Academic literature on the topic 'Gothic revival (Architecture)'

The notion of “Gothic survival” is still prevalent in literature on Gothic revival architecture in England. This concept implies the possibility of the unreflexive survival of Gothic architectural tradition in some distant provincial regions, where architects, searching connections with the past or folk traditions, could find it. This notion, dating back to the literature of the beginning of the 20th century, can be convincingly refuted by analyzing the meanings and purposes of different stages of Gothic revival. The article aims to demonstrate that the use of Gothic architectural forms in the second half of the 17th — beginning of the 18th century was initiated by intellectuals and had no connection to the preservation of artisan traditions.The courtiers of Elizabeth I, re-enacting mediaeval romances and Arthurian legends, conducted the earliest known Gothic revival. The relation between Eli­zabethan architecture and Gothic tradition has been discussed many times. And in later decades — du­ring the Stuart era, the Commonwealth and after the Restoration — Gothic colleges and churches were extensively built.Basing on the sources available, it can be assumed that, though there was not any chronological break in Gothic architectural tradition, Gothic revival had been ideologically biased from its very beginning. We can also say that the spread of classical architecture in England not only was unable to destroy the Gothic tradition, but also gave it new meanings and almost immediately made any appeal to Gothic forms an ideological statement.

Batty Langley (1696-1751) is one of the most familiar and generally infamous figures of Britain's eighteenth-century Gothic Revival (Fig. 1). Following his father, he trained as a gardener and was one of the early promoters of the irregular style that prefigured William Hogarth's ‘line of beauty’. Langley's interest, however, turned to architecture and he produced numerous architectural treatises and pattern books, the majority of which were concerned with Classical architecture. This was a sensible decision since, as Eileen Harris and Nicholas Savage observe, ‘Langley had much to gain by concentrating his publishing activities on architecture, for which there was a considerably larger, more diversified, and less discriminating market.’ His most well-known publication, however, is concerned with the Gothic: Ancient Architecture: Restored, and Improved by a Great Variety of Grand and Useful Designs, Entirely New in the Gothick Mode (1741-42).

Recent research has transformed our understanding of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as a phase in the wider process of the Gothic Revival. While historical writing on the Gothic Revival had previously tended to see the significance of the period between 1790 and 1820 largely in terms of its academic contribution to the later development of Victorian Gothic Revival architecture, emphasizing especially the role of antiquarian scholarship in providing a basis of archaeological accuracy upon which subsequent architects could draw, more diverse angles have been opened up within the last couple of decades. Research by Simon Bradley, Chris Brooks and others has illuminated debates on the origins of the Gothic style itself and the patriotic language underpinning them, and has added greatly to our understanding of the associations between Gothic and ‘Englishness’. Rosemary Hill has investigated the ambiguous and problematic religious connotations of Gothic. Simon Bradley has authoritatively anatomized the increasingly enthusiastic take-up of Gothic by the Anglican Church in the first few decades of the nineteenth century, and has uncovered a rich prehistory of ecclesiological principles before the foundation of the Camden Society and all its powerfully misleading retrospective propaganda.

Abstract- At a glance, the Church of Saint which Laurensius located in Serpong is like a church built in the past. However, when traced, it turns out this church is a new church that was built in 2007 by applying the Style of Gothic Architecture on the building. The application of elements of gothic architecture is not only visible from the outside of the church, but also on the inside of the church. For that, it will be further investigated about the application of any gothic elements contained in the study object.Gothic architectural elements are divided into several periods based on its development, ranging from Early Gothic, High Gothic, Late Gothic to Gothic Revival or Neo-Gothic. Gothic architectural elements have different characteristics and characters in each period of development. In this research, discussed theories about elements in gothic architecture based on its development. There are 17 elements analyzed in this research. These seventeen elements are summarized into three major sections covering the structural elements, non-structural elements, and spatial arrangements. Analysis of the application of gothic architectural elements to the Church of St. Laurensius begins by describing the elements present in the study object and then compared with the gothic architectural elements of the gothic period described in the second chapter. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be seen that from 17 elements observed, 12 elements of which are adapted from the building elements contained in the period of neo-gothic architecture. Key Words: Gothic, Period, Element, Architecture, Neo-Gothic

