Academic literature on the topic 'Government, 1930'
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Journal articles on the topic "Government, 1930"
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Jeřábek, Martin. "Srovnání krize parlamentarismu v Německu a Rakousku, 1930–1934." HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 14, no. 2 (November 15, 2022): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2022.17.
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The main goal of the article is to compare the crisis of the role of the German Reichstag und Austrian Nationalrat in the early 1930’s and how the relationship parliament-government/president was influenced in that respect. We argue that the German system of emergency decrees of the President (Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution) systematically undermined the German parliament in favour of state bureaucracy and a technocratic government. In Austria, since March 4, 1933 Dollfuss coalition of the right wing of Political Catholicism with the Heimwehr implemented a degree law with the War Economy Empowering Act (KWEG) as a tool to govern without parliament. The period of the Chancellors H. Brüning (1930–1932, presidential government) and E. Dollfuss (April 1932 – March 4th, 1933, parliamentary government Dollfuss) constitute the first stage of the weakening of the parliamentary system. In the second stage in Germany since June 1932, the reactionary anti-parliamentary option of the Chancellors F. v. Papen and K. v. Schleicher (presidential dictatorship) created a power vacuum without any viable alternative. We found comparable anti-Marxism aspects of Austrian and German administrations. The difference was the final “totalitarian result” of the analysed period. In Germany the Nazis won, and Adolf Hitler was appointed German chancellor on January 30th, 1933. In contrast, Dollfuss withstood the onslaught from Austrian Nazis in the critical time 1933/1934, and established so called “Estates state”, conservative oriented dictatorship.
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Xu, Guangqiu. "Anglo-American Rivalry for Military Aviation in Southern China in the 1930s." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 7, no. 3-4 (1998): 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656198793646031.
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AbstractIn the 1930s, the Nationalist government in Nanking faced two major problems: warlord rebellions and Japan’s invasion. Established in 1928, the Nationalist government led by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek exerted power in North China after suppressing the rebellions in that area in 1930, but the local governments in South China maintained their own armies and bases largely directed against this central government. Political divisions and tensions persisted. In May 1931, the Canton authorities rebelled against the Nationalist government, and a new full-scale civil war seemed imminent. The Manchurian Incident and subsequent invasion and occupation of Manchuria by the Japanese Army served to bolster national patriotism against Japan and, in response to public pressure, the Nanking and Canton governments held a series of peace conferences. The Canton government was forced to abolish its “Nationalist Government,” yet Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces remained functionally independent of Nanking until 1936.
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Markovskyi, Andrii. "PARALLELS OF GERMAN AVANT-GARDE ARCHITECTURE AND DEVELOPMENT IN KYIV." Current problems of architecture and urban planning, no. 58 (November 30, 2020): 302–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2077-3455.2020.58.302-313.
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The article presents a comparative analysis of some key objects of German and Kyiv architecture of the early twentieth century to determine the corresponding trends. Parallels and identities are shown and noted. An analysis of the background and context is given, as well as the author's conclusions of the respective styles. In particular, German Werkbund, international Art Nouveau, Ukrainian architectural Art Nouveau, "New Objectivity", Bauhaus, functionalism, constructivism, post-constructivism, German and Soviet neoclassicism are mentioned.
Were analyzed in detail: The Fagus Factory (1910-1911) by Walter Gropius and Adolf Meyer, Centennial Hall (1911-1913) by the Max Berg, the Kyiv district power plant (named after Stalin), (1926–1930) by Mikhailo Parusnikov with the participation of George Goltz and Andrey Burov, Rolit (1932) by Vasul. Krychesky, Ehrentempel (1933–1936) and The Haus der Kunst in Munich (1933 - 1937) by Paul Ludwig Troost, competitive proposals for the construction of the Government Quarter in Kyiv (1934 - 1935) and the hotel within the Government Quarter (1939). Mentioned Esposizione Universale Roma (EUR) by Marcello Piacentini, projects by Albert Speer and others.
The article summarizes a series of author's researches devoted to a detailed analysis of international context and parallels of Kyiv architecture which is represented in the background of the consistent artistic transitions (from eclecticism and historical reminiscences to modernism, from Art Nouveau to avant-garde, from constructivism to Soviet neoclassicism and, finally, from Stalinist empire to modernism).
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Abd Wahab, Norazilawati, Arba'iyah Mohd Noor, Ruhaizan Sulaiman, and Ruzaini Sulaiman. "Peranan Badan Kerajaan dalam Perusahaan dan Perniagaan Orang Melayu di Terengganu, 1900-1941." SEJARAH 31, no. 1 (June 25, 2022): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol31no1.4.
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Government bodies play an important role in generating a balanced development of a state. In fact, the development of a society is also closely related to the systems and policies that have been established by a government body. This happens because the government body is one of the main agents and driving tools in changing society from a static and traditional to a more developed and progressive society. Therefore, this article aims to see the extent of the role played by government bodies such as Terengganu Town Council (Majlis Bandaran Terengganu), Terengganu Arts and Craft Society (TACS), Malayan Art and Craft Society (MACS), Malayan Agri-Horticultural Association (M.A.H.A), British Empire Exhibition (B.E.E) and the Trade and Industry's Office in helping the Malay enterprise and business activities in Terengganu from 1900 to 1941. This study used a qualitative method which had involved collecting and analysing data from primary sources obtained from the National Archives of Malaysia such as CO 840/1 (Terengganu Administration Report, 1910-1930), CO 840/2 (Terengganu Administration Report 1931-1940), Terengganu State Secretary File, and British Adviser Terengganu File. In addition, secondary sources such as journals, books, book chapters, and magazines were also utilised to further strengthen the study conducted. The results of the study found that the existence of various government bodies in Terengganu managed to play a significant role in developing Malay enterprises and businesses in Terengganu from 1900 to 1941.
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Kollmann, Trevor M., and Price V. Fishback. "The New Deal, Race, and Home Ownership in the 1920s and 1930s." American Economic Review 101, no. 3 (May 1, 2011): 366–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.101.3.366.
