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1
Huang, Youqin. "Low-income Housing in Chinese Cities: Policies and Practices." China Quarterly 212 (December 2012): 941–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001270.
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AbstractThis paper argues that the low-income housing programme in China has so far failed to provide adequate housing for the poor for three main reasons: the central government's failure to define a clear mission; a lack of commitment from local governments; and an exclusionary policy towards migrants. A systematic review of low-income housing policy in China shows that the central government juggles its economic and socio-political goals thereby causing constant changes in low-income housing policy. Meanwhile, the existing public finance system, the performance evaluation system and localization in policy implementation have all resulted in a lack of commitment from local governments to low-income housing. Inadequate provision is made worse by problems with allocation. Despite encouraging changes since 2010, many factors underlying the government's failures remain unchanged, thus the fate of low-income housing remains uncertain.
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Nahm, Jonas. "Exploiting the Implementation Gap: Policy Divergence and Industrial Upgrading in China's Wind and Solar Sectors." China Quarterly 231 (August 22, 2017): 705–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101700090x.
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AbstractThis article argues that manufacturing policies of Chinese local governments have provided an important corrective to some of the weaknesses inherent in the central government's indigenous innovation framework, most importantly its inattention to the importance of advanced manufacturing capabilities for innovation. Based on an original dataset of over one hundred executive interviews conducted with 43 Chinese wind and solar firms, I identify both central government R&D funding and continued local government support for manufacturing as critical factors in enabling innovation among China's renewable energy firms. In particular, this article shows that firms have utilized a combination of both central and local government policies to establish unique engineering capabilities required for innovation in commercialization and scale-up to mass production. The findings suggest that continued local government support for the manufacturing economy has not undermined central government innovation policies, but has (1) broadened the range of resources available to entrepreneurial firms and (2) enabled new options for industrial upgrading that are outside the conceptualization of innovation underlying the central government's indigenous innovation framework.
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McDougall, Derek. "The Hawke government's policies towards the USA." Round Table 78, no. 310 (April 1989): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358538908453922.
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Macfarlane, Emmett. "“You Can't Always Get What You Want”: Regime Politics, the Supreme Court of Canada, and the Harper Government." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 1 (September 11, 2017): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000981.
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AbstractApplying the regime politics approach to the study of judicial behaviour, which regards the Supreme Court as largely operating to preserve the policy agenda of the existing lawmaking majority, this paper evaluates the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure. There is evidence to support the basic core of the regime politics thesis. The Court rarely invalidates laws passed by the sitting government. Nonetheless, the Court's behaviour during the Conservative government's tenure was distinctive. Incorporating a measure of issue salience—the relative importance of the policies affected—into the analysis demonstrates the Court's impact on the Conservatives' policy agenda stands in sharp contrast to previous governments. It is the only government of the Charter period to have policies in its election platforms blocked by judicial review and the only government in Canadian history to effectively lose all of the constitutional reference cases it posed to the Court.
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Morgan, Rhodri. "Regional Policies for Entrepreneurship." International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Innovation 2, no. 1 (February 2001): 59–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5367/000000001101298783.
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In Notes from the Front, practising entrepreneurs and policy makers offer personal perspectives on significant issues in light of their own experience. This issue's author is Rhodri Morgan, First Secretary of the National Assembly for Wales. The Assembly, established by the Government of Wales Act 1998 as part of the UK government's policy of devolution, develops and implements policies that reflect the particular needs of the people of Wales. In this article, Mr Morgan stresses the importance of a culture of entrepreneurship and business innovation for Wales and assesses the new Assembly's policy responses to date.
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Satispi, Evi, Retnowati Wahyuning DyasTuti, Aqil Teguh Fathani, and Phimlikid Kaewhanam. "Local Government Respond to COVID-19 Pandemics: A Study of South Tangerang City." Journal of Governance and Public Policy 8, no. 2 (June 14, 2021): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgpp.v8i2.11439.
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This study aims to analyze local governments' efforts in promoting and implementing policies issued during COVID-19. It can also be seen what instruments are used by the government in the socialization of the policy, and the communication between local government officials and the media, society, and business can be seen. The method used in this research is descriptive with a qualitative approach to see the stages of communication in their role in socializing the Tangerang City Government's policies. The results showed that a policy's socialization had gone very well through various socialization of communications such as online media, print media, and electronic media. This type of socialization media is the main instrument of the Tangerang local government in disseminating policies. Another type of socialization is direct media or outreach to each village. It is recommended that the Tangerang City Government improve its performance in disseminating policies to achieve the resulting policy objectives to build public order towards the policies taken.
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Kim, Chang-Yup. "The Korean Economic Crisis and Coping Strategies in the Health Sector: Pro-Welfarism or Neoliberalism?" International Journal of Health Services 35, no. 3 (July 2005): 561–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/qk9q-krr3-tlw8-0950.
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In South Korea, there have been debates on the welfare policies of the Kim Dae-jung government after the economic crisis beginning in late 1997, but it is unquestionable that health and health care policies have followed the trend of neoliberal economic and social polices. Public health measures and overall performance of the public sector have weakened, and the private health sector has further strengthened its dominance. These changes have adversely affected the population's health status and access to health care. However, the anti-neoliberal coalition is preventing the government's drive from achieving a full success.
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Akhirman, Akhirman. "Reposisi Ekspor Provinsi Kepulauan Riau Sebelum dan Saat Terjadinya Pandemi Covid’ 19 Tahun 2018 – 2020." Bahtera Inovasi 4, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31629/bi.v4i2.3312.
