Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Government-binding theory (Linguistics)'

This thesis deals with two aspects of operators within the framework of Government and Binding theory; (i) how they are assigned their scope, and (ii) how they are licensed. In an attempt to answer these questions, the relation of Move $ alpha$ (such as scrambling, NP-movement, and wh-movement) to the scope of operators and the licensing of wh-elements, negative polarity items, and adverbs are examined. It is argued that scope assignment is dictated by the Scope Principle and the Empty Category Principle. It is also argued that licensing of operators is determined by the Feature-Dependent Item Criterion. These principles and criterion make use of the concept of Government Theory Compatibility, which is built into Relativized Minimality. It is suggested that this concept should be characterized in terms of a set of lexical features. The approach advocated here accounts for the interpretive and distributional behavior of operators without recourse to parameterization of LF principles.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1986.<br>Includes bibliographical references (v. 3, leaves 575-581).<br>This thesis is concerned with developing an account within the Government and Binding (GB) theory of the grammaticality of such structures as (1), and exploring the implications of this account for the theory of empty categories, chains, and scope. The hallmark characteristic of such grammatical S-Structure representations as (1) is that the anaphor is outside the c-command domain of its understood antecedent. The basic anaphoric effect is termed connectivity. 1) [which of each other's friends][did the men see t]? Chapter 1 is a brief overview of the necessary definitions presumed in the thesis, and an outline of the subsequent chapters. Chapter 2 introduces a large body of data which must be treated on a par with (1), and reviews and criticizes several existing proposals which have been made to account for (1). The chapter argues that the binding theory must apply to structures having the essential form of (1). We demonstrate that no treatment which involves lowering the anaphor into the c-command domain of the antecedent via "reconstruction" operations, or involves applying the Binding Theory at a level at which WH movement is not represented, can be maintained. Chapter 3 develops a revision of the binding theory, focusing on Condition A, which is capable of treating all the connectivity data in a unified way. The major formal construct proposed in the chapter is the chain accessibility sequence, essentially a path of nodes through which the potential antecedents for an expression are accessed. The revised binding theory is defined in terms of such sequences; as the name implies, the notion chain plays a prominent role. This approach to connectivity is developed in the spirit of the Path theory of Kayne (1983) and Pesetsky (1982). We also discuss properties of structures of the form of {l), but where the constituent containing the anaphor is predicative in nature. We shall see that the predicative nature of the constituent significantly constrains the possibilities of assigning the anaphor an antecedent. This chapter adopts, and argues in favor of, the Linking theory of binding introduced by Higginbotham (1983). Chapter 4 focuses on the theory of empty categories, arguing that it is desirable to construct the theory so that no empty categories bear binding features (the features[+/- anaphoric] and[+/- pronominal] are thus restricted to overt categories). This proposal, which I term the No Features Hypothesis, departs from the characteristic treatment of ECs in GB theory. The chapter adopts Brody's (1985) proposals concerning the distribution of PRO and NP-trace. We adopt, and later extend, the Local Binding Condition (LBC) on A chains, argued by Rizzi (1982) to constrain the well-formedness of A chains. We reformulate it in terms of Linking theory, as the Chain Obviation Condition (CCC), and argue that it holds of all chain types. This is shown to be a principle with considerable generality, subsuming the LBC, Condition C of the binding theory, and the anti-c-command condition on linking. Adopting the COC, along with the NFH, allows the elimination of the class R-expression from the inventory of binding types. It will be shown that the anti-c-command condition on parasitic gaps derives directly from the CCC, with no stipulations. The chapter concludes with a defense of the proposal that the theory of anaphora must recognize anaphoric dependence and obviation as separate relations (as argued by Lasnik (1976), (1981), and Higgginbotham (1985)). Chapter 5 discusses constraints on the interpretation of sentences in which a quantificational NP is the antecedent of an NP-trace which it does not c-command. These considerations lead us to formulate a constraint on movement operations. The chapter also argues that the operations of WH-movement and QR are strictly ordered in the LF component.<br>by Andrew Barss.<br>Ph.D.