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Many federal government housing policies began during the New Deal of the 1930s. Many claim that minorities benefitted less from these policies than whites. We estimate the relationships between policies in the 1920s and 1930s and black and white home ownership in farm and nonfarm settings using a pseudo-panel of repeated cross-sections of households in 1920, 1930, and 1940 matched with policy measures in 460 state economic areas. The policies examined include FHA mortgage insurance, HOLC loan refinancing, state mortgage moratoria, farm loan programs, public housing, public works and relief, and payments to farmers to take land out of production.
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Akopyan, Victor Z. "NATIONAL DIVISIONS IN GOVERNMENT BODIES OF TERSK DISTRICT (1920-1930)." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования, no. 1 (2022): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2022.1.1.
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Afandi, Alifia Nurhusna, Aprilia Iva Swastika, and Ervin Yunus Evendi. "PENDIDIKAN PADA MASA PEMERINTAH KOLONIAL DI HINDIA BELANDA TAHUN 1900-1930." Jurnal Artefak 7, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25157/ja.v7i1.3038.
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Pada artikel ini membahas tentang pendidikan yang dilaksanakan pemerintahan kolonial di Hindia Belanda selama tahun 1900-1930 dimana diawali karena kritik dari berbagai pihak yang kemudian memunculkan politik etis kebijakannya antara lain emigrasi, edukasi, dan irigasi kebijakan politik etis seharusnya mampu memberikan kesempatan rakyat untuk menjadi lebih sejahtera karena salah satu kebijakannya adalah edukasi dengan adanya pendidikan merupakan awal untuk perubahan dan perkembangan dalam segala aspek. Tujuan penulisan artikel ini adalah untuk mengetahui apa yang melatarbelakangi pelaksanaan pendidikan pada masa pemerintahan kolonial tahun 1900-1930 serta pelaksanaan pendidikan pada masa pemerintahan kolonial tahun 1900-1930 Selain itu bertujuan untuk mengetahui perbedaan ataupun persamaan model pendidikan masa pemerintahan kolonial dengan sekarang, dan untuk membuka wawasan penulis serta pembaca tentang proses munculnya sistem pendidikan formal bagi masyarakat pribumi pada masa pemerintahan kolonial serta bagaimana pelaksanaanya. Untuk mengetahui yang melatarbelakangi dan bagaimana pelaksanaan pendidikan yang diterapkan pemerintahan kolonial Belanda maka dalam artikel ini menggunakan metode studi pustaka dengan menelaah atau mengeksplorasi beberapa buku, jurnal, maupun dokumen baik cetak maupun elektronik yang dianggap revelan dengan kajian yang dilakukan. Hasilnya pada periode 1900 hingga 1930 pendidikan di Indonesia mengalami kemajuan dimana pendidikan yang pada awalnya dibatasi dengan kekuasaan pada waktu itu mulai melebur penduduk pribumi memiliki kesempatan untuk bisa melanjutkan ke sekolah lanjutan bahkan hingga sekolah tinggi walaupun masih terdapat pendiskriminasian selain itu juga muncul beberapa sekolah dasar berbahasa belanda bagi pribumi 1900-an anak rakyat biasa mulai dikenalkan dengan bahasa belanda di beberapa sekolah namun tetap dengan catatan setiap jenjangnya selalu ada perbedaan.This article talking about education carried out by Dutch Government in Dutch East Indies during 1900-1930 caused by criticisms from various parties that bring out ethical politic. Its policies are emigration, education, and immigration. Ethical Politic's policies should be able to give people opportunity become more prosperous, because one of the policies is education. Education is a beginning for change and development in all aspects. The purposes of this article are to find out the educational background in the 1900-1930 colonial government and the educational implementation in the 1900-1930 colonial government. Furthermore, the other purposes to find out the differences and the equations of education between during the Dutch Colonial and nowadays, and to open the readers and writer's insights about the process of the formal education system for natives during colonial and how to do it. According to those purposes, in this article the writer use literature review method by studying or exploring several books, journals, or documents wether it's printed or electronic that relevant to the study conducted. The results are, in the period 1900 until 1930 education in Indonesia progressed. Education that was intially restricted by power at that time start to dissolved. Natives had opportunity to continued to the secondary school even to the college in spite of the discrimination. Moreover, there were some elementary schools in Dutch for 1900s natives. Commoners' children began to be introduced to the Dutch language in several schools but still, in each level there were always differences.
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Dajković, Aleksandar. "Urban development of Cetinje and Bari observed through of the activities of Augusto Cesare Corradini (1900-1931)." Arhitektura i urbanizam, no. 53 (2021): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/a-u0-32734.
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The paper presents the chronological development of urbanism in Cetinje and Bari observed through the work of Italian architect Augusto Cesare Corradini (Augusto Cesare Corradini 1860-1932). Corradini contributed to the intensive urban and architectural development of Cetinje, the former capital of Montenegro, in the period 1900-1912, and Bari, the center of the Pula region, especially in the period 1905-1931. In these environments, he managed to define spaces with recognizable urban-architectural creations with an artistic sign, either as a segment of international eclecticism, such as the Russian legation in Cetinje (1900), Fizzarotti Palace (1906-1908) and Ingami Scalvini Palace (1923) or rationalism/modernism, such as the Fiat Palace (1925) and the pavilion of the Navigation Company of Puglia (1930) in Bari. Corradini especially defined the urban identity of cities with monumental buildings and complexes - the Government House in Cetinje (1910), and the Fiera del Levante (1928) in Bari. Aimed at acting in different environments and socio-political systems, his work had a special architectural expression with an undoubtedly semantic character. With new stylistic concepts and forms of spatial organization, he permanently influenced the modern urbanarchitectural processes of the mentioned cities, and the status of his work as national cultural goods confirms its importance as a unique combination of functional and decorative, artistic and technical. Through his integral view of urban trends and Corradini's work in Cetinje and Bari, the strong influence of this Italian architect on the formation of unique urban matrices can be seen.