Early Gothic Revival architecture in Canada, particularly from the period prior to the 1840s, when the influence of A. W. N. Pugin and the Ecclesiologists began to be felt, has been little studied. This paper reconstructs a lost monument-St. Mary's, in Halifax, Nova Scotia, as erected 1820-1830-which may have been the first ambitious essay in the Gothic Revival style, especially as it apparently precedes by a few years the single and most famous monument of this time, the parish church of Notre-Dame in Montréal, itself often considered the starting point of the style in Canada. Although the exterior of St. Mary's was modest-essentially it was an exemplar of the rectangular box with "west" tower, definitively formulated by James Gibbs, and ubiquitous since the 1720s-with Gothic detailing replacing Baroque, the interior, known only from one watercolor and partly surviving today, is of greater interest. Divided into nave and aisles by piers of clustered shafts, the piers' form, plus plaster vaults and pointed arches, helped create an aura reminiscent of the Gothic period. The interior was dominated by the design of the sanctuary (now destroyed), where an unusual congregation of architectural forms suggests both the appearance of illusionistic architecture, with a possible connection to New York, and a further transformation of Baroque forms into their Gothic equivalents, with a possible connection to Québec City. Tenuous, circumstantial evidence will be provided to substantiate the plausibility of such sources. This paper also attempts to place St. Mary's in the context of the Gothic Revival in North America c. 1820-1830. As a result, it will be seen that its exterior, although without precedents in Canada, is typical of Gothic Revival churches of the period in the United States. By contrast, the interior design, especially of the sanctuary, suggests it was one of the more imaginative creations in either context. It therefore emerges as a more significant monument in the history of Canadian and North American architecture than heretofore suspected.

The Romanesque revival, like the Gothic revival, was an international movement. It passed easily across national boundaries and its effects were felt throughout Europe and across America. In Britain it was overshadowed by the Gothic revival out of whose historiography it grew, and is easily confused with the Norman revival that enjoyed considerable popularity in the 1830s and 1840s. Both the Norman revival and the study of the Romanesque were the fruit of British antiquarianism, because in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries there was in this country a well developed scholarly interest in pre-Gothic, round-arched buildings.

Abstract The American economist Thorstein Veblen’s The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899) has been used to support and define concepts of architectural modernity for more than one hundred years. Best known for introducing the concept of “conspicuous consumption,” this influential book has been especially valuable for historians of the architecture of consumer culture. Yet curiously, Veblen’s own architectural examples have escaped scholarly attention. This article explores the link Veblen drew between Gothic Revival architecture and cultural barbarism. Inverting the concepts and terminology of race science, Veblen used the image of the Gothic Revival university to criticize the rhetoric of American exceptionalism. Seen through the lens of Veblen’s writing, Henry Ives Cobb’s design for the University of Chicago (1891–97), where Veblen taught for fourteen years, represents the transformation of leisure-class aesthetics under the logic of capitalism.

<p class="Abstracttext-VITRUVIOCxSpFirst">Previously colonized by both Holland and Britain, South Africans have always borrowed; many taking aesthetic clues from memories of ‘home’. Applied seemingly irrelevantly, these ‘clues’ often border on the pastiche. Pre and post Union in 1910, the British-controlled colonies of Natal and the Cape absorbed imported architectural influences which not only introduced an Arts and Crafts layer to Victorian Gothic and Classical revivals, but introduced vital new ideas, namely Art Deco and Modernism.</p><p class="Abstracttext-VITRUVIOCxSpFirst">Somehow this polemic embraced another revival: a melange of Tudor and Elizabethan focusing on detail, craftsmanship and nostalgia. The ‘Tudorbethan’ Revival occurred at a vital point in the inter-war era, and it is contended that this style demonstrated a calculated resistance to the hybrid ‘Union Period’ architecture and its political role in forging a common diasporic identity and culture in the 1930s, rather than a mere application of fashion.</p><p class="Abstracttext-VITRUVIOCxSpFirst">This paper situates the Tudorbethan Revival within contemporary architectural themes in Durban, South Africa, and contextualises the socio-political production of buildings between the wars before examining the works of architects who conceived this well-crafted, nostalgic and irrelevant architecture. It concludes by comparing this complex aesthetic with the contemporary architectural thread of ‘Gwelo’ Goodman’s Cape Dutch Revival suggesting the degree to which domestic architecture is able to support political positions in contested societies.</p>

Gothic architecture, revived and decorated with motifs borrowed from folk art, provided the foundation for the creation of a Croatian national style in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Dragan Damjanović explains how the Viennese architect Friedrich Schmidt and his student and collaborator Herman Bollé created the signature architecture of this movement, the brilliantly colored and boldly patterned tile roofs of St. Mark's church (restored 1875–82), Zagreb cathedral (restored 1878–1902), and the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Marija Bistrica (restored 1878–85). In Polychrome Roof Tiles and National Style in Nineteenth-century Croatia, this architecture is placed in the context of the Gothic Revival in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the collecting and analysis of traditional textiles by the amateur ethnographer Felix (Srećko) Lay.