This dissertation investigates, within a Government-Binding framework, the licensing mechanisms which regulate the distribution of sentence-internal constituents. It is proposed that the licensing requirements apply across components, in the spirit of the Projection Principle of Chomsky (1981). Under the extended view of licensing proposed here ("Universal Licensing"), maximal projections must comply with the appropriate licensing requirements at every syntactic level of representation.<br>This allows for a more constrained model of grammar, under which a number of facts follow in a principled way; this is the case particularly with respect to constructions involving null operators. Thus, from the D- and S-Structure conditions on null operator licensing, we derive the cross-linguistic as well as the language-internal distribution of resumptive pronouns. Furthermore, some of the well-known, but so far stipulated, constraints on parasitic gap (PG) constructions are shown to follow from general principles: we explain for instance the fact that PGs must be sanctioned at S-Structure, as well as the inability of adjunct movement to license PGs.<br>The consequences of Universal Licensing on the distribution of PGs are examined with particular reference to adnominal PGs in French genitival relatives. It is shown that the properties displayed by these little-studied ("double dont") constructions, in conjunction with the Universal Licensing Principle, shed significant light on a number of issues, among which the thematic structure of nominals, and the nature of the locality constraints on null operator identification.

Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 1999.<br>Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 54 p. : ill. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-53).

This thesis explores the connection between linguistic theory, as embodied in a version of the Government - Binding (GB) model of syntax, and the parameter-setting theory of language acquisition. In Chapter 2, it is argued that by incorporating the criterion of epistemological priority, syntactic theory can move closer towards becoming a plausible model of language acquisition. A version of GB theory is developed which adopts this criterion, leading to several modifications, including the derivation of X-bar theory from more "primitive" grammatical sub-components, and a revision of the Projection Principle. This model is converted into a procedure for phrase-structure acquisition, employing sets of Canonical Government Configurations and Percolation Principles to map Case- and θ-relations onto phrase-structure trees. The chapter ends with a discussion of the "missing-subject" stage in the acquisition of English. Chapter 3 concerns auxiliaries. It is argued that parametric variation in auxiliary systems can be reduced to levels of association between INFL and V. The question of irregularity is dealt with through the Designation Convention of Emonds (1985), which makes a distinction between open- and closed- class grammatical elements, and a Parallel Distributed Processing model of learning. The last part of the chapter investigates the learning of the English auxiliary system, and in particular the errors known as "auxiliary overmarking". Chapter 4 investigates the syntax of Subject Auxiliary Inversion (SAI)-type rules. An account of inversion is developed based on the theory of predication, in which inversion-inducing elements are treated as "A'-type" subjects which must be linked to AGR in order to satisfy conditions on Predicate-licensing. A parametrization is developed based on the cross-linguistic examination of SAI-type rules. Chapter 5 concerns the acquisition of SAI. It is argued that there are no invariant "stages" in the development of inversion; rather, a proportion of children misanalyze (WH + contracted auxiliary) sequences as (WH + AGR-clitic) sequences and formulate grammars in which SAI is unnecessary. A "two-tiered" theory of syntactic acquisition is proposed to account for the observed developmental patterns.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Linguistics, Department of<br>Graduate

Traditional views of grammatical theory hold that languages are characterised by sets of constructions. This approach entails the enumeration of all possible constructions for each language being described. Current theories of transformational generative grammar have established an alternative position. Specifically, Chomsky's Government-Binding theory proposes a system of principles which are common to human language. Such a theory is referred to as a "Universal Grammar"(UG). Associated with the principles of grammar are parameters of variation which account for the diversity of human languages. The grammar for a particular language is known as a "Core Grammar", and is characterised by an appropriately parametrised instance of UG. Despite these advances in linguistic theory, construction-based approaches have remained the status quo within the field of natural language processing. This thesis investigates the possibility of developing a principle-based system which reflects the modular nature of the linguistic theory. That is, rather than stipulating the possible constructions of a language, a system is developed which uses the principles of grammar and language specific parameters to parse language. Specifically, a system-is presented which performs syntactic analysis and translation for a subset of English and German. The cross-linguistic nature of the theory is reflected by the system which can be considered a procedural model of UG.<br>Science, Faculty of<br>Computer Science, Department of<br>Graduate