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Kusuma, Ananta Dharma. "Perkembangan Kota Jombang masa kepemimpinan R.A.A. Soeroadiningrat 1910-1930." Historiography 2, no. 1 (January 30, 2022): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um081v2i12022p119-129.
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During the Dutch colonial administration, administratively Jombang was part of the Mojokerto Afdeling and only in 1910 underwent a separation into its own afdeling with the first regent R.A.A. Soeroadiningrat. Jombang Regency was then able to regulate its own government thanks to the decentralization law that was formed by the colonial parties in the early 20th century. This paper focuses on the problem of the dynamics of the development of Jombang City from being previously part of the Mojokerto afdeling to getting the authority to regulate its own government, at a glance about the biography of the first Regent of Jombang, namely RAA Soeroadiningrat and the last one discussing the development of infrastructure in Jombang City during the RAA Soeroadiningrat period. This paper uses a historical method consisting of topic selection, heuristics, interpretation and historiography. The purpose of this paper is to provide information to the public about the history of Jombang City during the colonial period, especially in the period 1910-1930. During the Dutch colonial administration, administratively Jombang was part of the Mojokerto Afdeling and only in 1910 underwent a separation into its own afdeling with the first regent R.A.A. Soeroadiningrat. Jombang Regency was then able to regulate its own government thanks to the decentralization law that was formed by the colonial parties in the early 20th century. This paper focuses on the problem of the dynamics of the development of Jombang City from being previously part of the Mojokerto afdeling to getting the authority to regulate its own government, at a glance about the biography of the first Regent of Jombang, namely RAA Soeroadiningrat and the last one discussing the development of infrastructure in Jombang City during the RAA Soeroadiningrat period. This paper uses a historical method consisting of topic selection, heuristics, interpretation and historiography. The purpose of this paper is to provide information to the public about the history of Jombang City during the colonial period, especially in the period 1910-1930.
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Khudoyorov, Noyibjon Maripjonovich. "COLLECTIVIZATION POLICY OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT IN UZBEKISTAN (AS AN EXAMPLE 1920-1930)." Frontline Social Sciences and History Journal 02, no. 02 (February 1, 2022): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/social-fsshj-02-02-12.
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In this article has been analyzed the collectivization policy of the Soviet government and its implementation, why the Bolsheviks decided to mass collectivize agriculture in the Union in the late 1920s, and how the mechanism for implementing this idea was developed, based on primary sources and scientific literature.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Government, 1930"
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SILVA, CRISTIANE NASCIMENTO DA. "THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PORTUGUESE GOVERNMENT AND THE MUSLIMS OF MOZAMBIQUE (1930-1970)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=17128@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORA dissertação As relações entre o governo português e os muçulmanos de Moçambique (1930-1970) tem por objetivo analisar as diferentes posições adotadas pelo Governo Colonial Português em relação aos muçulmanos de Moçambique. Desde a fixação dos portugueses na região, no século XVI, até a sua expulsão, em 1974, o contato com os muçulmanos foi permeado pela antinomia aliança x oposição. Entre as décadas de 30 e 60, o islamismo em Moçambique foi visto como uma ameaça ao projeto de nação portuguesa e reprimido das mais diversas maneiras. No entanto, entre as décadas de 60 e 70, contexto em que os movimentos de emancipação das colônias portuguesas se fortaleceram e a luta armada se iniciou, o Estado Novo adotou uma postura diferente em relação à população muçulmana da província. Criou-se uma estratégia de aproximação, baseada em um discurso de diálogo ecumênico, como fruto de um conhecimento produzido sobre as diversas comunidades islâmicas existentes no território, concentradas principalmente no norte país.
The main purpose of "The relations between the Portuguese government and the Muslims of Mozambique (1930-1970) is to examine the different positions taken by the Portuguese colonial government towards the Muslims of Mozambique. Since the arrival of the Portuguese in the region in the sixteenth century, until their expulsion in 1974, the contact between Portuguese and Muslims was permeated by the antinomy alliance - opposition. Between the 30s and 60s, Islamism in Mozambique was seen as a threat to the project of the Portuguese nation and was suppressed in many different ways. However, between the 60s and 70s, when the emancipation movements of the Portuguese colonies were strengthened and the armed struggle began, the New State took a different stance regarding its Muslim population. A strategic approach was created, based on a discourse of ecumenical dialogue and the knowledge acquired about the various Islamic communities in the territory, concentrated mainly in the north part of the country.
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Mackinnon, Moira. "A tale of two Parliaments representativeness, effectiveness and industrial citizenship in Argentina and Chile, 1900-1930 /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3386748.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Jan. 19, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 320-329).
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McCall, Sarah B. "The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.
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Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
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Goméz, María Teresa. "El largo viaje the long journey : the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain, 1920-1939." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36016.
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El largo viaje/The Long Journey deals with the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain from 1920, when Communism first emerged in the country, until 1939, when the Spanish Civil War ended. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. On the one hand, by looking at the Party's cultural discourse, its attempts to provide the working class with a political education, and its relationship with communist intellectuals, it aims at explaining the Party's evolution from its original proletarian line in the early 1920s to its democratic line in the mid-1930s, after it joined the anti-fascist Popular Front alliance. On the other, it aims at investigating how, between the years of 1936 and 1938, the Communist Party ended up fulfilling the democratic revolutionary dream of the Spanish bourgeoisie. Through its work in the Ministry of Public Instruction, the Party brought back to life the cultural discourse and aspirations which the reformist and Republican bourgeoisie had been holding on to since the mid- and late nineteenth century. In doing that, Spanish Communists were using cultural practice to further advance the cause of the democratic revolution, and, perhaps more importantly, to make the Spanish people full participants in that revolution for the very first time.
