Academic literature on the topic 'Gods in numismatics'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Gods in numismatics.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Gods in numismatics"
1
Pearn, John. "Enduring biographic heritage – Medical numismatics." Journal of Medical Biography 27, no. 2 (January 16, 2017): 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772016676784.
Full textAbstract:
The most enduring archive of medical biography is that composed of coins and medals. More than 20,000 commemorative and tribute medals comprise the domain of medical numismatics. Several thousand of these portray individual doctors whose lives and work are thus recorded in gold, silver, bronze and the alloys of medallic art. Such enduring records range from the names and images of the most famous and significant of doctors in international perspective, to those held in local or parochial esteem by their peers. The medical numismatic archive includes medals and coins which portray the gods of medicine; founders of the profession such as Hippocrates and Galen; and those who have been held in local esteem, all such that the record of their service to medicine might not be forgotten.
2
Erickson, Kyle. "ANOTHER CENTURY OF GODS? A RE-EVALUATION OF SELEUCID RULER CULT." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 1 (March 16, 2018): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000071.
Full textAbstract:
This paper proposes that living Seleucid kings were recognized as divine by the royal court before the reign of Antiochus III despite lacking an established centralized ruler cult like their fellow kings, the Ptolemies. Owing to the nature of the surviving evidence, we are forced to rely heavily on numismatics to construct a view of Seleucid royal ideology. Regrettably, it seems that up until now much of the numismatic evidence for the divinity of living Seleucid rulers has not been fully considered. I argue that the evidence from silver coinage produced in the name of the Seleucid kings presents a version of the official image of the reigning king and that images which portray the king as divine reflect central acceptance of the king's divinity. This is clear from the epithets on the coinage of Antiochus IV and his successors, but I will argue that the same principle holds for all earlier Seleucid kings. Thus coinage with divine images of Seleucid kings provided one of the mechanisms through which the royal court transmitted the divine nature of the kings to the population. As we will see, in the case of Antiochus Hierax, local considerations also influenced the numismatic representation of the king. This blurring of boundaries between the local veneration of the king, which has long been accepted as normal civic practice in the Greek city-states and in non-Greek temples, and the royal images of the divine king calls into question the strict division between civic and centralized ruler cults. The reflection of local cults within royal ideology can be seen as a manifestation of a negotiating model of Seleucid power that relied heavily on a dialogue with a wide range of interested groups. This article argues that the inconsistencies in the development of an iconography of divine kingship before the reign of Antiochus IV is a manifestation of the same phenomenon.
3
Yarza, Lorenzo Pérez. "Apollo as a Precedent to the Coinage of Sol Invictus." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, no. 1-4 (December 2018): 377–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2018.58.1-4.22.
Full textAbstract:
Summary The purpose of this paper is to produce an approach to Sol through Numismatics. I intend to point out the possible correspondences existing between the god Sol, referred to as Sol Invictus in historiography,1 and Apollo. While the solar facet of Phoebus Apollo is well known, to what extent he exerted an influence over Sol Invictus has yet to be elucidated. Comparing types and chronologies plus describing correspondences between the two gods in an homogeneous process may actually constitute a different approach. Three aspects will be taken into consideration: iconography exchange, the chronological relationship and the propagandistic function of coin legends. The aim is to incorporate the knowledge thus gained into a critical analysis of Sol in the 3rd century.
4
SMIRNOU, S. "SOLAR GODS OF ANCIENT PALMYRA AND THE ROMAN SOL INVICTUS." Herald of Polotsk State University. Series A. Humanity sciences, no. 2 (July 24, 2023): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.52928/2070-1608-2023-67-2-2-5.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the problem of the association of the Roman god Sol Invictus and the solar gods of ancient Palmyra. The identification of this association is carried out on the basis of an analysis of the evidence of sacred art and numismatic material. The iconography of the solar gods of ancient Palmyra and Rome demonstrates similarities and differences between these gods. Images of the Roman Sol Invictus clearly indicate his military and state character. The Palmyrene gods were at the same time the gods of the sun and the gods of the plant world, also affecting the local sacred source.