Informed by the methodology utilized in Peter Williams's Houses of God: Region, Religion, and Architecture in the United States (1997), the thesis examines Mark Lemmon's Gothic Revival design for the Highland Park Presbyterian Church (1941) with special attention to the denomination and social class of the congregation and the architectural style of the church. Beginning with the notion that Lemmon's church is more complex than an expression of the Southern cultural region defined by Williams, the thesis presents the opportunity to examine the church in the context of the unique cultural region of the city of Dallas. Church archival material supports the argument that the congregation deliberately sought to identify with both the forms and ideology of the late nineteenth-century Gothic Revival in the northeastern United States, a result of the influence of Dallas's cultural region.

Collegiate Gothic architecture can be found on many American campuses, yet its beginnings in nineteenth-century United States are something of a mystery. As the nation’s colleges and universities grew more innovative in their modernized curricula and research, strangely, their architecture became more anachronistic with Collegiate Gothic being the most popular. Around the greens of their campuses, Americans built quadrangles of crenellated buildings and monumental gate towers with stained-glass windows, gargoyles, pointed arches, turrets, and spires, thus transforming their collegiate grounds into likenesses of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Why medievalizing buildings came to represent the archetypal college experience has confounded many educators, scientists, and industrialists, who wondered why some of America’s most revolutionary institutions built libraries and academic halls in a style that seemed to oppose everything that was modern. Scholarship has not fully addressed the reasons why Collegiate Gothic buildings came to occupy so many American college campuses. Authors have not regarded the style in its own right, having its own history within the nineteenth-century’s dynamic developments in higher education, religion, politics, urban planning, and architecture. My dissertation evaluates these relationships by addressing the Collegiate Gothic’s first one hundred years on American campuses from 1806 to 1906.

Furniture history is often considered a niche subject removed from the main discipline of art history, and one that has little to do with the output of painters, sculptors and architects. This thesis, however, connects the key intellectual, artistic and architectural debates surfacing in 'the arts' between 1740 and 1840 with the design of British furniture. Despite the expanding corpus of scholarly monographs and articles dealing with individual cabinet-makers, furniture making in geographic areas and periods of time, little attention has been paid to exploring Gothic furniture made between 1740 and 1840. Indeed, no body of research on 'mainstream' Gothic furniture made at this time has been published. No sustained attempt has been made to trace its stylistic evolution, establish stylistic phases, or to place this development within the context of contemporary architectural practice and historiography — except for the study of A.W.N. Pugin's 'Reformed Gothic'. Neither have furniture historians been willing to explore the aesthetic's connection with the intellectual and sentimental position of 'the Gothic' in the period. This thesis addresses these shortcomings and is the first to bridge the historiographic, cultural and architectural concerns of the time with the stylistic, constructional and material characteristics of Gothic furniture. It argues that it, like architecture, was charged with social and political meanings that included national identity in the eighteenth century — around a century before Charles Barry and A.W.N. Pugin designed the Palace of Westminster and prominently associated the Gothic legacy with Britishness.

The St. Johns Bridge is a 1,207 foot span suspension bridge crossing the Willamette River in Portland, Oregon, connecting the Portland communities of St. Johns and Linnton on the eastern and western banks, respectively. Commissioned in 1928, the bridge was completed in 1931, with much fanfare in the local community. The two neighborhoods are some distance from downtown Portland, and the bridge brought prestige to an otherwise nondescript locale. It was designed by the New York-based firm of Steinman & Robinson. David Barnard Steinman (1886-1960) acted as the public face for the firm, however, and the design of the bridge has traditionally been ascribed to him in the literature. Steinman was one of the most prominent bridge engineers of the twentieth century, and is recognized today, as he was even within his lifetime, as such. It was a position which he worked fervently to attain. Steinman wrote extensively concerning the St. Johns Bridge and spoke of it as his own; his extensive use of the St. Johns Bridge as an example of aesthetics in bridge engineering is related to the early twentieth-century debate between engineers and architects regarding the role of each in bridge design. As an engineer who sought, without the aid of the architect, to build bridges which were objects of beauty, he asserted the role of the engineer as artist. The predisposition toward the engineered machine aesthetic in the intellectual climate of the avant-garde in the early twentieth century enabled Steinman to style himself as such an artist--even though the St. Johns Bridge, which he frequently employed in this regard, was not a work of functionalist aesthetics. While the architectural avant-garde was borrowing from the engineer for artistic rejuvenation, Steinman was in an advantageous position to argue for the engineer-artist, thereby casting the engineer as an individual sui generis, equal to and without need of the architect.

