Relevant bibliographies by topics / Gomułka Władysław

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Gomułka Władysław'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Gomułka Władysław"

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Bielanowska, Judyta. "Anita J. Prażmowska, Władysław Gomułka, Warszawa 2016, pp. 295." Historia i Polityka, no. 24 (31) (June 11, 2018): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2018.018.

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Jarosz, Dariusz. "Authorities and Society vs. Financial Crime in the Gomułka Period in Poland." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 34, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2016-0005.

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Abstract The pivotal motive behind financial crime in the real socialist states was the chronic shortage of goods and services. In the case of Poland under the Gomułka administration (1956-1970), a factor which contributed to the prevalence of practices considered economically criminal was, ironically, the liberalization of the government in the period following Władysław Gomułka’s rise to power. The procedure of issuing new licenses to private and co-operative manufacturing businesses fostered illegal practices, because the new businesses needed supplies of deficit resources. Private trade businesses struggled with similar problems. The authorities tried to prevent financial crime by concentrating on publishing new laws which allowed heavy punishment for those behind the biggest economic scandals. In this field, the penal policy was shaped by the top authorities of the communist party, and their decisions were binding for the institutions of the justice system. Such decisions of the top authorities of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) were behind the death sentence for Stanisław Wawrzecki, who was charged with fraudulence in meat trade in Warsaw. Poles’ attitude towards financial crime was not clear-cut. One the one hand, in their letters to authorities, many Poles expressed their support for severe punishment for those responsible for the biggest fraud, while others objected towards capital punishment for Wawrzecki. The information we have on the dynamics of confirmed financial crimes does not provide a clear answer whether it was actually related to the severity of the punishments.
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Eisler, Jerzy. "Better Not at All Than Not Well. A Review of a Biography of Władysław Gomułka." Kwartalnik Historyczny 124, no. 2 (March 10, 2018): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/kh.2017.124.si.2.06.

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Bellifemine, Onofrio. "“La scintilla della libertà”: il 1956 polacco nella pubblicistica italiana." Forum Filologiczne Ateneum, no. 1(9)2021 (December 15, 2021): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36575/2353-2912/1(9)2021.231.

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Nel 1956 la Polonia è stata attraversata da significative trasformazioni politiche, culturali e sociali. Queste sono connesse agli eventi che hanno stravolto il Pcus e il comunismo internazionale dopo la denuncia dei crimini commessi da Stalin durante il XX congresso del partito tenutosi a Mosca. Particolarmente significative sono state l'emergere di una corrente riformista all'interno del PZPR, la rivolta operaia di Poznan e la sua severa repressione, il ritorno alla segreteria del partito di Władysław Gomułka e l'apertura di una nuova fase politica che ispirerà la rivolta di Budapest. Queste vicende hanno goduto di una grande attenzione presso l'opinione pubblica internazionale. Nel seguente saggio si analizza in modo critico come la stampa italiana ha ricostruito questi fatti, quali interpretazioni sono state fornite a seconda delle fasi sulla Polonia e sulle evoluzioni della situazione politica.
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Madajczyk, Piotr. "Reakcja zachodnioniemieckich mediów na wydarzenia Marca i kampanię antysemicką w Polsce." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 20 (March 30, 2012): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2012.20.03.

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The article analyses the impact of the events of 1968 on West German public opinion and politics. Following the first comments in the press, published on 11th March, the events of that month in Poland were watched attentively in the FRG. West German observers connected with the power struggles in the PUWP, while West German politicians were of the opinion that the best solution in such a situation would be to wait and see, and sustain contacts with Warsaw cautiously.In view of the growing wave of anti-Semitic pronouncements, the PUWP leader, Mr Władysław Gomułka was judged relatively mildly, assuming that he wanted to restrain them but had to yield under pressure. These pronouncements, however, a racted the a ention of the opinion-forming media in the FRG, which reacted with exaggerated comparisons to anti-Semitism in the Third Reich. Polish diplomacy, on the other hand, was effective in using the argument that an ‘anti-Polish campaign’ in the media was harmful to the detente in Europe. This effective tool of diplomacy was unable, however, to prevent the negative consequences of references to the stereotype of Polish anti-Semitism.
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Jankowiak, Stanisław. "New Reality – New Problems. Financial Crime in Greater Poland in the Years 1945-1970." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 34, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2016-0007.