5
Rysiaieva, Maryna. "On Ancient Greek Thymiateria and Their Purpose." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 2 (2019): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2019.2.01.
Full textAbstract:
The paper looks at the ancient Greek thymiateria and aims at finding data in literary, epigraphic and visual sources that would cast light on the use of thymiateria in private and public rituals of the VIІ th century BC – IVth century AD. Systematic collection of data and its comparative historical analysis were in the core of the methodology. Among the main methods of analysing the collected sources, one should mention empirical, analytical, structural-typological and iconographical methods. A thymiaterion (an incense burner) is firstly mentioned in the Vth century BC in Herodotus’ Historia. In centuries to come, the panhellenic name of thymiaterion would dominate and enter to Roman and Germanic languages. This device was used solely with fire, charcoal or heated pebbles to burn aromatic compounds, incense and aromatic plants and flowers in particular. Thymiateria didn’t have any fixed shapes or sizes. In narrative sources, they were also named bomiskos, libanotis (libanotris), escharis, tripodiskos etc. In this paper, I examine the basic constructive elements of thymiateria. As visual sources and lyric poetry suggest, they were used in the archaic period. The earliest instance of the use of thymiateria in the ritual practice date late to the VIth century BC in the Phanagoria of the Bosporus. The thymiateria is depicted on mostly in mythological scenes on the Athenian red-figure pottery late of the Vth – IVth centuries BC found in Panticapaeum and in the surrounding area. The Greek iconography of mythological scenes on the vases was clear for the locals. The majority of visual, numismatics and epigraphic sources that reveal the use of thymiateria on the Bosporus are dating to the IVth–ІІth centuries BC, when they were spread in Hellenistic Greece and, especially in sanctuaries of Delos. Although aroma was an essential part of thymiateria culture, only Orphic Hymns cast light on the use of particular incenses (in pure form or in compound) for each gods or heroes. One important question persists: which aromas were burnt in thymiateria and from which countries were they brought to Greece? From literary sources, we know that plant-based aromas, namely incense and myrrh were brought from South Arabia and Syria. Thymiateria were used during rituals in sanctuaries and temples, during religious processions, funerals, symposiums and wedding that were accompanied by aromatic smoke. The present essay should be regarded as a starting point for the further in-depth study of thymiateria from the Northern Black sea region and Olbia in particular.
6
Шауб, И. Ю. "SOME FEATURES OF THE CULT OF DIONYSUS AMONG THE HELLENES AND BARBARIANS OF THE NORTHERN BLACK SEA REGION." Proceedings in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Black Sea Region, no. 15 (October 31, 2023): 701–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.53737/9236.2023.89.62.027.
Full textAbstract:
Специфика северопонтийского дионисийства рассматривается как обусловленная фракийскими влияниями: в Ольвии о них прежде всего свидетельствуют орфические таблички, на Боспоре — исключительная популярность в местной нумизматике заимствованных из Фракии изображений сатиров, культ Диониса Арея, а также необычный образ хтонического Диониса на погребальных пеликах. На Боспоре и в Херсонесе к кругу этого бога относился родственный ему фрако-фригийский бог Сабазий. Сочетание на монетах Пантикапея образов сатиров на аверсе с аполлиническим грифоном на реверсе позволяет предполагать синкретизм Диониса и Аполлона в религии боспорян, причём в контексте орфических верований. На Боспоре с дионисийским кругом ассоциируется не только целый ряд богов, культово близких Дионису и в других областях греческого мира (Деметра, Кора, Геракл, Афродита, Эрот), но и далёких от него мифологических персонажей (Парис, Европа и др.). Находки в курганах скифской и синдской знати разнообразных вещей, часто культового назначения, с изображениями персонажей дионисийского круга свидетельствуют о близости последних религиозно-мифологическим представлениям варваров. К этому кругу относится и фигурирующий на ряде памятников мужской двойник змееногой ипостаси Великой богини («Владыка зверей»), который, как и другие дионисийские