This dissertation investigates the structure of Internally Headed Relative Clauses (henceforth, IHRCs) within the framework of Government and Binding Theory. I propose that the structure of IHRCs involves a modifying clause predicted of a head. We provide empirical as well as conceptual arguments showing that the head of an IHRC is a pro licensed by coindexation with the internal head. Following Safir's (1986) LCR, this licensing must be mediated by A$ sp prime$-Binding, which is effected by operator-movement to COMP within the modifying clause. Island Constraints provide evidence for operator-movement in IHRCs. IHRCs pattern with other Wh-constructions in this way. Correlatively, if there are no Island effects in IHRCs, there are no Island effects with other Wh-constructions (cf. Lakhota, Mojave). In this case an Unselective Binding relation is established in the language. Other properties such as the Definiteness Effect and the occurence of Switch-reference markers in IHRCs in Choctaw are also shown to follow from independent parameters.<br>The consequences of our analysis for Baker's (to appear) theory of Configurationality are explored. We propose to expand Baker's theory to allow "discontinuous" constituents of the type (Wh$ sb1$ ... OP$ sb1$) to account for Island effects in IHRCs of pronominal languages like Mohawk and Navajo.<br>No special rules for the interpretation of IHRCs are required. The LF-Raising rule proposed in Williamson (1987), which raises the internal head at LF to the COMP of the IHRC is shown to derive from the LCR as it is required to create an operator-variable (A$ sp prime$-Binding) relation. We provide further independent evidence for this rule in Chapter 2.

This thesis examines the role of transfer of first (L1) language properties and access to knowledge of Universal Grammar in second language (L2) acquisition. Two empirical components are included: a study of the syntax of anaphora in Serbo-Croatian and an experimental study of second language acquisition of reflexive binding. Data from field work on the coreference properties of anaphors in Serbo-Croatian are discussed in terms of standard, parameterized, LF movement, and Relativized SUBJECT approaches to Binding Theory. Recent versions of the theory identify a categorial distinction between morphologically simple ($ rm X sp circ$) and complex (XP) anaphor types as a crucial factor in determining coreference relations between reflexive pronouns and their syntactic antecedents.<br>The predictions of a morphological approach to the Binding Theory were tested in a study of the acquisition of the binding properties of English XP reflexives by native speakers of Serbo-Croatian, a language with $ rm X sp circ$ reflexives. Acquisition of the English binding pattern by this group of L2 learners requires recognition of the morphological complexity of English reflexives. Prior to reanalysis, learners are predicted to produce an incorrect L1 coreference pattern in the L2 environment.<br>Two sentence comprehension tasks were administered to adolescent and adult Serbo-Croatian speaking L2 learners of English and similar groups of English native speaker controls. Picture identification and multiple choice comprehension tasks produced convergent results with significant differences between control (n = 47) and L2 learner (n = 73) interpretations of reflexives in complex noun phrases and object control infinitival sentences. Their pattern of interpretation shows evidence of transfer of the $ rm X sp circ$ anaphor type found in Serbo-Croatian to the target grammar and suggests L2 learners are able to apply a deductive system constrained by Universal Grammar to compute binding domains in second language acquisition.