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This study aims to committee government policies in an effort to make policies on the Export Repositioning of Riau Islands Province in 2019-2020 or before and during the Covid19 outbreak and government policies on the national and regional economies in Indonesia. The data used to analyze this research is secondary data, which is obtained from several agencies such as BPS Keepri, media on online pages that provide information about the economy that occurred during the Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia and areas issued by the government. Especially for exporters and local governments who are more concerned with the health of the wider community by following the government's appeal in one way is to follow the lockdown until the implementation of the PSBB with the aim of preventing the chain of spread of the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Kosack, Stephen. "The Logic of Pro-Poor Policymaking: Political Entrepreneurship and Mass Education." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (January 23, 2013): 409–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000695.
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This article argues against the scholarly consensus that governments make pro-poor policies when they are democratic. In democracies and autocracies, a government's strongest incentive is to serve citizens who are organized, and poor citizens face collective-action disadvantages. But a ‘political entrepreneur’ can help poor citizens organize and attain power with their support; to stay in power, the political entrepreneur's incentive is to maintain poor citizens’ support with pro-poor policies. Politics and education are analyzed over half-a-century in countries with little in common – Ghana, Taiwan, and Brazil. Governments that expanded education for the poor were more often autocratic than democratic, but were always clearly associated with political entrepreneurs. The results suggest an alternative understanding of government incentives to serve poor citizens.
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Suzuki, Masatoshi. "Fiscal and Monetary Policies and the Government's Economic Outlook." Japanese Economic Studies 23, no. 6 (November 1995): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/jes1097-203x23063.
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Jenkin, Gabrielle, Louise Signal, and George Thomson. "Nutrition policy in whose interests? A New Zealand case study." Public Health Nutrition 15, no. 8 (November 25, 2011): 1483–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980011003028.
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AbstractObjectiveIn the context of the global obesity epidemic, national nutrition policies have come under scrutiny. The present paper examines whose interests – industry or public health – are served by these policies and why.DesignUsing an exemplary case study of submissions to an inquiry into obesity, the research compared the positions of industry and public health groups with that taken by government. We assessed whether the interests were given equal consideration (a pluralist model of influence) or whether the interests of one group were favoured over the other (a neo-pluralist model).Setting2006 New Zealand Inquiry into Obesity.SubjectsFood and advertising industry and public health submitters.ResultsThe Government's position was largely aligned with industry interests in three of four policy domains: the national obesity strategy; food industry policy; and advertising and marketing policies. The exception to this was nutrition policy in schools, where the Government's position was aligned with public health interests. These findings support the neo-pluralist model of interest group influence.ConclusionsThe dominance of the food industry in national nutrition policy needs to be addressed. It is in the interests of the public, industry and the state that government regulates the food and advertising industries and limits the involvement of industry in policy making. Failure to do so will be costly for individuals, in terms of poor health and earlier death, costly to governments in terms of the associated health costs, and costly to both the government and industry due to losses in human productivity.
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Hwang, D. H., and J. Y. Choi. "Optimum management scheme to control nonpoint pollution in Korea." Water Science and Technology 56, no. 1 (July 1, 2007): 171–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2007.449.
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Comprehensive measures to control nonpoint source were developed by the Office of the Prime Minister, Korea in March 2004. These management measures present the government's policies and directions relating to nonpoint source management by 2020. However, the government has encountered difficulties since the government implemented such policies without preparing legal and institutional arrangements associated with nonpoint source management practices. Particularly, there was no legal system to manage the workplaces and construction sites that discharge the polluted runoff. To provide legal arrangements to achieve efficient implementation of the government's nonpoint source management policies, amendments to the “Water Quality Preservation Act” were proposed in the congress in March 2005 and took effect from April 2006. Subsequently, the nationally mandated nonpoint source control system was to be applied to such industries and construction sites. This paper attempts to propose the scope of the nonpoint source control system and effective strategies applied to the construction sites and industrial workplaces in Korea.
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Wamagatta, Evanson. "Changes of Government Policies Towards Mission Education in Colonial Kenya and Their Effects on the Missions: The Case of the Gospel Missionary Society." Journal of Religion in Africa 38, no. 1 (2008): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006608x262692.
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AbstractBefore the First World War, the provision and management of African education was almost entirely in the hands of the missionaries. After the war, the government enacted a series of laws that were designed to improve the quality of education. However, the new policies placed a heavy financial burden on the missions, which found it difficult to function without government grants. This paper analyzes the effects of government education policies on the fluctuating fortunes of the Gospel Missionary Society (GMS). It shows that, although the GMS was not opposed to the grants, its small size and faith basis made it impossible to meet the government's conditions for receiving the grants. The government's pressure and the mission's inability to implement the policies eventually forced the GMS to withdraw from the mission field altogether, and that is why there are today no schools or churches associated with it in Kenya. The paper is based on secondary sources and primary materials obtained from the Kenya National Archives (KNA) and the GMS's and other missionary societies' archives.
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Bonnicksen, Andrea L. "Book Reviews: Alemneh - Environment, Famine, and Politics in Ethiopia: A View from the VillageAlemneh Dejene Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1990, 150 pp. US$25.95 cloth. ISBN 1-55587-240-9. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1800 30th St., Suite 314, Boulder, CO 80301, USA." Politics and the Life Sciences 11, no. 2 (August 1992): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073093840001529x.