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Sousa, Neto Bento Correia de. "Governo interventorial e relações de poder na Paraíba pós-1930: A administração de Gratuliano Brito (1932 – 1934)." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8369.
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This research aims to assay the administration of the Intervener Gratuliano da Costa Brito (1932-1934) in the political and administrative centralization context and re-articulation of the political forces at the national and state levels after 1930. From this analysis we try to understand what were the measures taken by this Government in order to a reorganization of functional sectors in the State of Paraíba as well as political and social impact of these measures on the relationship between the state and local oligarchic forces. Despite the “Revolution" of 1930 has not resulted in profound changes in the current political structure in the First Republic, we understand that it led to significant changes in order to allow the rise of a modern-and-racional proposed model of national state. This process had been developed concurrently with a restructuring of the state administrative machinery that sought to track changes implemented nationwide. Therefore, our aim was to assess how this process occurred in Paraiba and what characteristics have been found throughout it . As a theoretical basis for our analysis we appropriate the contributions of New Political History, as well as the concept of Political Culture. Regarding the sources used we borrow the contributions of several authors who deal with the subject and the period in question, as well as handwritten and printed primary sources relating to the said Government (official documents , periodicals, reports , etc.) .
O presente trabalho visa analisar a administração do interventor Gratuliano da Costa Brito (1932-1934) no contexto de centralização político-administrativa e de rearticulação das forças políticas em níveis nacional e estadual do pós-1930. A partir dessa análise, buscamos compreender quais foram as medidas adotadas por este governo no sentido de uma reorganização dos setores funcionais do Estado da Paraíba assim como os impactos políticos e sociais dessas medidas nas relações existentes entre o Estado e as forças oligárquicas locais. Entendemos que apesar da chamada “Revolução” de 1930 não ter resultado em mudanças profundas na estrutura política vigente na Primeira República, ela acarretou transformações significativas no sentido de possibilitar a ascensão de um modelo de Estado Nacional que se propunha moderno e racional. Esse processo se desenvolveu concomitantemente com uma reestruturação das máquinas administrativas estaduais que procuraram acompanhar as mudanças implantadas em âmbito nacional. Portanto, nosso objetivo foi o de avaliar de que forma isso se deu na Paraíba e quais as particularidades encontradas ao longo desse processo no estado. Como fundamentação teórica para nossas análises, apropriamo-nos das contribuições da Nova História Política, assim como do conceito de Cultura Política. Em relação às fontes utilizadas, tomamos por empréstimo as contribuições de diversos autores que tratam do tema e do período em questão, bem como de fontes primárias manuscritas e impressas relativas ao referido governo (documentos oficiais, periódicos, relatórios, etc.).
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Fairweather-Tall, Andrew. "From colonial administration to colonial state : the transition of government, education, and labour in Nyasaland, c.1930-1950." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270617.
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Sant’Ana, Luís Henrique Silva. "Os Olhares Diplomáticos Estadunidenses sobre o Brasil em Tempo de Revolução (1930-1932)." Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2010. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18851.
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Este trabalho tem por objetivo discutir as opiniões emitidas pelos diplomatas estadunidenses no período que precede a revolução de 1930, durante o movimento e no pós-revolução. Os olhares dos cônsules e do embaixador dos Estados Unidos no Brasil identificavam as tensões entre os grupos sociais brasileiros e o que eles esperavam que fosse feito pelo governo do Brasil a fim de garantir a estabilidade governamental. Os julgamentos dos estadunidenses estavam cheios de preconceitos em relação às classes subalternas, aos negros no Brasil. Não raro eles consideravam o fato de o país ter passado por um processo de miscigenação como a causa das mazelas que afligiam a sociedade brasileira. A partir desses olhares eles desejavam que Getúlio Vargas e seus interventores tomassem medidas no sentido de educar a população a fim de minimizar as insatisfações populares, prevenindo assim as influências dos comunistas, aos quais percebiam como grande ameaça ao país. Nesse processo de acompanhar o cotidiano da política brasileira, alguns diplomatas passarão a defender a permanência do governo provisório até que fossem eliminadas todas as estruturas montadas pelos antigos chefes do poder. Já outros advogarão ardorosamente o retorno do governo constitucional como forma de dar estabilidade aos governantes e diminuir a influência dos tenentes nos estados. This work aims at discussing assessments by US diplomatic officials on Brazil, before the 1930 Revolution, during the movement and after it. Consuls’ and Ambassadors’ regards pointed out tensions existing among Brazilian social groups, as well as the steps they expected to be taken by Brazilian Government in order to assure governmental stability. Those assessments were plenty of prejudice against Brazilian subaltern classes and Blacks. Not seldom they assumed the fact that the country had gone through a process of racial mixtures was the cause to the harshnesses which afflicted Brazilian society. Following from these regards US diplomatic officials wished that Getúlio Vargas and his federally-appointed state governors would engage in educating the country population in order to ease popular dissatisfactions, preventing thereby influences by the Communists, who were perceived as a huge threat to Brazil. In the process of observing the daily working of Brazilian politics, some officials would start to back keeping the provisional government in charge until all power structures put in place by the old prower brokers were swept out. Others would strongly favor the return of a constitutional government as the way of conveying stability to the rule of political incumbents and of undermining the influence held by the “tenentes” in Brazilian states.
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Rodrigues, João Paulo [UNESP]. "O levante “Constitucionalista” de 1932 e a força da tradição: do confronto bélico à batalha pela memória (1932-1934)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103139.