‘Secular Gothic Revival Architecture in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Liverpool’, written by Joseph Sharples, argues against the belief that early and mid-Victorian Liverpudlian architecture was single-mindedly Classical, and instead foregrounds the significant number of Gothic commercial buildings erected in Liverpool from the mid-1860s, suggesting that Liverpool architects were not as constitutionally anti-Gothic as first thought.

Abstract Roman architecture is known to us most directly through two sources: the surviving ruins, and Vitruvius’ De architectura, which is the only treatise on architecture to survive from the ancient world. As we shall sec, both the ruins and the writing have been interpreted down the ages in an astonishingly wide variety of ways. None the less, the legacy of Roman architecture is today often interpreted as having reached its climax during the Renaissance, after which it was superseded by the Greek Revival, the Gothic Revival, and finally by the Modern Movement. This chapter should demonstrate the falsity of this view by showing how the achievement of ancient Rome in planning, building, and decoration underpins most of the main developments of Western architecture. What makes the process of exploring this legacy exciting is that it becomes clear that each age has to rediscover for itself the message of ancient Rome.

В статье прослеживается история Фанагории с середины 3 в., когда жизнь Боспорского царства, в состав которого входила Фанагория, была нарушена вторжением племенных союзов готов, до конца 7 столетия, когда Боспор захватили хазары, и в истории Фанагории начался новый период. Сопоставляются сведения, содержащиеся в письмен - ных источниках и эпиграфических памятниках, данные археологии и нумизматики. История Фанагории рассматривается на фоне политической и экономической ситуации в Северном Причерноморье. Уточнение хронологии ключевых групп материала и ряд новых находок позволили пересмотреть даты некоторых важных событий в истории города. В середине 3 в. относительно спокойная жизнь Боспорского царства была нарушена появлением племенных союзов готов и других восточногерманских народов, которые в 255 г. по суше достигли Боспора и, переправившись через Меотиду, разорили хору каких-то городов и разгромили Танаис. С берегов Меотиды готы в течение двадцати лет совершали практически ежегодные морские и сухопутные набеги на римские владения в Причерноморье и Восточном Средиземноморье. Поскольку европейская сторона, пострадавшая при готских вторжениях, не могла предоставить необходимый провиант и корабли, подготовка этих походов была возможна только при использовании ресурсов городов и хоры азиатской половины Боспорского государства. Именно в города Азиатского Боспора, в том числе Фанагорию, «скифы» свозили награбленное добро, ставшее источником подъема экономики Боспорского царства. После разгрома германцев в 276 г. на Боспоре наступает относительно спокойный период. Правители Боспора контролируют прежнюю территорию, в том числе Азиатский Боспор. В последней четверти 3–4 вв. оживляется сильно нарушенная германцами экономика Боспора, в которой, как свидетельствует нумизматический материал, преобладает его азиатская сторона, где развернулась активная строительная деятельность. В частности, в Фанагории ко времени не ранее конца 3–4 вв. н. э. относится строительство портовых сооружений; несколько меняется облик города: на месте богатых общественных сооружений появляются крупные винодельческие комплексы и жилые дома. Следы разрушений и пожаров, выявленные на различных поселениях Таманского полуострова, и клады, сокрытые не ранее 341–342 гг., говорят о внезапной атаке, возможно, каких-то северокавказских племен. Однако Фанагория, по-видимому, избежала разгрома: город сохраняет территорию в прежних границах и продолжает оставаться крупным ремесленным и торговым центром. В какой-то момент жизнь города была прервана неким событием, оставившим после себя следы разрушений и пожара, выявленные в нескольких районах города. Боль шинство исследователей связывает это разрушение с нашествием гуннов и относит ко времени правления императора Валента (364–378). Однако на основе анализа данных письменных источников и состава комплекса керамики из слоя пожара и комплексов, связанных с расчисткой города перед новым строительством, оно может быть датировано временем около середины 5 в., хотя виновника этих разрушений определить не удается. Приблизительно в это же время прекращают существование Кепы, Батарейка I и II, Красноармейское, Каменная батарейка. Остались лишь крупные города – Фанагория и Гермонасса и, может быть, какие-то производственные центры. В результате описанных событий территория города несколько сократилась: строительные остатки, которые можно было бы датировать временем после первой половины 5 в., не прослежены на юго-восточной и юго-западной окраине города. Однако в централь - ной части нижнего и верхнем плато города жизнь возобновляется довольно быстро. В конце 5 или начале 6 в. Боспорское царство входит в сферу влияния Византийской империи. Однако период относительной стабильности под крылом Византии в Фанагории по сведениям письменных источников и данным археологии внезапно обрывается в середине 6 в. С одной стороны, упоминание о разрушении Фанагории и Кеп Прокопием Кесарийским в книге VIII «Истории войн», законченной в 554 году, а с другой, – комплекс керамики, открытый в слое пожара