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PrécisAlthough the author is now with the World Bank, he was a research fellow at the Energy and Environmental Policy Center, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, when conducting research for this book. He focuses on the Wollo region of Ethiopia, where, as he describes it, “to Wollo peasants, famine is as familiar as their villages” (p. 69). The book is based on surveys given to peasants in the Wollo region in 1987-88, participant observation, and examination of governmental policies. Appendices contain the texts of two questionnaires. One questionnaire was designed to understand the types of environmental degradation, the peasants' reaction to it, and the peasants' strategies in times of famine. The other was given to peasants affected by the government's resettlement scheme and was designed to determine the conditions under which they lived.Alemneh (the Ethiopian family name) presents a case study documenting the ineffectiveness of governmental policies imposed from above with little consultation with the individuals most affected by the policies. He develops the theme that environmental degradation—and subsequently famine—is shaped by local and national social and political forces. He recommends alternatives throughout the book that, to be effective, must be developed with grassroots peasant participation. The government's role in a long-term solution is “central,” but the peasants must be a part of that decision making. The original survey research is a major strength of the book. Information about the observations and activities of peasants support Alemneh's message that peasant based policies are workable.
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De Wit, Kurt, and Jef C. Verhoeven. "Autonomy vs. control: Quality assurance and governmental policy in Flanders." education policy analysis archives 12 (December 22, 2004): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v12n71.2004.
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Higher education in Flanders has seen some major changes in the 1990s. One of the key elements of the new higher education regulations was the quality assessment system. This exemplified best the government's policy of granting all institutions of higher education autonomy, making them responsible for their policies, while still keeping the quality of higher education somewhat under governmental control. In this article, we focus on the tension between the government's aim of improving and controlling the quality of higher education and universities ' concern for their autonomy. We describe the Flemish government's view on issues of quality in higher education and confront these with an account on the basis of case studies of how the quality assurance system was actually implemented in universities. We conclude that the model of the "market state" or the "evaluative state" is only realised partially in Flanders. The government is still interventionist when it comes to key policy issues
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Cardinal, Linda, Helaina Gaspard, and Rémi Léger. "The Politics of Language Roadmaps in Canada: Understanding the Conservative Government's Approach to Official Languages." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 3 (August 24, 2015): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000517.
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AbstractThis article critically examines the Conservative government's approach to official languages, through a policy instrument framework. Special attention is paid to the third federal roadmap for official languages—the first having been unveiled by the Liberal government in 2003 and the second by the Conservative minority government in 2008—and how this roadmap conveys a new representation of official languages in relation to Canadian identity and citizenship. The focus on the linguistic integration of new immigrants in the 2013 language roadmap generates interest. The policy instrument framework also shows how language roadmaps represent the fourth generation of official language policies in Canada; the first three generations found their respective bases in the 1969 Official Languages Act, the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the 1988 Official Languages Act. The article concludes that an analysis of language roadmaps elucidates transformations initiated by the Conservative governments in the area of official languages in Canada. It also promotes further exploration and analysis of language policies through the policy instrument framework.
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Clarke, Patricia. "Government Propaganda in the 1950s: The Role of the News and Information Bureau." Media International Australia 139, no. 1 (May 2011): 64–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1113900109.
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This article examines the background to Australian government information or propaganda campaigns in the 1950s carried out by journalists employed in the Australian News and Information Bureau, the government's overseas publicity unit. It explores the demise of the Department of Information, its replacement by the Australian News and Information Bureau (ANIB), the threats to the existence of the organisation and its increasing relevance in publicising the government's policies arising from the need to counteract adverse publicity generated by the white Australia policy and to publicise the Colombo Plan. It evaluates these campaigns to the extent that surviving material allows, and advances reasons for their success. It draws on information in departmental files, studies of government information policies towards Asia and the personal experience of the writer, who was an ANIB journalist in the Melbourne and Canberra offices during the 1950s.
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Chao, Melody Manchi, Chi-yue Chiu, and Jamee S. Lee. "Asians as the model minority: Implications for US Government's policies." Asian Journal of Social Psychology 13, no. 1 (March 2010): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-839x.2010.01299.x.
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Hoffman, Elizabeth, and Gary D. Libecap. "Institutional Choice and the Development of U.S. Agricultural Policies in the 1920s." Journal of Economic History 51, no. 2 (June 1991): 397–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700039024.
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We examine U.S. agricultural policy as an institutional choice. Price controls in World War I had demonstrated the government's influence in markets, and with falling crop prices in the 1920s, farmers appealed to the federal government. The federal government was large enough by then to intervene in variou ways. It could have assisted private cooperatives by providing antitrust exemptions, market information, and enforcement of cooperative rules or intervened directly with mandatory output reductions and targeted prices. The policies adopted were influenced by crop-specific characteristics and broader market conditions affecting the success of private cooperatives.
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Gallagher, Kelly Sims. "Why & How Governments Support Renewable Energy." Daedalus 142, no. 1 (January 2013): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00185.
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Many countries have adopted comprehensive policy frameworks to support renewable energy, but the United States has not adopted any consistent and stable policies at the national level to foster the use of renewable energy. This essay explores why some nations (Germany, China, and Denmark) and certain U.S. states (Colorado, Texas, and Ohio) have developed robust policies for the deployment of renewable energy. My aim is not to evaluate the specific policy mechanisms that countries and states have chosen, but rather to shed light on the underlying societal factors that contributed to each government's decision to enact the policies in the first place. I explore four factors that could influence a government's decision to adopt favorable policies for renewable energy: (1) economic motives; (2) a high endowment of renewable resources and/or a low endowment of nonrenewable sources; (3) the political system; and (4) cultural factors and attitudes.