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rodrigues_jp_dr_assis.pdf: 2073002 bytes, checksum: b3cff2362bdcd6bf3ecbbc56a5ba412c (MD5)Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Esta pesquisa almeja, fundamentalmente, problematizar o levante de 1932 em São Paulo, bem como a emblemática memória criada acerca dele, sobretudo, nos dois primeiros anos que lhe são subseqüentes, com o intuito de demonstrar que, mediante a ausência de uma plataforma, de fato, revolucionária, a tradição regional erige-se como preeminente trunfo simbólico para a luta, sendo apropriada pela burguesia insurrecta, no sentido de pugnar por uma nova partilha do poder no cenário nacional. Tal apropriação apresenta diferenciadas nuances ao longo da conjuntura em apreço, mas é possível identificar, de modo nítido, dois eixos centrais. O primeiro, formulado ainda em meio às conspirações pela interventoria, associa o caráter aguerrido dos ancestrais paulistas ao presente do estado, acometido pela invasão “tenentista”, concitando, por conseguinte, a expulsão dos “estrangeiros”. Pouco depois, quando em outro patamar despontava o tema da Constituição, nova formulação ganharia corpo, sobrelevando não mais a tradição paulista de defesa do território, mas a condição histórica de militante vanguardeiro da formação da nação, atualizada na batalha pela lei. Encerradas as hostilidades, a memória não ficou alheia às investidas, culminando sintomaticamente na controversa vitória moral do levante. Não obstante, dado o vigor atual dessa memória, evidencia-se meridianamente que a apropriação do passado regional não se constituiu em uma quimera da classe dominante e que, a despeito da suposta revolução predominantemente popular e democrática, em 1932 estava em pauta uma luta no âmbito da elite bandeirante, a fim de implantar novas diretrizes ao país.
This research intends, fundamentally, to discuss the insurrection of 1932 in São Paulo. It also intends to discuss the emblematic memory about it, especially, two first years after insurrection, with the objective of showing that, without a platform, indeed, revolutionary, the regional tradition is built as simbolic preeminent asset for the fight. It was appropriated by insurrect bourgeoisie, for sharing national Power. The appropriation shows different types in this conjuncture, but it’s possible to identify two central axles. The first, created by interventor Office during conspiracies, enhances courageous character of paulistas ancetral to the present of the state, attacked by “tenentista” invasion, stiring up expulsion of “foreigners”. After some time, when Constitution subject was discussed, a new formularization would increase no more on paulista tradition of territory defense, but in historical condition of vanguard militant in Nation formation, brought up to date in Law battle. Finished hostilities, the memory culminates symptomatically in moral victory controversy of Insurrection. However, considering current memory, appropriation of the regional past isn’t a chimera of dominant class and, although supposed popular and democratic revolution, 1932 was the year of discussion on fight in bandeirante elite, to do new lines of direction to the country.
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Crichton, Kevin John. "'Preparing for government?' : Wilhelm Frick as Thuringia's Nazi Minister of the Interior and of Education, 23 January 1930 - 1 April 1931." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13816.
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Santiago, Derick Casagrande. "Disciplina escolar e disciplina fabril: educação e formação da classe operária nacional nos anos 1930 e 1940." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-19112015-124522/.
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A presente pesquisa aborda a educação brasileira frente ao processo de modernização da sociedade. Seu objeto de estudo consiste, especificamente, na dimensão ocupada pela educação escolar quanto à formação da classe operária nacional durante o governo Vargas (1930-1945). Tratando-se de um período que condiz com mudanças observadas nas esferas política, econômica e social do país, faz-se necessária uma abordagem do contexto histórico que enfatize as propostas e ações desempenhadas na esfera educacional. Considera-se, dessa forma, que a educação escolar deve ser analisada conjuntamente com aqueles fatores que implicam em sua organização e dinâmica. Sua realização está baseada em literatura acerca da relação entre Estado, sociedade e educação, após a proclamação da República e, mais especificamente, nas décadas de 1930 e 1940. Recorreu-se também à análise de documentos oficiais da época concernentes à educação e à criação e regulamentação de instituições, como os textos relativos às reformas educacionais promulgadas em 1931 e em 1942 e às Constituições (1934 e 1937), ao Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova (1932), à Escola Livre de Sociologia e Política de São Paulo (1933) e à Fundação Getúlio Vargas (1944). Destaca-se, o papel exercido pelo Estado como agente capaz de promover o projeto de modernização por, além da sua intervenção em diferentes esferas da sociedade, promover outra formação escolar à sociedade para consolidar a ordem social emergente. A adequação do ensino às novas necessidades é apontada pelo esforço para organizá-lo nacionalmente a partir da criação do Ministério da Educação e Saúde Pública e das reformas por ele executadas em seus diferentes níveis. Se, por um lado, exigia-se a formação de uma classe trabalhadora apta à produção sob a lógica racional do trabalho, por outro, havia a preocupação com a formação de uma classe dirigente capacitada para conduzir e coordenar as ações econômicas, além de ocupar altos cargos hierárquicos na burocracia privada e estatal.This research deals with the Brazilian education on the process of modernization of society. Its subject matter is specifically in the occupied dimension for school education for the formation of national working class during the Vargas government (1930-1945). Since this is a period that is consistent with the observed changes in the political, economic and social of the country, an approach that emphasizes the historical context the proposals and actions taken in the educational sphere is required. It is considered therefore that school education should be analyzed together with factors that imply their organization and dynamics. Its realization is based on literature about the relationship between state, society and education, after the proclamation of the Republic and , more specifically , in the 1930s and 1940s it was also resorted to analysis of official documents of the time pertaining to education and the creation and regulatory institutions such as the texts relating to educational reforms enacted in 1931 and 1942 and the Constitutions (1934 and 1937) , the Manifesto of the Pioneers of the New Education ( 1932) , the Free School of Sociology and Politics of São Paulo (1933 ) and the Getúlio Vargas Foundation ( 1944) . To highlight the role played by the State as agent capable of promoting the modernization project, as well as their involvement in different spheres of society, promote other school education to society for the emerging social order. Better education adapting to new needs is appointed by the effort to organize it at national level since the creation of the Ministry of Education and Public Health and reforms implemented at different levels. On the one hand, demanded the formation of a working class capable of producing under the rational logic of the work, on the other, there was the concern with the formation of a ruling class able to lead and coordinate the economic actions, and have high hierarchical bureaucracy positions private and state.