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Abstract Systemic transformation in Poland after the Second World War led to deep transformations within the economy. It did not, however, change the way people thought. Despite the chaos of the post-war period, in which all the negative features shaped in the period of occupation manifested themselves, it seemed that the conceptual leaders of the Polish political and economic life would create new quality. However, it soon turned out that old habits die hard and the system created by communists opened a field for many abuses. This was accompanied by a sense of impunity, as the most prominent personalities in a given region were also involved in economic scandals. All this resulted in the creation of “cliques” in which both prominent Party activists and people put by the Party in high positions (usually also members of the Polish United Workers’ Party, PUWP) played important roles. On the one hand, after 1956, surveillance by the Security Office (UB) or Security Services (SB) was not that strict anymore, and on the other, the so-called “private initiative” started to develop fast – therefore the more “entrepreneurial” individuals started to exploit the situation and gain wealth. Abusing one’s position to organize large-scale thefts was considered relatively normal. This happened in various forms: sometimes directly, but more often by supporting or even organizing private projects with the use of the national, though unsupervised, supply of raw materials or products. This way, the Party members grew richer at the expense of the companies they worked for. This business was relatively widely tolerated by ordinary citizens, who saw it as an excuse to also “organize” goods individually for their own purposes in the companies which employed them. This common belief that “everybody steals” allowed people to justify their own dishonesty. Any attempts to fight this problem failed to produce satisfactory results. The diagnosis, even if correct, had to face reality, in which the pursuit of a better quality of life by the Party elites collided with the officially promoted ascetic lifestyles of the “ideological communists”, who, like Władysław Gomułka, did not understood the new times.
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Król, Eugeniusz Cezary. "Polska kultura i nauka w 1968 roku. Uwarunkowania i podstawowe problemy egzystencji." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 18 (March 30, 2010): 77–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2010.18.05.

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The author presents the determinants and basic problems of existence of Polish science and culture in the period preceding the turbulent year of 1968, as well as the events directly related to this key date in Poland’s history. The departure, by Mr Gomułka’s team, from the ‘achievements’ of the Polish October of ’56, that is, from certain concessions of a democratic nature, evoked deep disappointment in both institutions and the scientific, cultural and artistic milieus, and this, in time, led to attempts at protest. The PRP authorities and, most of all, the sections therein which were responsible for science, education and culture, systematically intervened in activities of the respective professional groups. The tightening of censorship, restrictions in the allocation of printing paper for books and periodicals, the closing down of newspapers, weeklies and magazines ‘inconvenient’ from the point of view of the authorities, the lack of opportunities for dialogue and constructive criticism, repressions against those who openly expressed their independent opinions, and the systematic surveillance of the scientific and creative milieus, were only a part of operations undertaken by the PRP powers-that-be in the second half of the 1960s. It was in that climate that a conflict between the state and the Roman Catholic Church was played out in the process of the Polish State Millennium celebrations in 1966, which coincided with the escalation of the party’s conflict with the intellectuals and men and women of letters, as well as with intra-party infighting between factions within the PUWP. It was the shortcomings of the centralised, command economy and the growing shortages in the shops which resulted in Poland’s situation becoming unstable and threatening to explode. The role of the fuse was performed by the events of March 1968, which were enacted in the cultural and scientific milieus: the turbulent meetings of Warsaw’s men and women of letters, the removal of Adam Mickiewicz’s Dziady (Forefathers’ Eve) from the National Theatre’s repertoire, the manifestation in protest against the removal which followed the last performance, and finally, the students’ rally in the courtyard of Warsaw University, as well as the strikes on the part of students and the personnel of higher education institutions in Warsaw and other Polish cities as the continuation of that rally. It was after these events, when the party had launched an anti-intelligentsia campaign, supplemented with an anti-Semite witch hunt and smear campaign, unleashed by the ‘partisans’ faction around Mieczysław Moczar and by Mr Władysław Gomułka himself. An ‘ethnic criterion’ was applied to the Polish scientific and cultural milieus, eliminating, in the climate of a media witch hunt, renowned academic teachers, scholars, film-makers, publishers, journalists, men and women of letters of Jewish extraction and, finally, driving them to emigrate from Poland. The Polish Armed Forces’ participation in the aggression against Czechoslovakia in 1968 evoked another wave of protests in Poland. The world of culture and science and its representatives living in the West expressed solidarity with the Czech and Slovak nations. This resulted in new arrests and the further emigration of the intellectual elites. It was the most dogmatic and anti-liberal faction of the party apparatchiks, supported by secret and overtcollaborators with the security structures, who came from different professional groups that were also related to science, culture and education, which became highly vocal and obtained wide access to the mass media. It was in this period that Polish culture and science toughened up and delivered itself of illusions; however, it also suffered losses, the recouping of which would be a painful process and, subsequently, would subsequently take its full toll of years.
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Syrwid, Robert. "Providing Victor Hoffmann to Wladyslaw Gomulka 1946." Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 290, no. 4 (December 16, 2015): 699–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-142854.

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Żuraszek-Ryś, Iwona. "Dekomunizacja zielonogórskich urbanonimów." Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 26, no. 1 (September 15, 2019): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2019.26.1.11.