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Thoumi, Francisco E. "The Hidden Logic of “Irrational” Economic Policies in Ecuador." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 2 (1990): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166008.
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Mainstream economists blame the poor 1980s economic performance of most Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries on the poor economic policies followed by the region for the past several decades and recommend drastic policy changes including (a) elimination of many subsidies, (b) lowering tariffs and other obstacles to international trade, (c) privatization of many state enterprises, (d) liberalization of capital markets and interest rates, and so on — a policy package designed to lower greatly the government's intervention in the economy. This policy advice has been inspired, at least in part, by the generally accepted failure of the LAC governments to promote stable and fair growth through intervention.However, in spite of pressures by multilateral and bilateral agencies, most governments find it very difficult to implement these policies, even when policymakers and their advisers fully understand the logic behind the policy recommendations and agree with them.
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Turner, Robin L. "Land restitution, traditional leadership and belonging: defining Barokologadi identity." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 3 (August 8, 2013): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000384.
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ABSTRACTHow do government policies and practices affect struggles over collective identity and struggles over land? Examining the interconnections among collective identity struggles, land struggles and state policies and practices in post-apartheid South Africa, this paper argues that the government's contradictory policies and ambivalent practices have aggravated collective struggles over the boundaries of belonging. Specifically, the differing definitions of community set forth in traditional leadership, land tenure and land restitution policies exacerbate existing divisions among ‘communities’ concurrently subject to these policies and create practical policy dilemmas for decision-makers. This paper illustrates the interplay between public policies and collective identity struggles through close examination of struggles among the Barokologadi ba ga Maotwe, a so-called traditional community. The Barokologadi case underscores the necessity of attending to these interactions.
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Westphal, Larry E. "Industrial Policy in an Export-Propelled Economy: Lessons from South Korea's Experience." Journal of Economic Perspectives 4, no. 3 (August 1, 1990): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.4.3.41.
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Korea provides an illuminating case of state intervention to promote economic development. Like many other third world governments, Korea's government has selectively intervened to affect the allocation of resources among industrial activities. It has used taxes and subsidies, credit rationing, various kinds of licensing, and the creation of public enterprises, for example. But these policies have been applied in the context of a radically different development strategy, one of export-led industrialization. Moreover, Korea's economy has experienced exceptionally rapid development with relatively equitable distribution of the gains. This paper argues that the government's selective industrial policies have contributed importantly to Korea's rapid achievement of international competitiveness in a number of industries. Though accepted by many knowledgeable observers, the conclusion is controversial—inherently so owing to insufficient historical information and lack of agreement about the required counterfactual.
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Temin, Peter. "The Rate of Time Preference in the United States Government." American Economist 51, no. 2 (October 2007): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/056943450705100202.
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I use Samuelson's Nonsubstitution Theorem (1961) to argue that government policies in the United States traditionally reflected a low discount rate. The government's discount rate appears to have risen sharply in the last generation, showing the usefulness of Samuelson's theorem and the difficulties facing the United States in the future.
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Encarnation, Dennis J., and Louis T. Wells. "Sovereignty en garde: negotiating with foreign investors." International Organization 39, no. 1 (1985): 47–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004860.
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Governments must choose between general policies and individual negotiations to reach agreements with foreign investors. General policy leaves nothing to be negotiated. But once negotiation is selected, governments face difficult choices over how to conduct ne otiations. No single choice of organizational structure or administrative process is optimal for all countries or for all industries. Each organizational choice carries a range of economic and political costs and benefits that are valued differently by the domestic and foreign interests affected by the negotiation's outcome. Interviews with government officials in four Asian countries and corporate executives in four industries, all involved in international business negotiations between 1978 and 1982, demonstrate that different governments should and do choose different approaches to negotiating with foreign firms. Even single countries use different approaches at different times and with different industries. Moreover, the managerial choices of structure and process are not random. Rather, they are influenced by a government's general strategy toward foreign investment, the “political salience” of a given investment, and the degree of competition among countries for a specific investment. Ultimately, a government's management of international business negotiations shapes its effectiveness in negotiating with foreign firms and in competing for foreign investment.
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Patton, Marcie J. "The Economic Policies of Turkey's AKP Government: Rabbits from a Hat?" Middle East Journal 60, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.3.15.
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How can we account for the priority that Turkey's "Islam-sensitive" government has placed on adhering to the IMF's prescriptions for macroeconomic stability and fiscal restraint in lieu of its electoral promises to pursue a justice-oriented social agenda and aggressively tackle problems of poverty and unemployment? In this article this question is answered by analyzing the challenges posed by international factors (debt sustainability, pressures by the IMF and the EU), as well as domestic factors (the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) own unpreparedness, oppositional tactics by the secularist establishment) that have shaped the AKP government's economic policies.
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Kim, Hyunchul. "The government's research and development policies and institutions for health technology." Journal of the Korean Medical Association 57, no. 11 (2014): 912. http://dx.doi.org/10.5124/jkma.2014.57.11.912.
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Suh, Woon-seok. "Review of the Patriots Policies of the 19th Government's Initial Policy." Journal of Public Society 8, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 126–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21286/jps.2018.05.8.2.126.