Books on the topic "Government, 1930"
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Tommaso, Dell'Era, ed. Scritti politici, 1930-1950. Soveria Mannelli [Catanzaro, Italy]: Rubbettino, 2001.
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Sanguinetti, Horacio J. La democracia ficta, 1930-1938. Buenos Aires: Ediciones La Bastilla, 1988.
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Government and administration of Kano Emirate, 1900-1930. Nsukka: University of Nigeria Press, 1985.
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Schmid, Armin. Frankfurt in stürmischer Zeit, 1930-1933. Stuttgart: K. Theiss, 1987.
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Kornat, Marek. Polska szkoła sowietologiczna: 1930-1939. Kraków: Wydawn. "Arcana", 2003.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Government, 1930"
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Perham, Margery. "Education for Self-Government." In Colonial Sequence 1930 to 1949, 263–75. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003372875-35.
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Perham, Margery. "Parliamentary Government in the Sudan." In Colonial Sequence 1930 to 1949, 329–32. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003372875-50.
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Watson, Derek. "The Institutional Development of Sovnarkom 1930–34." In Molotov and Soviet Government, 76–119. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24848-3_5.
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Perham, Margery. "The Future of the Rhodesias-Divergent Systems of Government." In Colonial Sequence 1930 to 1949, 187–88. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003372875-23.
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Smart, Nick. "The Middle Period: November 1933 – December 1935." In The National Government, 1931–40, 90–121. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27582-3_5.
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"DEPRESSION AND UNREST, 1930-1939." In Government and Labour in Kenya 1895-1963, 188–232. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203043202-12.
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"IN Government, 1930–31." In Attlee. I.B.Tauris, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755621217.ch-007.
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"7. Moving into the inner councils 1930-5." In The Government Generation, 160–91. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781487578398-008.
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Skidmore, Thomas E. "Government by Caretaker: 1954–1956." In Politics in Brazil, 1930 - 1964, 143–62. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195332698.003.0004.
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"Imperial Japanese Government Loans, 1870–1930." In Investing Japan, 87–111. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9781684175451_007.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Government, 1930"
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Lindmets, Jaana, Marju Luts-Sootak, and Hesi Siimets-Gross. "Imperial Russian Rules on the State of Emergency in the Estonian Republic." In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.03.
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In 1918, the Provisional Government of Estonia decided that, until new laws could be established, the legal acts of the Russian empire would continue to be valid. The rules on the state of emergency remained in force, too. At the end of November 1918, the state of emergency was declared throughout the territory of Estonia. For the entire period of its first independence, the Republic of Estonia was under some form of state of emergency either across the whole country or in certain areas. At first the state of emergency was declared using Imperial Russian norms on martial law. In 1930, the Estonian parliament adopted the State of Defence Act, which formally abolished the rules of Russian martial law. However, the Estonian Act on the State of Defence was, in essence, still largely based on the provisions of the General Act on the Governorates of the Russian Empire. The new State of Defence Act was adopted by presidential decree in 1938 and could be described as an attempt to summarise as valid law the practices that the authoritarian regime had hitherto used without legal basis.
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Bhada, Perinaz, and Nickolas J. Themelis. "Potential for the First WTE Facility in Mumbai (Bombay) India." In 16th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec16-1930.
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The city of Mumbai (Bombay), India is facing a solid waste management crisis. The infrastructure has been unable to keep pace with economic development and population growth, resulting in insufficient collection of municipal solid waste (MSW) and over-burdened dumps. Improper disposal of solid wastes over several decades and open burning of garbage have led to serious environmental pollution and health problems. This study examined the solid waste management process in Mumbai and the potential for implementation of waste-to-energy facilities. Mumbai’s average per capita waste generation rate is 0.18 tonnes per person. Although the reported collection efficiency of MSW is 90%, almost half of the city’s 12 million people live in slums, some of which do not have access to solid waste services. The most pressing problem is the acute shortage of space for landfilling. When the present waste dumps were constructed they were at the outskirts of the city, but now they are surrounded by housing colonies, thus exposing millions of people to daily inconveniences such as odors, traffic congestion, and to more serious problems associated with air, land, and water pollution and the spread of diseases from rodents and mosquitoes. Mumbai is the financial center of India and has the highest potential for energy generation from the controlled combustion of solid wastes. The lower heating value of MSW is estimated in this study to be 9 MJ/kg, which is slightly lower than the average MSW combusted in the E.U. (10 MJ/kg). The land for the first WTE in Mumbai would be provided by the City and there is a market for the electricity generated by the WTE facility. The main problem to overcome is the source of capital since the present “tipping fees” are very low and inadequate to make the operation profitable and thus attract private investors. Therefore, the only hope is for the local government and one or more philanthropists in Mumbai to team up in financing the first WTE in India as a beacon that improves living conditions in Mumbai, reduces the City’s dependence on the import of fossil fuels, and lights the way for other cities in India to follow.
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Bruģe, Zoja. "Pašvaldību būvnoteikumi Latvijā 1920.–1940.: prasības būvprojekta apstiprināšanai." In Latvijas Universitātes 80. starptautiskā zinātniskā konference. LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/juzk.80.34.
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The article considers the legal aspects of construction law in Latvia in 1920–1940, describing the requirements of the local government building rules concerning the building plan (construction project, building design) approval process. Local government building rules determined requirements for building plan. Execution of these requirements was a precondition for approving the construction plan.
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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.
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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Nalim, M. Razi, and Kerem Pekkan. "A Review of Rotary Pressure-Gain Combustion Systems for Gas Turbine Applications." In ASME Turbo Expo 2003, collocated with the 2003 International Joint Power Generation Conference. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2003-38349.