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The article describes the process of decommunization of urbanonyms in one of the Polish voivodeship capitals, Zielona Góra. It presents both the changes in naming we are witnessing currently and past ones. During the first removal of communist patrons we still had to deal with the period of the Polish People’s Republic after Stalin’s death and Władysław Gomułka’s coming to power. However, the changes introduced at that time were quite limited and concerned a small number of people who were no longer in power – Stalin and Marshal Rola-Żymierski. The proper decommunization was related to the political transformation after 1989. The previous urbanonyms, based mainly on anthroponyms, were replaced with names referring to people and events that could not be commemorated before and were to be erased from history (e.g. ul. Hanki Sawickiej changed to ul. gen. Okulickiego). In addition, the changes were motivated by the need nto commemorate local activists and heroes, and to highlight the history and topography of the city. The last decommunization was enforced by the enactment of the Act on the Prohibition of Propagation of Communism or Other Totalitarian Regimes and ended quite recently (the last street name change was voted on on March 27, 2018). Four streets in Zielona Góra have been renamed, including two referring to military organizations associated with the communist movement (ul. Armii Ludowej→ ul. Władysława Jagiełły and ul. II Armii → ul. Żołnierzy 2 Armii), and two based on dates (ul. Przylep-22 Lipca → ul. Przylep-Solidarności and ul. Przylep-9 Maja → ul. Przylep-8 Maja). Therefore, in the case of both decommunizations, ideological considerations prevailed, and to a lesser degree so did economic or cultural ones.
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Orzełek, Ariel. "Koncepcja socjalizmu wieloświatopoglądowego Stowarzyszenia „PAX” w ocenie centralnych organów bezpieczeństwa Polski Ludowej w okresie rządów Władysława Gomułki i Edwarda Gierka (1956–1980)." Dzieje Najnowsze 51, no. 4 (February 15, 2020): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/dn.2019.4.07.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Gomułka Władysław"

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Kůželová, Michaela. "Vztahy Polské sjednocené dělnické strany a Francouzské komunistické strany v roce 1956." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298417.

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The master thesis -The Relations between the Polish United Workers' Party and the French Communist Party in 1956‖ deals with the relations between the Central European Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) and the West European French Communist Party (PCF) in the crisis year of 1956. Analysing their mutual relations in 1956 is not only interesting from the point of view of East- West connections, but chiefly of the different approaches to Khrushchev's policy of destalinisation. Whereas the PCF was more or less under the Stalinist Maurice Thorez's control, which prevented Khrushchev's French supporters from influencing their party's politics, in case of the PZPR, the death of Bolesław Bierut in March 1956 made room for larger variety of opinions within the party. This master thesis describes not only the situation of both parties in 1956. It also analyses the images that the parties made about each other and the ways in which these images were spread and how they influenced the relations between them. The striking difference laid in the approach to the destalinisation. The parties perceived differently Khrushchev's -secret speech‖. The PCF leadership firstly denied its existence and later on claimed they did not know about it. The PZPR leadership decided to distribute the copies of the secret speech...
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Books on the topic "Gomułka Władysław"

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András, Domány. Władysław Gomułka. Budapest: Kossuth, 1989.

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Władysław Gomułka, sekretarz generalny PPR. Warszawa: "Książka i Wiedza", 1988.

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Eleonora, Salwa-Syzdek, ed. Między realizmem a Utopią: Władysław Gomułka we wspomnieniach syna. Warszawa: Wydawn. Studio Emka, 2003.

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Bronisław, Syzdek, ed. Polityczne dylematy Władysława Gomułki. Warszawa: Czytelnik, 1985.

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Mazur, Mariusz. Polityczne kampanie prasowe w okresie rządów Władysława Gomułki. Lublin: Lubelskie Towarzystwo Naukowe, 2004.

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Polityczne kampanie prasowe w okresie rządów Władysława Gomułki. Lublin: Lubelskie Tow. Nauk., 2000.

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Eleonora, Salwa-Syzdek, and Kaczmarek Tadeusz 1928-, eds. Władysław Gomułka i jego epoka: Praca zbiorowa. Warszawa: Wydawn. Studio EMKA, 2005.

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Walery, Namiotkiewicz, ed. Działalność Władysława Gomułki: Fakty, wspomnienia, opinie. Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Gomułka Władysław"

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Prażmowska, Anita J. "Władysław Gomułka." In Mental Maps in the Early Cold War Era, 1945–68, 109–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230306066_7.

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Kochanowski, Jerzy. "A ˋFree City'? The Zakopane of Władysław Gomułka, 1956–1970." In Rooms for Manoeuvre, 119–40. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737013369.119.

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"Gomułka, Władysław (Poland)." In The Statesman’s Yearbook Companion, 142–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95839-9_284.