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O'Hara, Glen. "‘Dynamic, Exciting, Thrilling Change’: the Wilson Government's Economic Policies, 1964–70." Contemporary British History 20, no. 3 (August 18, 2006): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460500407087.
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Watts, A. G. "False dawns, bleak sunset: the Coalition Government's policies on career guidance." British Journal of Guidance & Counselling 41, no. 4 (August 2013): 442–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03069885.2012.744956.
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Kasim, Nur Mohamad. "Optimizing Government Policies On Profession Zakat." Al-Ahkam Jurnal Ilmu Syari’ah dan Hukum 3, no. 2 (December 27, 2018): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/al-ahkam.v3i2.1347.
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The significant potential of zakat on profession needs to be actualized through a clear regulation. The targets of zakat on profession are: Ministry or State Institutions, Local Government, State-owned Enterprises, Local Government Owned Enterprises, even other professions that have a high income. The government's efforts to facilitate zakat on profession are solely aimed at making the mechanism of zakat management to be good, transparent and integrated into a system. However, zakat levies should have a specific rule that is binding all citizens, especially all Muslim Civil State Apparatus (henceforth called as ASN) who certainly meets the applicable regulations. For those who have income and already reach nishab or nominal income limit must pay zakat, while the ones whose incomes do not reach nishab are not obliged to do such a thing. Gorontalo province is one of the regions whose population is predominantly Muslim and has potential in terms of Islamic values-based economic development. Therefore, there needs to be a strict regulation to regulate zakat on profession, so that the utilization of zakat can help to alleviate the burden of the poor. By the existence of regulation, people who pay and receive zakat are equally having the benefits of zakat. This is to say that government has a prominent role and responsibility in optimizing the enactment of zakat on profession since the reality of the most significant zakat received by BAZNAS (Islamic board which oversees the collection of Zakat) in Gorontalo province is from ASN and other professions income.
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Liu, Mingxing, Juan Wang, Ran Tao, and Rachel Murphy. "The Political Economy of Earmarked Transfers in a State-Designated Poor County in Western China: Central Policies and Local Responses." China Quarterly 200 (December 2009): 973–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009990580.
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AbstractIn order to improve the effectiveness of redistributive policies, in 2002 the Chinese government increased fiscal transfers and imposed more stringent regulations on the use of earmarked funds. This article evaluates the impact this had on K county in a north-western province. The case study finds that the misappropriation of earmarked transfers did decrease but this did not necessarily indicate an improvement in the local government's compliance in the usage of transfers. Instead, the county governments found ways to sabotage central policies by exporting fiscal burdens to the subordinate bureaus that received the earmarked subsidies. In some bureaus this was done by reducing the amount of funds allocated for operating expenses. In others it involved increasing staff numbers. These findings provide a basis for evaluating the effectiveness of using earmarked funds and internal supervisory mechanisms to achieve policy objectives in an authoritarian regime.
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Suhendar, Fikry Ramadhan, and Nurlailiyah Aidatus Sholihah. "Financial Policies Supporting Acceleration of Sustainable Economic and Fiscal Growth in Indonesia." Ijtimā'iyya: Journal of Muslim Society Research 5, no. 2 (September 25, 2020): 110–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ijtimaiyya.v5i2.4172.
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This paper explores the fiscal policy of a country, as well as the policies that influence the economic growth of a country, since the course of government decision-making would be decided by fiscal policy and government expenditure. A research that uses a qualitative descriptive approach and thus a large literature is required to provide information to the government in order to ensure that the government can avoid delaying market prices. Community security can be accomplished when rates can be set by the government. In addition to fiscal policy that can preserve equilibrium, fiscal policy can have an effect on country's economic development and can establish social justice for all societies, followed by fiscal policy in a country through taxes and other responsibilities in Islam such as Zakat. Waqf, as philanthropy, may also help the government's efforts to raise government revenue and is sponsored by top management in the public financial sector, with the expectation that macro and micro businesses may develop in a country.
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Murdock, Carl J. "Physicians, the State and Public Health in Chile, 1881–1891." Journal of Latin American Studies 27, no. 3 (October 1995): 551–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00011603.
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AbstractThis study of public health policy in Chile uncovers some of the social tensions in that country during the 1880s, and illustrates the fragmentation of the Chilean elite prior to the Revolution of 1891. The Chilean government's controversial and contested public health policies implied the increasing bureaucratic organisation and regulation of society. The justifications offered for these policies by central government officials reveal both the deep roots in Chilean politics of a powerful Executive, and the early linkage between the ‘scientific discourses’ of medical professionals and the bureaucratic centralisation of state power.
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Nami, Shamsi. "School-Based Policies in Iran." Modern Applied Science 10, no. 12 (July 20, 2016): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/mas.v10n12p90.
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This paper aimed at examining school-based policies in Iran. School-based approach has been dominated educational systems of developed countries over the past four decades. Delegation of authority to lower levels, particularly to schools for decision making, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation is central to this approach. Efforts have been made to formulate, plan, and implement school-based policies and programs in Iran over a decade. This paper attempts to delve into the quality and quantity of these efforts by verifying and analyzing assertions and implications of Iran's 3rd, 4th, and 5th Development Plans, Theoretical foundations of fundamental Transition in Formal public Education in Islamic Republic of Iran (2011) and laws and regulations approved by Iran's Supreme Council of Education. The results indicated that although the above - mentioned documents and plans focused on the need for reforming structures and organizations, using non-governmental power and private capital, reducing government's tenure, encouraging stakeholders' participation, and favoring school independence, the quality and quantity powers assigned were incompatible with school- based assumptions. Delegation of authority was mainly centered around the decision making on how focused plans should be implemented. While many cooperative organizations have been established in schools through these policies and laws, these efforts are not based upon a comprehensive evaluation on which they can be judged. However, limited amount of evaluation has been carried out, but according to the experts' experiences and ideas, the intended goals has not been fully achieved.