This thesis discusses linguistic constraints on scrambling and flexibility in word order in spoken Persian (Farsi) and presents a computational model for efficient implementation of these constraints for a subset of Persian. Linguistic phenomena which we have studies include local scrambling, long distance scrambling, extrapolation of clauses, topicalisation, case tendancy and the discourse marker ra. The work extends previous work on Persian based on Government and Binding (GB) theory by considering the pragmatic aspects of Persian Grammar and long distance scrambling.

by Chiu Sung Pui.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-100).<br>Abstract also in Chinese.<br>Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.6<br>Chapter 1.1. --- An overview of Chomsky's Binding Theory --- p.7<br>Chapter 1.2. --- Referential and Bound pronouns --- p.9<br>Chapter 1.3. --- Definition of bound pronouns --- p.9<br>Chapter Chapter II --- Literature on bound pronouns --- p.10<br>Chapter 2.1. --- Higginbotham (1980) --- p.10<br>Chapter 2.2. --- Reinhart (1983) --- p.17<br>Chapter 2.3. --- Koopman & Sportiche (1982) --- p.20<br>Chapter 2.4. --- lappin (1985) --- p.21<br>Chapter 2.5. --- "aoun & hornstein (1991), aoun & li (1990)，aoun & li (1993)" --- p.23<br>Chapter Chapter III --- Binding Facts in Chinese --- p.31<br>Chapter 3.1. --- Patterns in which the antecedent c-commands the pronoun --- p.32<br>Chapter 3.2. --- Patterns in which the antecedent does not c-command the pronoun --- p.53<br>Chapter 3.3. --- Summary of the binding facts --- p.67<br>Chapter Chapter IV --- A revisit of the proposals on Bound pronouns --- p.69<br>Chapter 4.1. --- Review of Higginbotham (1980) --- p.69<br>Chapter 4.2. --- Review of Reinhart (1983) --- p.70<br>Chapter 4.3. --- Review of Koopman & Sportiche (1982) --- p.72<br>Chapter 4.4. --- Review of Lappin (1985) --- p.73<br>Chapter 4.5. --- "Review of Aoun & Hornstein (1991)，Aoun & Li (1990), Aoun & Li (1993)" --- p.74<br>Chapter Chapter V --- Discussion & Conclusion --- p.78<br>Chapter 5.1. --- Bound Pronoun Condition for Chinese --- p.78<br>Chapter 5.2. --- Wh-phrases as A'-binders --- p.78<br>Chapter 5.3. --- The Empty Reflexive Puzzle --- p.80<br>Chapter 5.4. --- pro-drop & Montabeltii's Overt Pronoun Constraint --- p.81<br>Chapter 5.5. --- Factors affecting pronominal binding --- p.82<br>Chapter 5.5.1. --- Nature of Verbs --- p.82<br>Chapter 5.5.2. --- Quantifier types and the size of the extension denoted by the QP --- p.90<br>Chapter 5.5.3. --- Sentence types & the number feature of the quantified NPs --- p.94<br>Conclusion --- p.98<br>References --- p.99<br>Appendix I --- p.101<br>Appendix II --- p.102<br>Appendix III --- p.105

"A syntactic Analysis of Kinyarwanda applicatives" is a study of the syntax of Kinyarwanda which focuses on applicatives. Applicatives are constructions in which the object of a preposition becomes the direct object of the verb through a grammatical function changing process. In such constructions, the verb bears a morpheme referred to as the applicative morpheme which turns an intransitive verb into a transitive verb and a transitive verb into a ditransitive verb. The derived object may perform various thematic functions, including those of instrument, beneficiary, goal, manner, reason, purpose and motive. The study provides a thorough description of different types of ditransitive applicatives in Kinyarwanda by examining the syntactic properties exhibited by both objects. In general Kinyarwanda may be classified as a 'symmetrical' language in which more than one object can exhibit direct object properties. This is true for instrumental, benefactive and manner applicatives. However, some applicatives in Kinyarwanda such as the locative applicatives are 'asymmetrical' in that only one object exhibits all the direct object properties. In my research I analyse Kinyarwanda applicatives within the framework of Principles-and-Parameters (Chomsky 1981, 1986a, b and subsequent work), more specifically the Government and Binding theory (Chomsky 1981). I base the discussion on three analyses that have been proposed in the literature of applicatives: Baker's (1988) preposition incorporation theory, Larson's (1988) double object construction analysis and Nakamura's (1997) account of object extraction in applicative constructions, which is based on Chomsky's (1995) Minimalist Program. The study shows that the above analyses account for some aspects of applicatives, but that there are certain facts that are not accounted for, which require a different analysis.<br>Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2005.