на раскопах «Береговой стратиграфический» и «Нижний город», и особенно недавние находки на последнем двух солидов Юстиниана I 545–565 гг., позволяют датировать слой разрушения временем не ранее 545 года, но не позднее 554 года. Складывается впечатление, что после этих событий жизнь в Фанагории на какое-то время замирает: отмечается отсутствие материалов второй половины 6–7 вв. на некрополе Фанагории, а в коллекции краснолаковой керамики из раскопок города – поздних форм. Но вый период истории города начинается, по-видимому, около 665 г., когда Боспор захватили хазары. Именно с ними связано появление на месте сгоревших домов построек, возведенных в технике «елочка», характерной для хазарских памятников второй половины 7–10 вв. The article traces the history of Phanagoria from the middle of the 3rd century, when the life of the Bosporan kingdom, Phanagoria being its part, was disturbed by the invasion of Gothic tribes, till the late 7th century, when Bosporos was occupied by the Khazars, the event which opened a new period of its history. Here we compare information from written sources, epigraphic documents, numismatics and archaeology. The history of Phanagoria is considered against the background of the political and economic situation in the North Black Sea area. The verification of chronology of the principal groups of materials and a number of new discover ies allows to reconsider the dates of certain important events in the history of the city. In the middle of the 3rd century the relatively peaceful life of the Bosporan kingdom was disturbed by the appearance of Gothic tribes and other East Germanic peoples, who in 255 reached Bosporos and after crossing Lake Maeotis ravaged the suburban areas of several cities and destroyed Tanais. From the Maeotic banks in the course of twenty years the Goths raided Ro man territories in the North Black Sea area and the East Mediterranean by land and sea. As the European side much affected by Gothic invasions could not provide supplies and ships, the provision of these raids was possible only by the use of resources obtained from the Eastern half of the Bosporan state. The cities of the Asian Bosporos including Phanagoria became the stores where ‘the Scythians’ concentrated their loot, which ensured the economic development of the Bosporan kingdom. After the defeat of the Germans in 276 followed a relatively peaceful period. The Bosporan rulers controlled their initial territory, including the Asian Bosporos. In the last third of the 4th century the Bosporan economy affected by German invasions revives significantly. Numismatic data testifies to the development of its Asiatic part, where building activities were noticeable. In Phanagoria in particular, by the late 3rd – 4th centuries its sea-port was reconstructed and in the whole appearance of the city there were important changes: rich public buildings were replaced by large wineries and dwelling houses. Ruins and traces of fire revealed at different settlements of the Taman Peninsula, hoards hidden not earlier than 341–342 tell of some unexpected attack, possibly by certain North Caucasian tribes. Phanagoria evidently avoided destruction. The city retained its original borders and continued as a prominent center of trade and industry. At some point, the life of the city was interrupted by some event, leaving traces of destruction and fire visible in its several districts. Most scholars connect this event with the coming of the Huns in the reign of Emperor Valens (364–378). However, written sources and sets of pottery from burnt layers connected with the removal of ruins before the reconstruction of the city point Л. А. Голофаст 44 to the time around mid–fifth century, even though they do not define those guilty of the event. Approximately at the same time disappear such settlements as Kepoi, Batareika I and II, Krasnoarmeiskoe, Kamennaya Batareika. Only large cities survived – Phanagoria and Hermonassa and probably some industrial centres. The events described above reduced the territory of the city: there are no traces of building activity in the South-East and South-West districts. But in the central part of the lower plateau and upon the upper one the city-life revived quickly. In the late 5th or the early 6th century the Bosporan kingdom became involved into the Byzantine sphere of influence. However, the period of relative stability under the Byzantine protection was suddenly interrupted in the middle of the 6th century. Procopius mentions the destruction of Phanagoria and Kepoi in the eighth book of his “History of Wars” accomplished in 554. On the other hand the sets of pottery from the strata of ruins and fire from the “Shore stratigraphic” trench and the “Lower city” trench as well as recent finds in the last one of two solidi of Justinian I (545–565) allow to date the strata to the time not earlier than 545 but not later than 554. It looks like after these events any active life in Phanagoria stopped for a while: there are no materials of the second half of the 6th – 7th centuries from the city necropolis, no finds of later forms of red-ware pottery from the city. A new period in the history of the city began around 665, when Bosporos was occupied by the Khazars. That was the time when burnt structures were re placed by buildings constructed after the opus spicanti technique characteristic of the 7th – 10th century Khazar architecture.