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Tonah, Steve. "State Policies, Local Prejudices and Cattle Rustling Along the Ghana-Burkina Faso Border." Africa 70, no. 4 (November 2000): 551–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.4.551.
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AbstractThis article briefly discusses the various factors that gave rise to tension in northern Ghana between Fulbe pastoralists coming in from Burkina Faso and the local Kassena farmers (who have livestock of their own). The Ghanaian government's decision in 1988–89 to expel the Fulbe resulted in more problems, not least the dilemma of how to patrol effectively the permeable borderland and the gradual introduction there of modern firearms. In consequence some argue that it is not the policies of conservation that are being called into question but the government's sovereignty.
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SHINODA, TOMOHITO. "Japan's Parliamentary Confrontation on the Post-Cold War National Security Policies." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 3 (October 30, 2009): 267–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990999003x.
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AbstractIn the fall 2007 Diet session, the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) showed strong opposition against the government's proposal to continue the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) refueling operations to support maritime inspections in the Indian Ocean. In order to evaluate this parliamentary confrontation, the article compares the handling of this issue with the six past major post-Cold War national security policies. The DPJ constantly presented its own legislative proposals in order to participate in Diet deliberation. DPJ's counter proposals, however, were not always cooperative with the government. This different attitude by the DPJ could not be explained by the public and media opinions or the position of the supporting organization but by DPJ's political calculation.
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Gupta, Dhruv. "Policies for resolving insurgencies – lessons from third-party intervention in India." Indian Growth and Development Review 12, no. 3 (November 11, 2019): 350–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/igdr-04-2017-0033.
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Purpose In this paper, the author develops a game theoretical model to understand why Union Government of India, as a third party, has used different schemes at different times in history to assist the State Governments in fighting the Naxalite insurgency. Comparing across schemes, it was found that though Matching Security Grants scheme was preferred in general, during asymmetric information scenario it led to an emergency situation wherein the Union Government had to provide the less preferred Bulk Security Grants. Later, it became difficult to withdraw these grants as the State Governments free rode by reducing own security contribution. The author finds that instead, in this scenario, Matching Development Grants are more suitable, as they incentivize the State Governments to reveal private information and help the Union Government exit its third-party role. For a practitioner involved in conflict resolution, these conclusions imply that as the desirability of policies can change diametrically overtime, Union Government must spend resources only on those heads of expenditure that provide both security and development benefits provided they aid in preventing flow of resources to Naxalites. Further, to end its assistance, the Union Government’s expenditures should also complement the capabilities of the State Government rather than substituting them. These results can also guide policy in other protracted civil wars with substantial third-party intervention, which are common these days. Design/methodology/approach The paper is an historical analysis of strategies used by Union and State Governments and Naxalites. The analysis is based on game theoretic tools supported with examples. Findings The Union Government must provide matching grants instead of bulk grants such as Central Armed Police Forces, and the grants should be aimed at building complementarities with the state governments’ security contributions. Under asymmetric information scenario, the Union and State Governments reduce their expenses incurred to fight the Naxalites. A Matching Development Grants scheme would have done better. Union Government must spend resources on heads of expenditure that provides both Development and Security benefits, to curb flow of resources to Naxalites, besides complementing the Security Contributions of the State Government. Research limitations/implications The research is limited by disaggregated data to test the hypotheses. It is also limited by the data on hidden variables like the contribution of the Naxalites to fighting. The research is also limited to the extent that individual groups in the war like police commanders, politicians and Naxalite commanders are not incorporated. Multiple asymmetric parties are also not considered; that may generalize the model to other theaters of insurgency. Practical implications Certain heads of expenditure such as roads, mobile communication, improving quality of investigation, preventing human rights violations by the security forces, etc. are both security and development enhancing. The Union Government's expenditures must be directed toward this end. Therefore, from a practitioner's perspective, the debate between greed and grievances exists not as a limitation but as a guide. The relevant articles of Constitution of India must be redrafted on these principles. Third-party interventions in other insurgencies may be revisited under these conclusions. Social implications Security and Development policies are tools for controlling Naxalite insurgency, which can also be used to prevent flow of resources to Naxalites. Security and development policies to resolving insurgencies are useful at different information scenarios. Therefore, information neutral policies should be preferred. Originality/value This paper has contributed theoretically in modeling continuing conflicts like Naxalite insurgency, explicitly. The author also shows that though the field of civil wars may have evolved along the Greed vs Grievance debate (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004), for a practitioner, the lines blur when it comes to solutions, as many heads of expenditures have features of both security and development. This paper also shows that when the Union Government faced asymmetric information scenario, the policy of matching development grants would be beneficial in long run though of limited value in short run. This is an important conclusion as the most intense period of violence was preceded by the asymmetric information scenario. Besides, it has relevance for the other civil wars with third-party intervention, such as NATO in Afghanistan.
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Idil, Akbar, and Nurlia Elly. "The Government's Power and Democracy Participation to Eradicating Inequalities in Local." E3S Web of Conferences 73 (2018): 09010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20187309010.