персонажи, мыслился как подчиненное ей божество. The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the cult of Dionysus in the Greek colonies of the Northern Black Searegion, as well as the specificities of Dionysianism among local barbarians. These features were largely due to Thracian influences: in Olbia, they are primarily evidenced by Orphic tablets, in the Bosporus — the exceptional popularity in local numismatics of images of satyrs borrowed from Thrace, the cult of Dionysus Ares, as well as the unusual image of the chthonic Dionysus on funeral pelicеs. Both in the Bosporus and in Chersonesus, the Thraco-Phrygian god Sabazios, who was close to Dionysus in function, belonged to the circle of this god. On the coins of Panticapaeum, the combination of images of satyrs on the obverse with an Apollinian griffin on the reverse enables suggestion of the fusion of Dionysus and Apollo in the context of Orphic beliefs as well as in the religion of the Bosporans. In the Bosporus, the Dionysian circle is associated not only with a number of gods close to the cult of Dionysus in other areas of the Greek world (Demeter, Kore, Heracles, Aphrodite, and Eros), but also mythological characters not associated with him (Paris, Europa, etc.). Finds in the burial mounds of the Scythian and Sindian nobility of various cult-related artifacts, often with images of characters of the Dionysian circle, indicate the closeness of the latter to the religious and mythological ideas of the barbarians. This circle also includes the male counterpart of the snake-footed hypostasis of the Great Goddess (‘Master of Beasts’), which appears on several monuments and which, like other Dionysian characters, was thought of as a subordinate deity to her.
7
Beig, Ramees Raja. "Guptas and Inclusive Sectarianism: An Epigraphic and Numismatic Study." Scholars Journal of Agriculture and Veterinary Sciences 10, no. 9 (September 3, 2022): 413–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i09.003.
Full textAbstract:
The fourth, fifth, and first half of the sixth centuries of the Christian era—the period known as the Imperial Guptas in India—present a religious landscape with intricate vertical and horizontal linkages. The Vedic rituals and gods are depicted in one section of this as standing at the pinnacle of several Brahmanical religious systems that are horizontally connected to one another. The non-Brahmanical systems are similarly depicted in a horizontal relationship with one another, but without the Vedic vertex, and running antagonistically opposite the Brahmanical ones, sharing in the new options provided by the prevalent element of folk and local cults involving the Yaksas, the veneration of sacred trees and rivers, etc. in the care of those who revere holy rivers and forests, etc. The Gupta kings used this perplexing substance to paint a harmonious scene on the canvas.
8
Dutta, Debajit. "Contextualising Numismatic with Religion: Focus on Medieval Northeast India." Indian Historical Review 46, no. 1 (June 2019): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983619856135.
Full textAbstract:
Coins are utility object mostly produced by the state for the use of day-do-day transactions, long-distance trade and sometimes as gifts. Hence, numismatic has mainly been used for the study of economic, political and administrative histories. But numismatic can also be used for the reconstruction of the material culture of our glorious past. By a minute study of our ancient and medieval coinage, we can get an impression about contemporary religious and cultural sensibilities of various ethnic societies. By examining the religious epithets and figures of gods and goddesses and other non-anthropogenic signs present on the coins, one can judge the religious affiliation of the state or the king. This article will address the issue of religious symbolism on medieval Northeast Indian dynastic coins like those of Tripura, Koch Behar and Ahom kingdoms and will try to ventilate how these kingdoms used coins to advocate their religio-cultural affinity as well as to maintain their sovereign stature for quite a long period in their respective domains.
9
Filges, Axel. "Cult Image or Decor? Options for the Interpretation of Deities on Provincial Coinage from Asia Minor in an Overview of Research History." Electrum 30 (June 26, 2023): 235–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.23.008.17325.