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In the last two decades, jet engines and gas turbines attempting constant-volume combustion without positive–displacement mechanisms have regained attention, mainly due to their theoretical high efficiency, potential low emissions, and compact design features. The idea can be traced back to experiments in the 1930’s and production of devices like the V1 missile motor and the Comprex® supercharger. Both for power generation and for aerospace applications, specific hardware and ingenious cycle designs are being developed to address known technological challenges. Different thermodynamic approaches and design methods are proposed to predict the performance potential of these periodic-unsteady wave machines. There have been experimental studies and successfully operated test-rigs that were sometimes shelved due to immediate economic concerns. These “lost” previous studies and experiences are worth reviewing amidst the increased attention to pulse detonation engine and wave-rotor applications proposed for gas turbine cycles by engine makers and government laboratories. In this review paper, our aim is to summarize the status and important efforts in this field. Recent research is highlighted by specific research groups worldwide attempting diverse applications. A compilation of promising applications is presented, to help focus efforts on future work needed.
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Freitag, Patrícia, and Rodrigo de Faria. "Planejamento regional em Brasília o Fundefe e o Pergeb nas décadas de 1960 e 1970." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Instituto de Arte Americano. Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.5902.
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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar em que medida as ações estatais direcionadas para a
estruturação regional de Brasília estiveram vinculadas aos objetivos nacionais, de desenvolvimento social e
econômico, nas décadas de 1960 e 1970. Apresenta como eixo estrutural a leitura do exercício do
planejamento nacional brasileiro ao longo do período desenvolvimentista. Para isso foi adotada uma
abordagem histórica a respeito de variáveis políticas e econômicas balizadoras da configuração dos
primeiros esforços governamentais criados para tratar de Brasília enquanto elemento de ordenamento
territorial regional e nacional, quais sejam: o Fundo de Desenvolvimento do Distrito Federal (1966) e o
Programa Especial da Região Geoeconômica de Brasília (1975). Verificou-se que, o FUNDEFE e o
PERGEB embora tenham sido criados a partir de uma demanda local e regional, suas diretrizes deixam
claro a forte vinculação existente entre o planejamento regional de Brasília enquanto política governamental
no alcance ao desenvolvimento nacional. Parte das abordagens apresentados neste artigo integram a
pesquisa financiada pelo CNPq/Universal-2010 Urbanismo e Planejamento Urbano-Regional no
Municipalismo Brasileiro. The present study aims to investigate the extent to which state actions directed to the regional structure of Brasilia were linked to national goals related to economic development, in the 1960s and 1970s. It pre
sents as structural axis the reading of the Brazilian national planning exercise during the developmental period. For
it was adopted a historical approach regarding economic and political variables that guided the configuration
of the first governmental efforts designed to Brasilia as part of regional and national spatial planning: the Development Fund of the Federal District (1966) and the Special geo-economic Program of Region of Brasilia (1975). It was found that, although the FU
NDEFE and PERGEB reared from a local and regional demand, its guidelines make clear the strong linkage between the regional planning of Brasilia as government policy in achieving national development.
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Sumburova, Elena Ivanovna. "THE NATIONAL EDUCATIONAL POLICY OF THE STATE IN HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE 1920-1930S (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE MIDDLE VOLGA REGION)." In Russian science: actual researches and developments. Samara State University of Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46554/russian.science-2020.03-1-66/71.
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The article is devoted to studying the aspects of the educational policy of the Soviet government in the 1920-1930s among the numerous non-Russian peoples who lived in the USSR. On the basis of census data and archival documents of higher education institutions in the Middle Volga region, the author analyzes the main directions of government action and methods for improving the educational level among the indigenous population of the region.
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Kosolapov, Vladimir, Ilya Trofimov, Lyudmila Trofimova, and Elena Yakovleva. "100 years of the State Meadow Institute." In Multifunctional adaptive fodder production. ru: Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production and Agroecology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33814/mak-2022-28-76-9-18.
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100 years since the Establishment of the State Meadow Institute the Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production & Agroecology celebrates in June 2022. The State Meadow Institute creation was event of the most important state significance. This event is extremely important for rational nature management, increasing soil fertility, obtaining high and sustainable crop yields, and preserving the productive longevity of our lands. In 1922 the Station for the study of forage plants and forage area was transformed into the State Meadow Institute (SMI). 1930 – SMI was transformed into the All-Union Williams Fodder Research Institute. 1992 – transformation into the All-Russian Williams Fodder Research Institute. 2018 transformation into the Federal Williams Research Center of Forage Production & Agroecology. Throughout its history, the Institute has proudly borne the name of its founder – W. R. Williams. Such famous scientists as V. R. Williams, A. M. Dmitriev, L. G. Ramensky, I. V. Larin, S. P. Smelov, T. A. Rabotnov, A. A. Zubrilin and many others worked at the Institute. The Institute's works (books, articles) have been published in England, Belarus, Bulgaria, China, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Israel, Kazakhstan, Korea, Mongolia, New Zealand, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, USA, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, Switzerland, Sweden, and Japan. Scientific and practical achievements of the Institute were awarded 7 times with State prizes of the USSR and the Russian Federation in the field of science and technology, as well as Prizes of the government of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of agriculture of the Russian Federation, diplomas of Exhibitions and other awards. For services to the country, the Institute was awarded the order of Labor Red Banner.
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Martínez-Medina, Andrés, Antoni Banyuls i Pérez, and Andrea Pirinu. "El “Muro Mediterráneo” en el territorio de la Marina Alta: búnkeres y baterías de la Guerra de España (1936-1939)." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11338.