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One of path to implement of democracy's values to eradicating inequalities is opened widely for public participation. As democracy's value for government is how the government must present democracy participate on its people. The government must create democracy participate in every level, including in local. This part will become differentiator how is the government's run. This article purposed to description and discussion how is the government's power and democracy participate frequent contradiction complicated, full dynamics, and conflict. Despite of government has given ample opportunities for peoples, but sometimes peoples must face the policies which uncompromised with this participation. This article based on research with qualitative descriptive method and data collected by literature. Resulted that Undang-Undang (Indonesian laws) has given the amble opportunities for peoples to participate in local politics and governance. The laws also giving generous to peoples to run participation based on local's values. Nevertheless, the freedom to participate frequent confronted with government interest which dominated by elite. Thus, in fact the local's peoples truly had efforts to participate in local politics and governance actively must face with government's power dominantly and determinately.
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Apriliyanti, Kiki, M. Daud Irsya Latif, and Dyah Mutiarin. "Narasi Budaya Arek Suroboyo dan Pandemi Covid-19: Sebuah Perspektif Agile Governance di Kota Surabaya." Jurnal Transformative 7, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.transformative.2021.007.01.1.
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Covid-19 Pandemic has become a worldwide issue that also impacts Indonesia. An adaptive and agile governance system is needed to overcome the pandemic issue in both central and regional. One area that is considered successful is Surabaya City. Even so, there is a phenomenon of the high number of Covid-19 positives rates in Surabaya. It indicated that this is a form of policy hampered by local culture. Arek Suroboyo and their cangkrukan were contradicting due to the government's policy regarding large-scale social restrictions. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to analyze agile governance form in the implementation of Surabaya City Government policies in handling Covid-19. Then, identify the impacts that occur on policies due to the culture and custom of Arek Suroboyo. The method used is qualitative descriptive with the questioner and related documents-based analysis. Its results showed that with the existence of decentralization, regional policies were influenced by the central government strategy. Regarding the Central Government's Instruction, the public policies taken handling Covid-19 in the City of Surabaya includes promotional, preventive, curative, and rehabilitative efforts. The dominant concept of agile governance in this policy is "based on quick wins policy" in which one public policy stimulates another. With this effort, the City of Surabaya has passed the first wave of Covid-19 in its region. Nevertheless, the implementation of the policy was hampered by the culture of Arek Suroboyo, namely cangkrukan. Even the worst impact is that this culture potentially conducts the second wave of Covid-19 in Surabaya City.
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Peng, Pei, and Jie Zhang. "Research for Trans-Boundary Water Pollution Cooperation." Advanced Materials Research 864-867 (December 2013): 1525–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.864-867.1525.
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Based on Stakelberg framework,this paper dynamically described the Government's interests by differential game,then made a comprehensive analysis on the equilibrium of cooperation and noncooperation.At last,it holds that cooperation is an effective way to solve the problem of transboundary water pollution, in order to cooperate, central government should take some policies and measures for controlling trans-boundary water pollution .
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Mallinson, William. "US Interests, British Acquiescence and the Invasion of Cyprus." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, no. 3 (August 2007): 494–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00254.x.
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An extrapolation, analysis and evaluation of papers recently released by the British government suggest that, backstage, the British and US governments condoned Turkish military objectives in Cyprus, at least to the extent of agreeing to take no serious action to dissuade Turkey from invading. The papers suggest British government foreknowledge of Turkey's objectives; Henry Kissinger's express delaying tactics to afford Turkey more time to consolidate its invasion; French anger at the Foreign Office for not providing them with information; British concern about a future Greek government turning to the French for support; and the British government's desire to give up its military territories in Cyprus. Overall, the picture which emerges is that the Wilson government gave in to Henry Kissinger's policies. It appears clear that Britain, despite its responsibilities and initial misgivings about Turkey's behaviour, gave the lead to the US.
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Crook, A. D. H. "Privatisation of Housing and the Impact of the Conservative Government's Initiatives on Low-Cost Homeownership and Private Renting between 1979 and 1984 in England and Wales: 4. Private Renting." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 18, no. 8 (August 1986): 1029–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a181029.
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This is the final paper in a series of four which describe and evaluate the British Government's policies of privatising housing. In this paper the policies designed to increase the supply of housing for private renting are examined. The paper has four sections. The first is an examination of the private rented market in the context of Government policy, with emphasis on the way policies about private renting have not been related to the tax and subsidy policies in respect of other tenures. In the second the specific initiatives taken by the Government to stimulate investment are examined. The evidence about the impact which these initiatives have had is looked at in part 3. The fourth part is an examination of why the initiatives have had relatively little impact and it is concluded that it is because they are only marginal solutions to the fundamental economic difficulties faced both by landlords and by tenants.
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Liu, Ying, and Yun Jing He. "Construction the Rural Entrepreneurial Support System." Applied Mechanics and Materials 65 (June 2011): 195–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.65.195.
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Starting a business is the impetus of the increase and in economy ,and it is also the basic which makes the economy of a nation, a region, or a corporation full of continuable developmental energy. In entrepreneurial society, whether person, social or government maybe the entrepreneurs. Personal entrepreneurship is to create wealth; Social entrepreneurs are to support individuals to create wealth, and to support the formation of entrepreneurial ability and practice; Governmental entrepreneurship is to organize and guide the community to build the Entrepreneurial support systems. In the entrepreneurship, the Government's responsibility is not only to develop the policies of entrepreneurship promotion, but also to build the entrepreneurial support systems. The Government is the first entrepreneurs, that is , the creator of the Entrepreneurial support system.