Full textAbstract:
The interpretation of figures of deities on the reverse of the coins of Asia Minor cities of the imperial period is usually done in several steps. The deity is generally quickly determined. It is difficult, however, to establish the superior intention behind the depiction. Does the figure refer to a real cult statue of the emitting city, is the image ‘only’ a reference to a local cult or was it chosen to symbolise, for instance, political connections of cities? The essay brings together opinions from 140 years of international numismatic scholarship and thus offers an overview of the changing patterns of interpretation as well as their range in general. In the end, a more conscious approach to the figures of the gods on coins and a more reflective methodological approach are recommended.
10
MANUS & UKAGA, Ukachukwu Chris &. Jude Chiedo. "The ‘Kauri’ - Ego Kiri Kiri: Pre-colonial Cash and its Religious Usages Among the Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria." Cahiers des Religions Africaines 1, no. 1 (April 25, 2020): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.61496/nxuv4363.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Kauri, Ego Kiri Kiri, the pre-colonial cash in Igboland of Nigeria and its usages in the religious, ritual and votive offerings in shrines, temples and in sanctuaries so widespread in the then Igboland is the focus of this article. Many had used their cash to placate the “gods of the ancestors”who they believed had prospered their “hands”. Ego Kiri Kiri became, no doubt, the essential commodity to implore the Eze Mmuos (Chief priests/esses) to plead the divinities to solicit their continued blessings. Our study adopts “the methodology of oral tradition” to reconstruct the historical trajectories of the Kauri and its pluriform usages in the religious houses across Igboland. The article concludes that the religious usages of the Kauri reveal Igboman’s conscious awareness of the nexus between spirituality and economic pursuits. Keywords: sanctuaries, sacred relics, effigies, numismatic scholarship, pilgrims and devotees.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Gods in numismatics"
1
Erickson, Kyle Glenn. "The early Seleucids, their gods and their coins." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/95348.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that the iconography on Seleucid coins was created in order to appeal to the various ethnic groups within the empire and thereby reinforced the legitimacy of the dynasty. It first examines the iconography of Seleucus I and argues that as Seleucus became more secure in his rule he began to develop a new iconography that was a blend of Alexander’s and his own. This pattern changed under Antiochus I. He replaced the Zeus of Alexander and of Seleucus with Apollo-on-the-omphalos. At approximately the same time, a dynastic myth of descent from Apollo was created and promulgated. It is argued that in addition to the traditional view that Apollo was readily identifiable to the Greco-Macedonians within the empire he was also accessible to the Babylonians through the god Nabû and to the Persians as a Greek (or Macedonian) version of the reigning king. This ambiguity made Apollo an ideal figure to represent the multi-ethnic ruling house. This also explains the dynasty’s reluctance to deviate from the iconography established by Antiochus I. This thesis continues to explore the role of Apollo and other gods in creating an iconography which represented Seleucid power ending with the reign of Antiochus III. This thesis also incorporates the numismatic representations of the king as divine into the debate on ruler cult. This evidence suggests that the Seleucids may have had some form of ruler cult before the reign of Antiochus III.
2
Wellington, Imogen Jane. "Gifts to the gods? : votive deposition in north-eastern France from 250 BC to the age of Augustus : a numismatic perspective." Thesis, Durham University, 2005. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1274/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the use of coinage on votive sites of the later Iron Age and earliest Roman period in the north-east of France. Moving beyond numismatic studies, it evaluates the archaeological contexts in which Iron Age coins have been found, and seeks to use a single artefact type to consider the nature of centralised votive deposition in this area. Previously, a single type of votive deposition has been assumed to exist in the study area based on the presence of an archaeologically visible votive tradition in western Picardy. This study reviews the archaeological evidence from a wider area, and considers the extremely regional nature of votive deposition from the point of the numismatic deposits. It also looks chronologically at developments in the deposition of artefacts on votive sites, and reviews the changing nature of votive deposition over time. The development of oppida is also entwined with votive sites, many in the study area also having votive foci, and large ritual deposits of coinage. The appearance of coinage is closely related to an increasingly complex society, including the appearance of oppida and centralised votive sites, and reasons for this are suggested. The function of coinage in later Iron Age societies is considered. In the later Iron Age coinage was produced in large quantities on votive sites, and was deposited in the immediate locality. The evidence suggests that coins were produced primarily for votive deposition in parts of the study area, a trend which begins with early potin and silver, and increases after the Gallic Wars in the middle of the first century BC.