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Boysen, Jens. "Not Quite “Brothers in Arms”: East Germany and People’s Poland between Mutual Dependency and Mutual Distrust, 1975–1990." In Trust, but Verify. Stanford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804798099.003.0009.

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This chapter assesses the relationship between East Germany and Poland during the last phase of the Cold War. It explains how the historical legacy of German–Polish relations infused the relationship of both countries with mistrust, despite the officially proclaimed brotherhood of a “socialist community” mandated from Moscow. Personal enmity between communist leaders Walter Ulbricht and Władysław Gomułka, conceptual differences of notions of statehood, and rivaling foreign policy goals and ideas about tolerance for domestic opposition since the end of the 1970s only exacerbated these tensions, which not even successful military cooperation under the Warsaw Pact umbrella was able to alleviate. Held together by their relationship to the Soviet hegemon, the officially required “trust” between the two countries fully disintegrated in the second half of the 1980s.
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Polonsky, Antony. "Jerzy Turowicz." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 14, 426–28. Liverpool University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774693.003.0043.

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This chapter considers the life of the late Jerzy Turowicz (1912–1999). Turowicz played a key role in the preservation of liberal values in Poland and in its re-emergence as a democratic and pluralistic state. As the long-standing editor of the independent Catholic weekly Tygodnik powszechny, he aired matters which were taboo in the official press, and also attempted to move the Polish Catholic Church to a more open and tolerant view of the world. This was not always an easy task. In 1951, he became editor of the paper, which was founded in 1945, and retained this position until his death, with only one hiatus. After the death of Stalin he was removed from his position because of his refusal to publish an obituary of the Soviet dictator, and the weekly was handed over to the pro-government Catholic grouping Pax. Turowicz returned as editor only in December 1956 after the Polish ‘October’ and the establishment of a national communist regime under Władysław Gomułka.
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"Cable from Andrei Gromyko for Todor Zhivkov, János Kádár, Walter Ulbricht, and Władysław Gomułka Regarding the Internal Security Situation in Czechoslovakia, April 1968." In The Prague Spring, 1968, 96–97. Central European University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.7829/j.ctv280b7ch.30.

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Prażmowska, Anita J. "Władysław Gomułka’s policy towards Germany between 1945–1970." In Reconciliation - Partnership - Security, 29–40. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845280363-28.

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"32. Gespräch Chruschtschows und Władysław Gomułkas mit Korrespondenten in Glencoe bei New York am 25. September 1960." In Anfangsjahre der Berlin-Krise (Herbst 1958 bis Herbst 1960), 416–21. De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110415513.416.

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"Cable to Moscow from Soviet Ambassador to Warsaw Averki Aristov Regarding Władysław Gomułka’s Views on the Situation in Czechoslovakia, April 16, 1968." In The Prague Spring, 1968, 103–4. Central European University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.7829/j.ctv280b7ch.34.

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Conference papers on the topic "Gomułka Władysław"

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Jędrzejski, Łukasz. "Obraz Ligi Kobiet na łamach prasy dla kobiet w okresie gomułkowskim (1956-1970)." In Ogólnopolska Konferencja Naukowa pt. „Ruchy kobiece na ziemiach polskich w XIX i XX w. Stan badań i perspektywy (na tle porównawczym)”. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rknzp.2020.14.

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Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie propagandowych obrazów Ligi Kobiet największej i najpopularniejszej organizacji kobiecej w Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej. Cezury czasowe przyjęte do przeprowadzenia procedury badawczej obejmowały lata 1956-1970 i wyznaczone były przez okres sprawowana funkcji I sekretarza Komitetu Centralnego przez Władysława Gomułkę. Prasa dla kobiet (dedykowana płci) była elementem systemu medialnego Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej. W toku eksploracji tematu spożytkowano artykuły poświęcone działalności Ligi Kobiet na łamach „Kobiety i Życia” i „Zwierciadła”.
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Zaniewska, Agnieszka. "Liga Kobiet w okręgu białostockim w latach 1956-1975. Kierunki i efekty działalności." In Ogólnopolska Konferencja Naukowa pt. „Ruchy kobiece na ziemiach polskich w XIX i XX w. Stan badań i perspektywy (na tle porównawczym)”. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rknzp.2020.15.

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Działalność Ligi Kobiet w okręgu białostockim w okresie rządów Władysława Gomułki i pierwszych latach rządów Edwarda Gierka była zgodna z polityką Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. Organizacja kobieca działająca w systemie komunistycznym i stanowiąca zaplecze propagandowe partii rządzącej prowadziła działalność popularyzującą panujący ustrój polityczny. Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje główne aktywności podejmowane przez Ligę Kobiet w północno-wschodniej części Polski Ludowej, a także rezultaty jej działalności prezentowane na łamach biuletynu „Nasza Praca” oraz wybranej prasy regionalnej.
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