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Croci, Osvaldo. "The second Prodi government and Italian foreign policy: New and improved or the same wrapped up differently?" Modern Italy 13, no. 3 (August 2008): 291–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940802185014.
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This article examines whether Italian foreign policy has undergone significant and substantial changes under the second Prodi government. The first part identifies the variables affecting continuity and change in a country's foreign policy and addresses the question of the conditions under which one can expect changes as a result of a change in government, and the conditions under which continuity is instead more likely. The second part looks at the second Prodi government's foreign policy on a number of topical issues, most of which were also faced by the Berlusconi government, to see to what extent the Prodi government's approach to foreign policy indeed changed from that of its predecessor. The article concludes that the Prodi government did not change Italian foreign policy in any substantial manner; differences existed only in the way the new government occasionally chose to present and justify its policies publicly.
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Lavoie, Jean-Pierre. "Michèle Charpentier. Priver ou privatiser la vieillesse? Entre le domicile à tout prix et le placement à aucun prix. Sainte-Foy, QC: Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2002." Canadian Journal on Aging / La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 23, no. 1 (2004): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0714980800016858.
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ABSTRACTMichèle Charpentier's book explores the idea of government's sharing, with private and community resources, the responsibility for services for the frail elderly. Charpentier addresses the issue of the emergence of private residences, within the context of the evolution of the Quebec government. This book traces the history of Quebec policies on support of the frail elderly, discusses the social, ethical, and legal stakes involved in the development of private residences, and presents the points of view of different stakeholders affected by this dilemma. Charpentier's book proves to be both a rich and nuanced reflection on the legitimacy of the government's intervention, as well as on the opportunities for development available to the government, in the housing sector in particular, and on a broader scale, in the general area of services for the fragile elderly.
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Shin, Dong Ah. "Health insurance policies for magnetic resonance imaging tests in Korea." Journal of the Korean Medical Association 64, no. 3 (March 10, 2021): 172–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5124/jkma.2021.64.3.172.
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On August 9, 2017, the government announced a policy to strengthen health insurance coverage. The main goal is to increase the health insurance coverage rate and lower the national medical expense burden by an average of 18% by 2022. This policy was proposed without consulting doctors, a major medical care provider, and raised the impression of populism. It is a concern that this policy may place an additional financial burden on the medical clinics, which are already suffering due to poor financial circumstances. Although the policy is already in progress, it is necessary to carefully review whether the government and the medical community can afford it in terms of the national healthcare financial burden and the implementation possibility of this policy. There is no disagreement on the efficient supply of qualified medical care. However, it must be a sustainable system in Korea. Simply increasing the coverage rate does not increase the quality of healthcare. This study aims to analyze the government's health insurance policy for magnetic resonance imaging tests and suggest proper countermeasures.
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ROTHACHER, JAN-ULRICH. "The sources for orthodox and heterodox trade and industrial policies in Brazil." Revista de Economia Política 36, no. 3 (September 2016): 580–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572016v36n03a07.
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ABSTRACT: The Brazilian government has over the past years promulgated a mix of orthodox and heterodox policies for Brazil's economic development. This paper seeks to test whether the existing economic ideas have been prescriptive in formulating the policies, or whether they have been the outcome of the "infusion of private interests" (Katzenstein, 1978) in the policy making process. To this end, the paper charts the origins of the unilateral opening for trade in the agribusiness and contrasts them with the policy process in the car industry, where trade barriers have been erected. The article will identify the channels through which private actors informed the government's interventions and show that the industry bodies have largely prodded the government. The resulting policy maze has left both the representatives of the orthodox as well those of the heterodox approach unsatisfied and has failed to halt Brazil's dwindling manufacturing capabilities.
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Wong, Christine, and Valerie J. Karplus. "China's War on Air Pollution: Can Existing Governance Structures Support New Ambitions?" China Quarterly 231 (August 18, 2017): 662–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741017000947.
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AbstractUnprecedented and highly visible degraded air quality in China's urban centres has prompted a step change in central government control efforts in recent years. This “War on Air Pollution” has included a mixture of administrative controls, regulatory clampdowns, economic incentives and public education campaigns. A critical constraint on how policies are designed and implemented is the central government's capacity to access accurate cost information, and monitor, evaluate and enforce the policies at subordinate levels of government. We examine in detail the directives and arrangements that underpin China's “War on Air Pollution” at the provincial level, taking Hebei province as a case study. Located upwind of Beijing, Hebei's heavy industries have been a particular focus of the environmental policies. The current approach, which requires highly specific and costly local actions, yet allocates funds centrally, suffers from misaligned incentives and does not address longstanding weaknesses in local policy monitoring, evaluation and enforcement.
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De la Barra, Victor H., Mary A. Marchant, and Aida C. Isinika. "Stabilization Policies and Agricultural Impacts in Developing Countries: The Case of Bolivia." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 27, no. 1 (July 1995): 184–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800019726.
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AbstractThis research examines the success of stabilization policies to control hyperinflation in Bolivia. Money demand functions for the hyperinflation and stabilization periods were econometrically estimated and statistically tested. We conclude that the demand for money in Bolivia changed after stabilization policies were implemented, indicating that the new government's objectives were met. Stabilization policies resulted in real economic growth for Bolivia's economy, including its agricultural sector, where agricultural export shares increased tenfold as stabilization policies corrected overvalued exchange rates.