This study attempts to combine the Government and Binding (GB) theory and Conceptual Semantics to provide an account for problems in the basic grammatical structures of Alamblak and some topics of Japanese. The thesis assumes Jackendovian Conceptual Semantics but aims to propose an alternative theory which establishes the relationship between syntax and semantics with maximum principles and minimum stipulations. The main concepts of the theory are argument identification and visibility. First, I introduce binary conceptual structure, whereby the hierarchical relationship among conceptual arguments is structurally defined and the distinction between inner arguments and outer arguments is represented. Second I make a distinction between identifier and identifiee by introducing the functional classification of syntactic categories. Identifiers are conceptually Functions, whereas identifiees are Basic Categories. PPs and APs are classified as Functions, i.e. identifiers. I also propose a theory of argument identification, which unifies the Conceptual Structures of an identifier and an identifiee under government and predication. It is proposed that the unification of two identifiers is carried out by argument sharing. This enables us to eliminate the specification of identifiers from the syntactic selectional information registered in the lexical specifications of verbs, e.g. locational verbs and motion verbs, for example, do not syntactically specify that they select a PP. In chapter one, it is suggested that what was formerly considered to represent syntactic selectional information (Predicte Argument Structure or Argument Structure) is radically reduced and that a (P)AS only represents the ability of a verb to identify an identifiee under government. In chapter three, the concept of syntacticisation patterns is introduced. Syntacticisation patterns derive the argumentidentifying abilities of verbs from their lexical conceptual specifications (LCS), where syntacticisation patterns are subject to parametric variations. The introduction of syntacticisation patterns completely eliminates the syntactic selectional specification in unmarked cases. The amount of the information specified in the lexical entries of verbs is minimised. Chapters one and three offer a concrete solution to the question of how syntactic structures are determined on the basis of semantic specifications of lexical items. Chapter four discusses one of the basic problems of Alamblak, agreement and possessor raising. Second or “object” agreement markers are described as incorporated pronouns. The complete complementarity of second agreement markers and overt objects is accounted for by the theory of unification. It also discusses the fact that the argument relations indicated by second agreement markers do not a have grammatical function, i.e. that they are conceptually interpreted without having a grammatical function. This fact is described only in Conceptual Semantic approaches to grammar. Possessor raising is characterised as a construction involving the modification of selectional information. The theory of argument identification gives a coherent account of the construction. Chapters five and six discuss “visibility”. The distinction of identifier and identifiee leads to a fundamental understanding of the concept of “visibility”. The basic concept of visibility proposed is that an identifiees must be visible for conceptual unification, whereas identifiers are not. Person-Number-Gender markers in Alamblak are visibility markers which are manifested only on identifiees but not on identifiers. Since they do not indicate the grammatical relations of NPs, the function of visibility marking is not to identify grammatical relations. The theory of unification proposed here provides a coherent account of the problems of visibility.

The goal of this article is to reveal the computational structure of modern principle-and-parameter (Chomskian) linguistic theories: what computational problems do these informal theories pose, and what is the underlying structure of those computations? To do this, I analyze the computational complexity of human language comprehension: what linguistic representation is assigned to a given sound? This problem is factored into smaller, interrelated (but independently statable) problems. For example, in order to understand a given sound, the listener must assign a phonetic form to the sound; determine the morphemes that compose the words in the sound; and calculate the linguistic antecedent of every pronoun in the utterance. I prove that these and other subproblems are all NP-hard, and that language comprehension is itself PSPACE-hard.