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The “Mediterranean Wall” in the territory of the Marina Alta: bunkers and batteries of the Spanish War (1936-1939)In 1936-1939 the War of Spain took place, turning its territory into the testing ground of Europe in anticipation of the Second World War; here new weapons were tested: mass media, propaganda and aviation. The national side used Mallorca as “aircraft carrier” from which it launched airstrikes on the Mediterranean coast: a rearguard that required fortification. To defend the cities, the Republican government ordered, in 1937, to build a coastal defensive system (“Mediterranean Wall”). On the Valencian coast there were ten basic enclaves: from the lighthouse of Castellón to the end of Santa Pola. This network of defenses had two built lines. The first was constituted by elements located at zero level, by the sea and on the beaches, which maintained regular distances from each other; these were reinforced concrete bunkers that sought to camouflage themselves. A second was formed by coastal and antiaircraft, concrete and masonry batteries that merged with the land, located in the hills to have a wider horizon and be closer to its objectives. Bunkers and batteries that followed geometric patterns in constant evolution. This communication studies the defensive settlements built by the Republican army in the cities of Xàbia and Dénia (Marina Alta), which had a port, airfield and armament factories, which made them the target of enemy aviation. In these territories many of these architectures have disappeared under real estate pressure, but there are still several bunkers, batteries and ammunition deposits that are intended to be inventoried and documented (especially the 7th of the Montgó and the 8th of the Portixol batteries) to insert into of the tradition of historical military forts (typological genealogies) and their understanding as a networked defensive system that maintains parallels with the system of coastal towers of the system of coastal towers of the Modern Age.
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van der Linden, Robert. "Government, Business and Technology: Airliner Development, 1927-1970." In AIAA International Air and Space Symposium and Exposition: The Next 100 Years. Reston, Virigina: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.2003-2672.
Full textReports on the topic "Government, 1930"
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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.
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Ridge, Ridge,, and Stephen Smith. Local government finance: the 1990 reforms. Institute for Fiscal Studies, April 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1920/co.ifs.1990.0022.
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Olmstead, Alan, and Paul Rhode. Hog Round Marketing, Seed Quality, and Government Policy: Institutional Change in U.S. Cotton Production, 1920-1960. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w9612.
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Kost, Stepan, and Tetiana Slotiuk. THE UKRAINIAN QUESTION ON THE PAGES OF THE JOURNAL “SPRAWY NARODOWOŚCIOWE” (1931-1935). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12155.
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The article explores Polish-Ukrainian relations, in particular, the Ukrainian question, on the pages of the journal “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” during 1931-1935. The authors emphasize that the millennia-long history of Polish-Ukrainian relations contains many complex, contradictory, and sometimes tragic pages. The situation of the Ukrainian national minority in interwar Poland, particularly in the first half of the 1930s, was challenging. The article proves that the editorial board of the “Sprawy Narodowośсiowe” journal (which was the governing body of the institute researching national issues, established in 1921, and first published in 1927) was examining the theoretical aspects of the national question in Poland during the first half of the 1930s and carefully analyzing the lives of national minorities, including Ukrainian minority. The heading “Ukrainians” in the “National minorities in Poland” category was the largest in terms of content. This indicates that the journal’s editorial board considered the resolution of the Ukrainian question to be a priority. The editors informatively and prudently informed readers about the activities of Ukrainian political parties (except for the underground Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists) and the most important public organizations. The article proves that the magazine generally advocated the idea of Polish-Ukrainian understanding, but remained loyal to Polish state interests. The magazine aimed to study the sentiments of Ukrainian society and identify the trends in the development of these sentiments. The article also substantiates that the journal was not a government mouthpiece since the national policy did not demonstrate a desire to fairly address the national issue. Key words: Polish-Ukrainian relations, history of interwar Poland, history of Ukraine, national issue, journal «Sprawy Narodowościowe».
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Fuentes, J. Rodrigo, and César Calderón. Government Debt and Economic Growth. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011505.
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The growth prospects of a nation are stymied by the burden of government debt. This study has two goals: first, it tests whether public debt hinders growth; and, second, it explores whether economic policy ameliorates this effect. A large panel data of countries for 1970-2010 reveal a negative and robust effect of public debt on growth. Strong institutions, high quality domestic policies, and outward-oriented policies partly mitigate this adverse effect. An enhanced policy environment and its interaction with public debt has helped explain the improved growth performance of industrial and developing countries for the years 2001-05 compared to the years 1991-95. Viewing the actual performance of the Latin America and the Caribbean region, South America encompasses the group of countries more benefited by improvement of economic policies, while Central America and the Caribbean lag considerably. A simultaneous sharp reduction in public debt and an improvement in the policy environment induce an increase in the growth rate per capita of 1.7 percentage points for the Caribbean and 2 percentage points for South America. A more conservative scenario that considers an upgrade in quality of policies and a reduction of public debt leads to lower but still significant growth benefits for the Caribbean and South America, by 0.85 and 1.5 percentage points, respectively.
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Morley, Samuel A., and Gustavo Márquez. Poverty and the Employment Problem in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, March 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008955.
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This paper discusses poverty and unemployment in Argentina, beginning with the turbulent years since 1980. Argentina suffered a 25 percent reduction in per capita income, two bouts of hyperinflation and a sharp rise in poverty during the 1980s. In 1990, the Menem government began a profound restructuring of Argentine economy. A centerpiece of the new program was a plan designed to control inflation once and for all. Other elements of the program were a control of the government deficit, privatization, reduction in tariff barriers, and a reform of social spending. What was the effect of all these changes on the level of poverty, employment and social equity? These are the questions the authors address in this paper. The work is divided into three parts. In the first one, they examine movements in poverty and distribution, and their causes. In the second, the labor market is examined. In final one the authors draw some conclusions on Argentina's experience for the general debate on how to create a sustainable growth strategy that can reduce poverty and unemployment without hyperinflation.
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Boustan, Leah Platt, Fernando Ferreira, Hernan Winkler, and Eric Zolt. Income Inequality and Local Government in the United States, 1970-2000. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, August 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w16299.
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Garrett, Thomas A., and Russell M. Rhine. Institutions and Government Growth: A Comparison of the 1890s and the 1930s. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.20955/wp.2008.020.
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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. Trends and composition of government expenditures on agriculture in Ghana, 1960-2015. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/p15738coll2.133318.
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Research Department - Government Finance - Commonwealth Government - Statements of Consolidated Revenue & Expenditure Accounts (Niemeyer Statements) - August 1930 - June 1939. Reserve Bank of Australia, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rba_archives_2006/17010.
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