existence", according to Haeckel, was ultimately an expression of the ethereal power of an omnipresent God. Denying real difference between matter and energy, he also implicitly denied the agency of the subject, instead positing the war of existence as a self-regulating flow of divine power. Biological survival was thus synonymous with the triumph of divine embodiment. Since Haeckel was resolutely convinced that nature was hierarchically structured (with the Aryan Volk fairly close to the top), so too were its expressions of God. And since God was not a being external to the Self, but rather the vital spirit or soul running through all being, divinity may be contained by organisms in varying degrees depending on their level of evolution. Domination of others was thus a prerequisite for the pursuit of God. And this was the essence of Haeckel's highly problematic distortion of the Darwinist theory of evolution: At the lowest stage, the rude - we may say animal - phase of prehistoric primitive man, is the "ape-man", who, in the course of the tertiary period, has only to a limited degree raised himself above his immediate pithecoid ancestors, the anthropoid apes. Next come successive stages of the lowest and simplest kind of culture, such as only the rudest of still existing primitive peoples enable us in some measure to conceive. These "savages" are succeeded by peoples of a low civilisation, and from these again, by a long series of intermediate steps, we rise little by little to the more highly civilised nations. To these alone - of the twelve races of mankind only to the Mediterranean and Mongolian - are we indebted for what is usually called "universal history. (Monism 5-6) This fairly crude, very German take on Darwinism, with its emphasis on the transference of biological principles to the social realm, contributed to the establishment of the preconditions for the emergence of National Socialism in that country shortly after Haeckel's death in 1919. In The Scientific Origins of National Socialism (1971), Daniel Gasman reveals the extent of Haeckel's descent into mysticism and its part in the wider development of the Volkish myths that underpinned Nazism in the twentieth century. And although the "sick" ideals of Nazism are undeniably deplorable, upon review of the cultural circumstances in which Haeckel's ideas developed, many of them seem inevitable for a frightened, paranoid culture convinced - based on scientific evidence - that life itself can only ever be a form of war: the very notion that continues to underpin, and indeed sustain, the germ theory of disease in the modern era References Bakewell, Sarah. "It's Alive!" Fortean Times October 2000: 34-39. Carpenter, William B. The Microscope and its Revelations. London: J & A Churchill, 1891. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. 1972. Trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1983. Gasman, Daniel. The Scientific Origins of National Socialism: Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League. London: McDonald, 1971. Haeckel, Ernst. Die Radiolarien (Rhizopoda Radiaria). Berlin, 1862. ---. Monism as Connecting Religion and Science: The Confession of Faith of a Man of Science. London: Adam and Charles Black, 1894. ---. Kunstformen der Natur. 2 vols. Leipzig and Wien, 1899. ---. The Riddle of the Universe at the Close of the Nineteenth Century. Watts and Co., 1911. ---. The Wonders of Life. London: Watts and Co., 1905. Mantell, Gideon Algernon. The Invisible World Revealed by the Microscope; or, Thoughts on Animalcules. London: John Murray, 1850. Tomes, Nancy. The Gospel of Germs: Men, Women, and the Microbe in American Life. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1998.