3
Fox, Tatiana Eileen. "The Cult of Antinous and the Response of the Greek East to Hadrian's Creation of a God." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1399414457.
Full textBooks on the topic "Gods in numismatics"
1
Agravāla, Mādhurī. Prācīna Bhāratīya sikkoṃ aura moharoṃ para Brāhmaṇa devī-devatā aura unake pratīka: Prārambha se Gupta kāla taka. Dillī: Rāmānanda Vidyā Bhavana, 1988.
Find full text
2
Christodoulou, Dēmētrios N. Hoi morphes tōn archaiōn theōn stēn nomismatokopia tou Megalou Kōnstantinou: 306-326 m.Ch. Athēnai: Hellenikē Nomismatikē Hetaireia, 1998.
Find full text
3
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston., ed. The cult images of imperial Rome. Roma: Bretschneider, 1987.
Find full text
4
Banerji, Arundhati. Images, attributes & motifs: Studies in early Indian art and numismatics. Delhi: Sundeep Prakashan, 1993.
Find full text
5
1953-, Nollé Johannes, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut. Kommission für Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik, and Civiche raccolte numismatiche di Milano, eds. Termessus Maior di Pisidia: Monete semi-autonome con "testa di Zeus" dell'anno [theta] (9 = 260-261 d.C.) di Gallienus : note introduttive. Milano: Ennerre, 1999.
Find full text
6
(Greece), Ethnikon Archaiologikon Mouseion, Ethnikon Nomismatikon Mouseion (Athens, Greece), and Alpha Bank, eds. Mythos kai nomisma: Parastaseis, symvolismoi kai hermēneies apo tēn hellēnikē mythologia. Athēnai: Alpha Bank, 2011.
Find full text
7
Drösser, Wolfgang. Christus auf Münzen -- in Zeichen, Worten und Bildern: Rom, Byzanz und Axum. Brühl: Wolfgang Drösser, 2011.
Find full text
8
Prottung, Petronella. Darstellungen der hellenistischen Stadttyche. Münster: Lit, 1995.
Find full text
9
Filiè, Federico. La moneta romana: Il suo restauro e il suo simbolismo. Nepi]: Edizioni C.N.R.L., 2018.
Find full text
10
Numizmatyczne, Polskie Towarzystwo. Aukcja 20, sobota, 13 grudnia 2003 r., godz. 10: 00. Warszawa: Polskie Tow. Numizmatyczne, 2003.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Gods in numismatics"
1
Feldman, Alex M. "Monotheisation in Metal." In The Monotheisation of Pontic-Caspian Eurasia, 151–66. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474478106.003.0005.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter discusses comparative coin reforms and ecumenical empires. In 837/838 CE, the Khazar khagan initiated a coin reform meant to affirm his religion on the coinage to be circulated throughout his realm. Though in Arabic script and consciously copying the contemporary Islamic dirham, it read “Moses is messenger of God,” alongside the common Arabic script reading, “Mohammed is the messenger of God,” at the time, Khazaria was a considerable power which the Byzantine emperors and Islamic Caliphs regarded as roughly equals in projecting and protecting a third ecumenical faith: Judaism. While Judaism failed to take enduring root in Khazaria and the coin reform discontinued, the coins themselves survived, namely in the famous Spillings Hoard found in 1999 on the Swedish Island of Gotland. When contextualised along with ‘Abd al-Malik’s Islamic coin reforms (ca. 696-705) and Justinian II’s Christian Roman coin reforms (ca. 705-711), this chapter uses numismatic evidence to demonstrate that nationality and/or sovereignty projected backwards as early as possible (exemplified by the 11-13th-c. Piast and Árpád dynasties which ruled what later became Poland and Hungary respectively) is frequently anachronistic.
2
Hamerow, Helena. "Rural Centres, Trade, and Non-Agrarian Production." In Early Medieval Settlements. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199246977.003.0010.
Full textAbstract:
In contrast to the relative scarcity of publications dealing with the buildings and layouts of rural settlements, many volumes have been devoted to the development of early medieval trade and craft production (e.g. Jankuhn et al. 1981; 1983; K. Düwel et al. 1987, vols. 1–4; Hodges and Whitehouse 1983). Archaeological research into these topics has been made more fruitful—as well as more complex—by the contributions of neighbouring disciplines such as history, geography, and numismatics. It has, however, tended to focus almost exclusively on towns, monasteries, and royal centres, yet craft production, trade, and exchange also played a significant role in farming communities before and after the emergence of such specialized centres. Indeed, the rural settlements of northwest Europe were already significantly differentiated in their economies in the Migration period, suggesting a high level of socio-economic complexity several centuries earlier than has generally been supposed. The evidence now available for trade and non-agrarian production, which derives almost wholly from archaeology, calls for a thoroughgoing reassessment of when and how centralized authorities emerged in northern Europe after the collapse of the western Empire. This is particularly true for northern Germany and southern Scandinavia, where early state formation has conventionally been dated to the late Viking period. Research into state formation has in the past focused on the origins of towns and market centres, the latter usually seen as arising from participation in long-distance trade which was controlled by kings or magnates. Yet, several centuries before there were kings or towns in northern Europe, rural settlements emerged which point to a degree of political centralization. This chapter considers the evidence for these rural centres and the role of non-agrarian production and exchange in rural settlements generally: what was the scale and context of the production, distribution, and consumption of non-agrarian goods? Who controlled these activities, and how, if at all, did the long-distance trade networks which fuelled the nascent towns of Merovingian and Viking Age Europe affect the economies of the communities which lay in their hinterlands?
3
Gannon, Anna. "Human Figures." In The Iconography of Early Anglo-Saxon Coinage. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199254651.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
Many reverses of the Intermediate and Secondary phases have human figures either singly or in pairs, sitting or standing, and with a variety of attributes. Among the many figures representing Virtues in Roman art and coinage, that of Victory must be counted among the most influential of Roman-inspired reverse coin designs. Quite apart from formal variations, the subtlety with which it could be used as propaganda for military or political achievements facilitated its passage to a more idealized sphere. The move, already effected in stoic circles, where Victory had come to signify abstract philosophical and moral triumphs, culminated with Christianity to symbolize virtuous triumph and ultimate victory over death. Iconographically, in addition to the traditional wreath and palm carried by Victory, still appropriate symbols of triumph for the new ideology, other specifically Christian attributes were added, such as long crosses. The shift from pagan to Christian mirrors a readjustment not only in the meaning, but in the perception of Victory, which, together with other Virtues of pagan times, became an Angel, a personification of the celestial power of God. In the Lombard regal gold coinage (c.690–774), during the reign of Cunincpert (688–700), the traditional Victory transformed into the Archangel St Michael (Fig. 3.1). Anglo-Saxon moneyers would have had many different models of Victory to draw on, not only from Roman examples, numismatic and others, but from Byzantine, Burgundian, Alemannic, Merovingian, Visigothic, and Lombard coins, appealing to Romanitas and with political or religious overtones. It is surprising that more extensive use of it was not made. Indeed, the find of a gold coin on the seashore at Weymouth, with a striding Victory on its reverse, led Stewart to propose that this and another gold coin with a facing Victory, unprovenanced, could represent an early and unrecognized phase of Anglo- Saxon coinage, contemporary to the time when the Victory was used as a reverse on Continental coins, before being replaced by crosses (c.578–82). His suggestion has encountered scepticism, mainly because an English origin is debatable for both.